Etymological Dictionary of
roto-Celtic
Ranko Matasovi¢
LEIDEN INDO-EUROPEAN ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY SERIES
BRILL
Etymological Dictionary of
Proto-Celtic
By
Ranko Matasovi¢
LEIDEN * BOSTON
2009
This publication has been made possible by the financial support of the Netherlands
Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Matasovic, Ranko.
Etymological dictionary of proto-Celtic / by Ranko Matasovic.
p. cm. — (Leiden Indo-European etymological dictionary series, ISSN 1574-3586 ; v. 9)
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 978-90-04-17336-1 (alk. paper)
1. Celtic languages—Etymology—Dictionaries. I. Title. II. Series.
PB1083.5.M38 2009
491.603—dc22
2008046609
ISSN: 1574-3586
ISBN: 978 90 04 17336 1
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE resccsitts covececasitelovatsaustiecadelaidccuvena vaidtvsestvedsetisissciiocs diledeiediaeehe vii
GRAMMATICAL DATA AND TRANSLITTERATION PRINCIPLES
AD DIEVIALONS 3b deccicsachashank GisdesugiostexiavicasstvelceduceetbesucaneatesdacedbesneesvOs ix
INTRODUCTION (osssschstiehsesssdevsbesd vasasdscecesdeabuassebdeues desedeesscecaioleodesSotsiens 1
1. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY............0:cccceeees 1
2: THE: SOURCES raiseii cd ievosccccaesbeieccscdetociesssecteisthntwistecsd tisevidebivtedestts 3
3. FROM PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN TO PROTO-CELTIC......... 4
4. THE PROBLEM OF ITALO-CELTIC...00.0....cccccccscccsssseceseeeseees 11
5. THE SUB-CLASSIFICATION OF CELTIC... cccceeeceeceseeseeeee 12
6. ON THE RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-CELTIC............... 14
7. THE CELTIC LANGUAGES... cee ecccecssssecesesssscccessssceseeses 16
8. STRUCTURE OF THE ENTRIES.....0......cccccccesssescsesssssereesseeeeees 18
ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY OF PROTO-CELTIC..........00c0.06 21
APPENDIX: THE NON-INDO-EUROPEAN ELEMENTS IN THE
CELTIC LEXICON bes sec. cconvatedscssegas ests csdes ssascnengetacgoscedsbessaveustensets 441
REFERENCES 6 ssssbascttsvssa cca teeishevslsduatee teseetuasbudest dasdeeinetispeltatiatned ee 445
PREFACE
I began to work on this dictionary in May 2004, after a visit to the University
of Leiden, when Sasha Lubotsky kindly invited me to participate in the
"New Pokorny" project by taking care of the Celtic inherited lexicon.
Feeling honoured, but also quite uncertain if I was up to the task, I accepted
because I felt such a reference work was quite badly needed. Stokes’
Urkeltischer Sprachschatz was published more than a century ago, and none
of the other reference works on Celtic etymology provide an easy overview
of the Proto-Celtic forms. I set to work when I returned to Zagreb, and
within a year I produced a database of more than a thousand reconstructed
Proto-Celtic words. At first my ambitions were not very high: I wanted to
provide a list of reliable Celtic etymologies for Indo-Europeanists to use,
largely by sifting through the various etymological proposals found in
reference works published during the last half a century. The initial versions
of the database thus contained almost only uncontroversial etymologies, and
very few new proposals. However, it soon began apparent that adding more
material and telling apart reliable etymologies from obviously false ones was
impossible without a clear picture of what Proto-Celtic looked like, and so
my attention was gradually shifted towards the problems of reconstruction of
Proto-Celtic. This then required an in-depth study of the historical
phonology of the Celtic languages and a substantial filling of the gaps in my
education as a Celticist and Indo-Europeanist, so the final redaction of the
dictionary was delayed for two years. Much of the work I had done
previously had to be revised after I had finally decided which Proto-Celtic
sound changes should be accepted. The list of the Proto-Celtic sound laws is
explicitly adduced in the Introduction to the dictionary, and all etymologies:
in this dictionary are based on the assumption that those sound laws operated
in Proto-Celtic. Although details of the list may be controversial — there
simply is no consensus among scholars in all aspects of Celtic historical
phonology — at least it provides a degree of consistency in the etymological
treatment of words included in this dictionary.
The dictionary was finished in Leiden, where I was a guest in the summer
semester of 2008. My stay in Leiden was made possible by a generous grant
from the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek
(NWO) and I would like to thank both the NWO and my hosts in the
University of Leiden for their hospitality. I profited tremendously from the
discussions I had with the members of the "New Pokormy" project, and I
wish to express my gratitude to all of them, and in particular to Sasha
Viii PREFACE
Lubotsky, Michiel de Vaan, and Tijmen Pronk. I would also like to thank
Stefan Zimmer, who read the manuscript and sent me some valuable
comments, as well as Kim McCone and Ruairi O hUiginn, who discussed
some problems of Celtic etymology with me, during the Dubrovnik Summer
School in Medieval Celtic Prose, in September 2008. Furthermore, I am
grateful to my colleagues and students in the University of Zagreb for their
understanding while I was working on my dictionary in Leiden, rather than
teaching in Zagreb. Finally, I would like to thank my family for their love
and support.
In Zagreb, October 10, 2008
GRAMMATICAL DATA AND TRANSLITTERATION PRINCIPLES
The abbreviations of grammatical categories generally follow the
conventions of the “Leiden Pokorny” project. However, names of onomastic
categories, except for personal names ([PN]) were spelled out in full:
[Toponym], [Ethnonym], [Hydronym], [Theonym]. Attestations of Gaulish
and Celtiberian forms are adduced, with the exception of proper names and
toponyms. References to inscriptions on Celtiberian coins follow the
conventions of MLH. For Old Irish verbs, several verbal stems are usually
adduced, following the conventions of Schumacher’s monograph (KPV). I
have also generally provided information about the stem and gender of OIr.
nouns according to DIL, and about the gender of Welsh and Breton nouns
according to GPC and Deshayes 2003, respectively.
I have translitterated the Greek words, as well as the Gaulish words
written in the Greek alphabed, according to the standard translitteration
system. I have adduced the Celtiberian words written in the Iberian script as
they occur in Jordan Colera’s manual (1998). Celtiberian forms written in
Roman alphabet, as well as Primitive Irish forms written in Ogam alphabet,
are translitterated in capital letters.
Abbreviations
A) Languages:
Alb. Albanian Fin. Finnish
Arm. Armenian Fr. French °
AV. Avestan Gaul. Gaulish
Brit. _ Brittonic Germ. German
BSI. Balto-Slavic Goid. Goidelic
Cat. Catalan Goth. Gothic
Celtib. Celtiberian Gr. Greek
Co. Cornish Hitt. Hittite
CS Church Slavonic Hom. Homeric
Croat. (Standard) Croatian It. Italian
Cz. Czech Khot. Khotanese (Saka)
Dan. Danish Lat. Latin
Dor. Doric Latv. Latvian
Eng. English Lep. _Lepontic
Falisc. Faliscan Lith. Lithuanian
XxX GRAMMATICAL DATA AND TRANSLITTERATION PRINCIPLES
Luv. —_ Luvian
MBret. Middle Breton
ME Middle English
MHG Middle High German
MIr. Middle Irish
MLat. Middle Latin
MLG Middle Low German
MoBret. Middle Breton
MoCo. Modern Cornish
Molr. Modern Irish
MoLG Modern Low German
MW _ Middle Welsh
Myc. Mycenaean (Greek)
Norw. Norwegian
OBret. Old Breton
OCo. Old Cornish
OCS = Old Church Slavonic
OE Old English
OFr. Old French
OFris. Old Frisian
OHG Old High German
OlIc. Old Icelandic
Olnd. Old Indic
Olr. Old Irish
OLat. Old Latin
OLith. Old Lithuanian
ON Old Norse
OPers. Old Persian
B) Grammatical terms and symbols
Abl. ablative
Adj. Adjective
Acc. accusative
act. active
Aor. aorist
C consonant
D Dental
Dat. dative
f feminine
Fut. future
OPr. Old Prussian
ORuss. Old Russian
Osc. Oscan
OSp. Old Spanish
Oss. _Ossetic
OSw. Old Swedish
OW _ Old Welsh
Pal. Palaic
PCelt. Proto-Celtic
PGerm. Proto-Germanic
PIE _— Proto-Indo-European
Pol. Polish
PSI. _—_— Proto-Slavic
Pr. Provencal
RCsl. Russian Church Slavonic
Rum. Rumanian
Russ. Russian
Scot. Gael. Scottish Gaelic
Sp. Spanish
Skt. Sanskrit
ToA Tocharian A
ToB _ Tocharian B
Ukr. Ukrainian
ULus. Upper Lusatian
Umbr. Umbrian
Ved. Vedic
VLat. Vulgar Latin
Gen. genitive
H laryngeal
Ind. indicative
Inst. instrumental
Ipf. imperfect
Ipv. imperative
L liquid
Loc. _ locative
m masculine
n neuter
GRAMMATICAL DATA AND TRANSLITTERATION PRINCIPLES xi
nasal
nominative
numeral
optative
plural
participle
proper name
passive
perfect
preposition
present
preterite
pronoun
resonant
s(g)
Subj.
singular
subjunctive
vowel
Verb
long vowel
vocative
grammatical information
beginning of a word
reconstructed form
impossible form
develops into
develops from
develops by analogy
INTRODUCTION
1. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY
This dictionary contains the lexical entries that can be more or less reliably
reconstructed for Proto-Celtic. It is intended to contain Proto-Celtic words
rather than roots, but in several cases, where the word formation of cognates
in the attested Celtic languages differs, a rather speculative choice had to be
made in order to decide on the Proto-Celtic form. In some cases the Olr.
form was projected to Proto-Celtic, but in many instances the form with
most parallels in other IE languages was postulated for Proto-Celtic as well.
Whenever the exact Proto-Celtic form is underspecified, for one reason or
another, this is clearly stated in the discussion following the lemma.
In this dictionary, a Proto-Celtic form is reconstructed whenever at least
one of the following two conditions are met:
(1) Cognates are attested in at least two primary branches of Celtic. By
primary branches I understand Goidelic (Irish, Scottish, and Manx), British
(Welsh, Cornish, and Breton), Continental Celtic (Gaulish and Lepontic),
and Celtiberian. Whether British was dialectally closer to Goidelic (the
‘Insular Celtic’ hypothesis) or to Continental Celtic (the ‘P-Celtic’
hypothesis) was considered irrelevant in deciding whether a given word was
reconstructible for Proto-Celtic.
(2) Probable cognates of a word, attested in only one branch of Celtic, exist
in at least one other IE language.
PCelt. words are given as bare stems, e.g. the n-stem *talamon ‘earth’ is
adduced rather than the Nom. sg. *talamti. Where ablaut patterns within
paradigms of PCelt. nouns can be reconstructed, this was done in the
discussion of particular lemmas. If the etymologically related words within
Celtic do not agree in word-formation, the simpler form was usually
projected to Proto-Celtic. For example, PCelt. *barind ‘rocky ground’ is
reconstructed on the basis of Olr. bairenn; it is assumed that the Brittonic
forms (W brennigen, Bret. and Co. brennik) represent derivatives
thereof.The meaning of Proto-Celtic words is often rather difficult to
reconstruct. Where meanings of cognates in various Celtic languages do not
agree, either all of the attested meanings were projected to Proto-Celtic, or
the meaning deemed most basic was reconstructed. Whenever the meaning
of a particular PCelt. word remained the same in one or more of the attested
languages, the meaning of the attested word was not adduced in the fields
2 INTRODUCTION
containing these reflexes. For example, PCelt. *wiro- ‘man’ has reflexes
with identical meanings in Olr. and MW, so the meanings of Olr. fer and
MW ewr were not adduced separately. The same principle was followed in
adducing the meanings of the PIE forms and their reflexes: since the
meaning of PIE *wiHro- ‘man’ was preserved in its reflexes (e.g. Skt. vird-,
Lith. vyras, etc.), it was not adduced in the field containing the attested
forms in IE languages. The list of the attested cognates of the Proto-Celtic
lemmata is not meant to be exhaustive. For the sake of conciseness, I usually
adduced only cognates from two or three IE branches, usually those that are
most relevant for the PIE reconstruction, and added a reference to Pokorny’s
Dictionary (IEW), Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben (LIV), and/or
Encyclopedia of Indo-Eruopean Culture (ETEC), where more detailed lists of
cognates can be found.
Reflexes of the reconstructed PCelt. forms were given from all of the
attested Celtic languages. However, since most of our knowledge about
Gaulish, Celtiberian and Lepontic is derived from onomastic analyses,
cognates in these languages are sometimes adduced although they are not
established beyond reasonable doubt.
Every investigator of Celtic etymology must make a principled choice:
one can argue that, since Celtic is a branch of Indo-European, it is a priori
likely that words in Celtic languages have Indo-European etymologies. If
one accepts this assumption, then finding any possible cognate in the IE
lexicon is preferable to not giving an etymology at all. On the other hand,
one could argue that we cannot possibly know the percentage of words that
Celtic borrowed from non-Indo-European languages, so that any Celtic
etymon may be equally likely to be inherited as it is to be borrowed from
some unknown source. If this is the case, then one needs more than possible
cognates in other IE languages in order to make an etymology plausible.
Let us take one example: Olr. ail (phonologically [al']) ‘rock, cliff is a
very short form, consisting of only two segments. It could, in principle,
represent a variety of Proto-Celtic forms (*ali-, *fali-, *yali-), and these
could go back to an even larger number of possible PIE roots (*hyel-,
*hoelH-, *phyel-, *pelH-, *(s)pel-, *phzel-, *yel-, *yehyl-, etc.). It is obvious
that, with such a short and isolated form, the possibility of finding chance
resemblances in other IE languages is considerable. Many linguists would
therefore consider any etymology of such a word hypothetical, and leave
open the possibility that it was borrowed from some non-IE language. On the
other hand, if one assumes that this word is much more likely to have been
inherited than borrowed from some unknown source, then finding a possible
set of cognates from the PIE root *pel- ‘rock’ (OHG feliza, etc.) is enough to
make a plausible etymology.
I am not sure which of these two methodological principles one should
adopt, but I thought it would not be fair to the reader to be too critical with
respect to possible, but uncertain Indo-European etymologies of Celtic
etymons. To do so would mean to limit oneself to trivial and well-
INTRODUCTION 3
established etymologies, and my feeling is that potential readers of this book
do not expect it to contain just the information that, e.g., Olr. athir is related
to Lat. pater. Etymological dictionaries are usually not best-sellers, but this
does not mean that they have to be boring. This means that many lemmata in
this dictionary should be understood as proposals to be evaluated, rather than
as a collection of well-established scientific facts.
However, it was my intention to avoid too speculative etymologies,
especially those that rely on alleged reflexes of PCelt. words in only one,
poorly attested Celtic language. For example, the Gaul. month name
ELEMBIU from the Coligny Calendar is usually’ derived from the PIE word
for ‘deer’ (PIE *hjeln-b"o- > Gr. élaphos), The Greek month name
elaphoboléion, derived from the same PIE word, is often adduced in support
of this etymology. However, I did not include it in my lexicon, since the
meaning of ELEMBIU is far from being assured, and there are no traces of.
this word in other Celtic languages (but cf. PCelt. *elanti, a different
formation arguably from the same root). The form found in Coligny is
actually compatible with many other interpretations, and in order to relate it
to PIE **h,eln-b"o- one would also have to explain the unexpected reflex of
the syllabic nasal in Gaulish (em instead of *am). I have also tried to avoid
all ‘last resort’ etymologies, which are often repeated in the handbooks
simply because there do not seem to be any better Indo-European
etymologies of particular words. A case in question is, e.g., Olr. duil
‘creation’, which is commonly derived from PIE *d"uholi-, from the root
*d"uh)- ‘smoke’ (Lat. fumus, etc.). Now, although it is possible to imagine a
series of steps in semantic development that would lead from ‘smoke’ to
‘creation’, I find it difficult to believe this etymology: it seems to me that
accepting it would be a sign of desperation, rather than the result of a sound
consideration of probabilities.
In many similar cases, the fact that some often adduced etymology is not
included in the lexicon means that I found it too incredible. On the other
hand, I am sure that there are some good Celtic etymologies that were left
out simply because I was unaware that they had been proposed.
2. THE SOURCES
In compiling the material for this lexicon, I have consulted all of the existing
etymological dictionaries of Celtic languages published after 1950. I have
not systematically used the older reference works, such as A. Holder's A/t-
celtischer Sprachschatz, or W. Stokes' Urkeltischer Sprachschatz, because
the material they contain has been well analyzed in later etymological
dictionaries. So far the largest collection of Celtic etymologies can be found
in Vendryés’ Léxique étymologique de l'irlandais ancien (LEIA); these are
' See, e.g., McCone 1996: 70, 74.
4 INTRODUCTION
generally reliable, but often inconclusive and seldom very imaginative.
Unfortunately, LEIA remains unfinished. Mac Bain's etymological
dictionary of Scottish Gaelic is completely outdated and unreliable.
Etymological notes in Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru (GPC) are short, but often
correct, and they remain the most valuable etymological resource for Welsh.
A. Falileyev’s dictionary of Old Welsh is useful mostly for its rich
philological documentation. Another valuable etymological source is Xavier
Delamarre’s Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise, although it contains the
etymologies only of those Celtic words that are attested in Gaulish. Gaulish
loanwords in French and other Romance languages can be gathered from the
relevant etymological dictionaries (e.g. Gamillscheg and FEW for French),
but they have also been the subject of several articles, e.g. Bolelli 1941-2,
Corominas 1976, Campanile 1983, Fleuriot 1991). Latin words of Celtic
origin have been treated quite exhaustively in a paper by M. L. Porzio
Gernia (1981). Words attested in Celtiberian inscriptions have been gathered
and subjected to a careful philological and etymological analysis by Dagmar
Wodtko in her Wérterbuch der keltiberischen Inschriften (MLH V.1). For
Breton, we have two etymological dictionaries. The dictionary by
Guyonvarc'h was conceived very ambitiously, but only a few fascicles were
published; the new dictionary by A. Deshayes (2003) is reasonably complete
and generally reliable, but does not offer detailed Proto-Celtic
reconstructions and any IE etymologies. Furthermore, for Old Breton, we
have a very careful and exhaustive work by Léon Fleuriot, Dictionnaire des
gloses en vieux breton (DGVB). Finally, for Cornish we have only one
etymological dictionary by E. Campanile, who analyzed the lexicon of the
Old Cornish glosses. I have also made good use of Stefan Schumacher's Die
keltischen Primdrverben, which contains a lot of detailed etymological
analyses of Celtic verbs with an Indo-European pedigree.
Apart from the mentioned sources, I consulted the reference works on
Indo-European etymology, most notably Pokorny’s dictionary (IEW), EIEC,
and LIV. Unfortunately, Nomina im indogermanischen Lexikon (Wodtko et
alii 2008) appeared too late for it to be used systematically in the preparation
of this dictionary. I also profited a lot from the etymological databases
prepared for the ‘New Pokorny’ project by my Leiden colleagues, especially
the Indo-Aryan database by A. Lubotsky, Latin and Italic by M. de Vaan,
Hittite by A. Kloekhorst, and Baltic and Slavic by R. Derksen.
3. FROM PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN TO PROTO-CELTIC
It is assumed here that PIE had the following phonemes:
I. Vowels
short long
INTRODUCTION 5
o
°
ar
io)
(a)
Phonemically, *i and *u were presumably just allophones of the semi-
vowels *y and *w. The status of PIE *a is controversial. Following the
Leiden school, I believe that PIE had no *a in the original, inherited lexicon
(Lubotsky 1989), but this vowel occurs in several words that are probable
loanwords from unknown, non-IE sources. In some cases, *a served as an
epenthetic vowel separating difficult consonant clusters, e.g. Lat. pateo, <
*pt-eh,- (cf. PCelt. *fatama ‘palm of the hand, talon’).
II. Consonants
stops:
labials *p (*b) *b"
dentals *t *d +q°
velars *k *o +gh
palatalized *k *6 +55
velars
labiovelars *k” *g” *g™
fricative: *5
laryngeals: *hy *h. *hs
resonants: *m *n *| *r
glides: *y *w
The phonemic status of the difference between pure velars and palatalized
velars in PIE is a disputed matter. It is quite probable that the phonological
opposition between them was restricted to just a few environments. The
syllabic resonants were just allophones of the non-syllabic resonants,
occurring in the syllable nucleus. Therefore, they are not distinguished
graphically from the non-syllabic resonants in the PIE reconstructions. The
6 INTRODUCTION
exact phonetic realization of PIE stops is a matter of controversy; the
traditional ‘voiced stops’ may have been ejectives, perhaps in Early PIE. The
phonetic realization of the ‘laryngeals’ is unknown, so they are marked with
indexes (*h,, *h2, *h3). Laryngeals may have been lost in some environments
already in PIE, or dialectally, not long after the dissolution of the proto-
language, e.g. before *y (Pinault’s rule), or after the sequence *oR (de
Saussure’s rule). However, the validity of these rules of laryngeal loss, as
well as their exact formulation, are controversial.
Here are the principal Celtic sound changes ordered into an approximate
relative chronology:”
A) Dialectal IE changes:
1. *hie > *e, *hye > *a, *hje > *o
2. *eh; > *é, *ehy > *4, *eh3 > *6
3. *CHC > *CaC, cf. PIE *photér > PCelt. *fatir (Olr. athir).
4. *C*PHC*P > C*PC*P in non-initial syllables, cf. PIE *d'ughytér
‘daughter’ > PCelt. *duxtir (Gaul. duxtir). This development is somewhat
uncertain in the light of Celtib. tvateros ‘daughter’ (Gen. sg.).
5. TT > *-ss-, cf. PIE *krd-tu- > PCelt. *krissu- ‘belt’; the same development
is found in Italic and in Germanic.
6. *CRHC > *CRaHC (> *CR4C), cf. PIE *plhino- ‘full’ > PCelt. *flano-
(Olr. Jan), PIE *grHno- ‘grain’ > PCelt. *grano- (Olr. gran). Laryngeals
were probably preserved after *Ra until the operation of Dybo’s law (A7),
and then lost, with the compensatory lengthening of *aH > *4. The change
*CRHC > *CRA&C occurred in Italic as well.
7. *VHC > VC in pretonic syllables (Dybo’s law, cf. Dybo 1961): PIE
*wiHro- ‘man’ > PCelt. *wiro- (Olr. fer). In all non-problematic examples
of Dybo’s law the laryngeal was lost after *i, *u, or *a which is the result of
the development of syllabic resonants before laryngeals (A6).° It is assumed
here that the laryngeals had already been lost after *e and *o, which were
lengthened (A2). Dybo’s law was posterior to the change of CRHC > CR&C
(A6) because of the development of *sfraxto- ‘eloquent’, *frati- ‘fern’, and
2 Cf. McCone 1996, Isaac 2007, Kortlandt 2007: 117-120 for similar attempts.
3 For the alleged loss of laryngeals after PIE *e, *o in pretonic position see the
lemmata *siti- and *omo-.
INTRODUCTION 7
*klad-o- ‘dig’. Something like Dybo’s law also operated in Italic,’ and, in
some form, probably in Germanic as well (cf. Lat. uir, OE wer < *wiHr6-;
maybe the vowel shortening (or laryngeal loss) was restricted to the position
before resonants in Italic and Germanic). I assume that the operation of
Dybo’s law in Celtic was general (i. e. unrestricted by phonetic
environment).° The apparent exceptions to the operation of Dybo’s law in
Celtic are best treated as analogical re-introductions of vowel length from
the forms of the root where the length was preserved regularly. Of course,
since the position of the accent in PIE cannot be established for many PIE
. etymons of PCelt. words, the operation of Dybo’s law can often be just
assumed, but not strictly proved.
8. #RHC- > RaC (cf. Beekes 1988). Although this change is not universally
accepted, it is found in the development of the following etyma: *latyo-
‘day’, *natu- ‘poem’, *mati- ‘good’, *mak-o- ‘increase’, *mad-yo- ‘break’,
*laxsaro- ‘shine’ (PIE *r could not occur word-initially, so here R = m, n,
and 1). The same change occurred in Italic and Balto-Slavic, and probably in
other European JE branches. The development of *#yHC- and *wHC- is
uncertain, but cf. the lemmata *yalo- ‘clearing’ and *waxto- ‘bad’ for the
possibility that *H > *a in this position.
9. Merger of PIE palatalized velars and pure velars, cf. PIE *dekm ‘ten’ >
PCelt. *dekam (OlIr. deich). This development is shared by all Centum
branches of Indo-European.
B) Early PCelt. changes:
1. *g” > *b, cf. PIE *g™ow- > PCelt. *bow- > ‘cow’ (OIr. bd).
2. Deaspiration of aspirated stops, cf. PIE *b"er-o- > PCelt. *ber-o- ‘carry’
(Olr. berid). This sound change was obviously posterior to *g” > *b (B1),
because PCelt. *g"" > *g”, cf. PIE *g”"er- > PCelt. *g”er-o- ‘heat up’ (MIr.
geirid).
3. CLC*? > CLiC*? (where L =r, 1), cf. PIE *krd- > PCelt. *krid-yo- ‘heart’
(Olr. cride). It is probable that the same development occurred before PIE
*m (cf. *k”rmi- ‘worm’ > PCelt. *k“rimi-, *hylmo- ‘elm’ > PCelt. *limo- (s.
“ A clear counter-example is the length of Lat. famus vs. Skt. dhiimd- < PIE
*d"uhomos. I find none of the explanations of this exception compelling (e.g. the
analogy with faligo "soot", de Vaan 2008). However, the general impression is that
Dybo’s law solves more problems than it creates.
° Isaac 2007 attempts to limit the operation of Dybo’s depending on the nature of the
laryngeal in question, but I do not find his argumentation persuasive.
8 INTRODUCTION
v. *lémo-, *limo-). This change was anterior to the general change of CRC >
CaRC (B5) which was otherwise unrestricted by phonetic environment.
4. *eRa > *aRa (Joseph’s rule, cf. Joseph 1982), cf. PIE *terhtro- ‘auger’ >
PCelt. *taratro- (Olr. tarathar,W taradr). PTE *e did not become *a before
*Ra (cf. PIE *g”enh, >> *g”eneh, > *g”ena > PCelt. *bena, Olr. ben), and
the vowel *e was restored analogically before *Ra in many instances, e.g. in
the reduplicated syllables in the perfect (PCelt. *me-mad- > Olr. memaid
‘broke’, 3sg. perf. of maidid ‘breaks’ < PCelt. *mad-yo-). This change
preceded the decomposition of syllabic nasals (B5) because of the
‘development of PCelt. *elan(t)i ‘doe, hind’ < *hyeln(t)ih, (rather than
*alan(t)I), but after the vocalization of laryngeals between consonants,
because of the development of *taratro- < *terh)tro- above.
5. CRC > CaRC, cf. PIE *dnt- > PCelt. *danto- ‘tooth’ (Olr. dét, W dant),
PIE *mrwo- > PCelt. *marwo- ‘dead’ (Olr. marb, W marw), PIE *b'rso- >
PCelt. *barso- > *barro- ‘point, top’ (Olr. barr). Note that syllabic liquids
had already developed to *ri, *li before stops and *m (B3).
6. Loss of laryngeals in non-syllabic position. This change is later than the
development of syllabic resonants (B5), because of, e.g., PIE *klHeto- >
*kalHeto- > PCelt. *kaleto- ‘hard’, PIE *wlHo- > PCelt. *walo- ‘ruler,
chief’, PIE *smhyeli- > PCelt. *samali- ‘similitude’, PIE *snHi > PCelt.
*sani- ‘without’.
7. *p...k” > *k”...*k”, cf. PIE *penk”e > PCelt. *k”enk"e ‘five’ (Olr. cdic,
MW pymp). This change predated the development of *k” > *x before stops
(C1) if PCelt. *k”erxt- ‘bush’ (W perth) is from PIE *perk”- ‘oak’. It is
assumed here that the similar assimilation in Italic (cf. Lat. quercus) is a
parallel development (for arguments see below).
8. *& > *1, cf. PIE *Hrég- ‘king’ > PCelt. *rig- (Olr. ri). This change must
predate PCelt. *p > *f > @ (C4), because of PIE *hjepirom > PCelt. *efirom
(> *eyrom > *érom, Olr. iar ‘after’, not **ir).
9. *0 > *i in final syllables, cf. PIE *kwon ‘dog’ > PCelt. *k”ii(n) (Olr. ci,
W ci).
11. *V:RC > *VRC (Osthoff-type shortening before resonants in closed
syllables), cf., e.g., PIE *h,weh,nto- ‘wind’ > *wénto- > *winto- > PCelt.
*winto-, perhaps also PIE *sihym-do- > *sindo- > PCelt. *sindo- ‘that’. This
change was obviously posterior to *é > *1 (B7).
C) Late PCelt. changes:
INTRODUCTION 9
1. *C,C, > *xC, (where C2 stands for any stop and *s), cf. PIE *septm
‘seven’ > PCelt. *sextam (Olr. secht). This change is posterior to TT > *ss,
and also to CRC"? > CRiC*? (B3) because of PIE *prptu- > PCelt. *frixtu-
‘form’, *mrg”to- > PCelt. *mrixto- ‘variegated’, *hymlgto- > PCelt. *mlixto-
‘milk’.
2. *pL > *bL (where L stands for any liquid), cf. PIE *pi-prh3-se- > PCelt.
*pibrase- ‘will bestow, will give’ > *fibrase- (Olr. ebraid), PIE *dwey-plo-
‘double’ > PCelt. *dwéblo- (Olr. diabul).
3. *pN > *wN (where N is any nasal), presumably only after back vowels,
cf. PIE *supno- > PCelt. *suwno- > *sowno- ‘sleep’ (OIr. stzan, W hun).
4. *p > *f, cf. PIE *photér > PCelt. *fatir ‘father’ (Olr. athir).
5. *6 > a, cf. PIE *deh3no- > *d6no- > PCelt. *dano- ‘gift’ (Olr. dan); this
change is obviously later than the change of *6 > i in final syllables (B8).
Clear examples of this change in Celtiberian are lacking, but there are no
counter-examples.
6. *ey > *6, cf. PIE *(H)reyd- > PCelt. *réd-o- ‘ride’ (Olt. réidid). This
change was obviously later than *é > *1 (B7). There is some uncertainty
whether this change also occurred in Celtiberian.
7. *ew > *ow, cf. PIE *newyo- > PCelt. *nowyo- ‘new’ (Olr. nuae, W
newydd).
8. *uw > *ow/_C, cf. PIE *supno- > PCelt. *suwno- > *sowno- ‘sleep’ (Olr.
suan). This change probably did not apply before *-i- in the next syllable,
because of *dru-wid- > Olr. drui ‘druid’ (rather than **droi). It is unclear
whether this change applied in Proto-Celtic, or just in Goidelic and Brittonic
(data from Gaulish and Celtiberian are lacking).
D) Some other probable PCelt. changes:
1. The liquid assimilations *rp > *rf > *rr (PIE *serp- > PCelt. *serra) and
*Ip > *If > *ll (PIE *kulp- > PCelt. *kul(f)o-), *-rs- > *-rr- (PIE *b'rso- >
PCelt. *barro-), *rst > *rt (PIE *trstu- ‘thirst’ > Olr. tart). All of the attested
languages show the results of assimilations, so it is simpler to project those
changes to Proto-Celtic. It is possible, however, that at least some of the
assimilations were parallel innovations of individual languages after the
break-up of Proto-Celtic.
10 INTRODUCTION
2. The assimilation of *mw > *ww, cf. *kom-wiro- > PCelt. *kowwiro-
‘true’ (W cywir).
3. The lengthening of the vowel before the cluster *xsL, cf. *tok-slo- ‘axe’ >
*toxslo- > PCelt. *taxslo- (Olr. tal); it is possible that PCelt. *x was lost and
that the preceding vowel was subject to compensatory lengthening.
However, *x is conventionally retained in the PCelt. reconstuctions because
the regularity of this change is uncertain; cf. the lemmata *diro-, *kisra,
*muxto-, *sego- and *skaxslo- for possible instances of this change, but also
*tullo- for a possible counter-example.
4. The ‘liquid metathesis’ (*ar, *al > *ra, *la) between labials and a cluster
of two dentals: PIE *mlsto- > PCelt. *mlasto- ‘taste’, PIE *g”rsto- > PCelt.
*brasso- ‘great’, PIE *h,;wrsto- > PCelt. *wrasto- ‘shower’, PIE *wlsno- >
*walsno- > PCelt. *wlanno- ‘blood red’, etc. Like the preceding one, this
change is proposed here for the first time, so it will probably raise some
controversy. Another possibility is to assume an analogical zero-grade
CCLaC of the roots with the full grade CLeCC (after the regular pattern with
the zero-grade CaLCC and the full grade CeLCC).°
5. The loss of laryngeals after *ey (and *oy?) before consonants (*VyHC >
*VyC), cf. PCelt. *béto- ‘food’ (W bwyd) < PIE *g”eyhsto-, PCelt. *déno-
‘fast’? (Olr. dian) < *deyHno-, PCelt. *fétu- ‘(grass-)land, territory’ (OIr.
iath) < PIE *peyHtu-, PCelt. *k”éno- ‘long’ (Olr. cian) < *k”eyHno-, PCelt.
*réno- ‘large expanse of water’ (Olr. rian) < PIE *(H)reyHno-, PCelt.
*wéro- ‘crooked’ (Olr. fiar, W gvyr) < PIE *weyhyro-, etc. There are only
two apparent counter-examples in this dictionary: W rhaeadr ‘torrent’ and
Olt. riathor (with disyllabic ia), do not represent PCelt. *reyatro-, but rather
*riyatro-; likewise, Olr. disyllabic biad ‘food’ can be derived from *biyato-
or, less probably, *biwato- (rather than *beyato- < *g”eyh;to-). There are no
truly reliable examples for the loss of laryngeals after *oy, but cf. PCelt.
*koylo- ‘thin’ (which can be from PIE *koyHlo-) and *oyno- ‘one’ (which
some linguists would derive from *oyHno- < *h3eyHno-).
E) Some doubtful changes:
1. *(C)RHC®™"'C > *(C)RaC*™"C, cf. PIE (7) *prh3-sneh, ‘gift, share’ >
PCelt. *frasna (OlIr. rann); however, PCelt. *frasn4, just like Lat. pars, can
be derived from a root without laryngeal (generalized after the present stem
*pr-neh;- / *pr-nh3- (> PCelt. *far-na-), and explained by ‘liquid metathesis’.
Alternatively, the short *a in the Celtic reflexes of PIE roots of the form
° Note that this explanation will certainly not work for PCelt. *wrasto- (the PIE root
is *h,wers-, not **h,wres-).
INTRODUCTION 11
*CeRHC can always be the result of Dybo’s law, and it is, of course, more
economical to assume fewer sound changes.
2. #RC’""C > #RaC’""C (Schrijver’s rule, cf. Lat. magnus < *mgnos);
however, all of the alleged examples involve the root *megh- ‘great’ (cf.
PCelt. *maglo-, *magyo-, and *magos). None of those etymologies is
beyond reproach.
3. *horC%P- > *arC%?- and *hgrC%P- > *arC%?- (but *hyrC*?- > *riC*”?. cf.
*rig-o- ‘go’ < *hyrg"-o-).’ However, examples of this change are few in
number and quite controversial. PCelt. *orgya ‘testicle’ can be derived from
*horg'i- rather than *hrg"i- or *harg*i- assumed by some linguists; PCelt.
*arto- ‘bear’ is from PIE *hortko-, but it probably went through the stage
*horpk’o- (and *#rpC- > *#arpC- may be assumed just like *#rsC > *#arsC).
PCelt. *arganto- ‘silver’ is a problem, since the reconstruction *hrgnto-
seems somewhat more probable than *h ,ergnto-. However, the word for
‘silver’ may have had an ablauting paradigm in PIE (Gr. argyros can be both
from *h,erg- and *horg-, and Skt. arjuna- ‘shining’ is clearly from *hyerg-).
4. THE PROBLEM OF ITALO-CELTIC
Although Italic shares a number of sound changes with Celtic, I remain
unconvinced of the ‘Italo-Celtic hypothesis’. Very few phonological and
morphological changes are actually exclusive Italo-Celtic isoglosses, and,
more importantly, one cannot really establish a relative chronology of those
isoglosses, as one can in the case of, e.g., Balto-Slavic. However, there is
little doubt that Italic and Celtic developed from a group of closely related
Western Indo-European dialects. For a recent discussion of the Italo-Celtic
hypothesis see Kortlandt 2007: 151-157.
The following phonological innovations of Italic and Celtic are shared:
1. The development of PIE syllabic resonants followed by laryngeals, PIE
*CRHC > *CraC, cf. PIE *grHno- ‘grain’ > Lat. granum, PCelt. *grano-.
Note, however, that in PCelt. the development was actually from *CRHC to
*CRaHC, and then to *CR&C with loss of the laryngeal and compensatory
lengthening of *a (see above, changes A6-A7 in the relative chronology). It
is uncertain whether the same two-step development occurred in Italic.
2. The assimilation *p...k” > *k”...k”. However, this change appears to be
late in Celtic. It failed to occur in Olr. deac, deéc ‘10’, which is often
7 Joseph 1982: 50-51, McCone 1996: 52, Isaac 2007: 73. It appears that the
sequences *#h,L-, *#h3L-, on the one hand, and *#h,L-, on the other, also gave
different reflexes in Proto-Tocharian (Hackstein 1998).
12 INTRODUCTION
derived from *dwey-penk”-om ‘two-fives’, and when this compound was
formed (in Proto-Celtic) *p was not in the beginning of the word, and so it
regularly changed to *f > © rather than assimilating with *k” (see Watkins
1966: 145, but also the lemma *dekan below for problems with this
etymology). In any case, such an assimilation is phonetically trivial (cf. the
reverse assimilation in PIE *penk”e ‘5’ > Go. fim/).
3. The shortening of vowels in pretonic position (Dybo’s law mentioned
above); however, this change may not be limited to Italic and Celtic, because
it appears to affect Germanic as well, at least in some examples, cf. OE wer
‘man’ < *wiHro- (Skt. vird-, Lith. vyras, Lat. uir, Olr. fer).
Morphological Italo-Celtic isoglosses are not more convincing:
1. The genitive ending *-I is neither pan-Celtic (it is lacking in Celtiberian)
nor pan-Italic (it is lacking in Sabellic), and it is not exclusively Italo-Celtic
(it occurs in Messapic and probably in Tocharian). Actually, it is an old
petrified adjectival form (see Matasovié 2004) and, as such, does not
represent a common innovation in Italic and Celtic.
2. The generalization of the *so- stem of the PIE demonstrative pronoun *so-
/*to- is a parallel development, since there are clear traces that PCelt. still
had the pronominal stem *to- (see PCelt. *tod). Moreover, it is unclear
whether Celtiberian shared the generalization of the *so- stem.
3. The introduction of the Gen. ending *-strom in the Ist and 2nd person
plural pronouns is not very significant, since the stems of the 2nd person
plural pronouns are different in Celtic and Italic, and the forms that actually
have this ending are attested only in Olr. (nathar) and Latin (nostrum), so we
cannot be sure if they were ever pan-Celtic and pan-Italic.
4. The spread of the Dat./Abl. pl. ending *-b"os is uncertain, since in Gaulish
we only have -bo, and Irish generalized the ending *-b’is from the
Instrumental.
5. The superlative ending *-smmo- is indeed a shared exclusive isogloss, but
in itself it is not enough to prove the existence of an Italo-Celtic
protolanguage.
5. THE SUB-CLASSIFICATION OF CELTIC
The exact genetic subclassification of the Celtic languages is still an
unsettled matter. Two approaches dominate the current discussions:
(1)
(2)
INTRODUCTION 13
The traditional view, defended, among others, by Schmidt (1977),
Koch (1992), and de Bernardo Stempel (2006) who classify Brittonic
together with Gaulish (and Lepontic, which is probably just an early
offshoot of Gaulish) into Gallo-Brittonic, while the Goidelic
languages remain as a separate branch of Celtic (see Fig. 1.1. below).
An alternative theory, defended by e.g. McCone (1996) and supported
by Schrijver (1995) and Schumacher (2004), who see Brittonic and
Goidelic as a separate Insular Celtic branch, while Gaulish and
Lepontic are viewed as the Continental Celtic branch. Celtiberian, as
is becoming increasingly clear, is almost certainly an independent
branch on the Celtic genealogical tree, one that became separated
from the others very early (see Fig. 1.2. below):
Fig. 1.1:
Celtiberian
Proto-Celtic
Goideli Gallo-
Brittonic
Brittonic Gaulish
(+Lepontic)
Fig. 1.2:
Proto-Celtic
Insular
Celtic
Celtiberian
Goidelic British Gaulish —
(+Lepontic)
14 INTRODUCTION
The problem of sub-classification within Celtic is relevant to this work only
inasmuch as it affects the reliability of Proto-Celtic reconstructions. If there
was an Insular Celtic branch within Celtic, then forms reconstructed on the
basis of just Old Irish and Middle Welsh, the two best attested early Celtic
idioms, need not go back to common Proto-Celtic, but may instead represent
Proto-Insular Celtic. Likewise, if we assume the existence of a Gallo-
Brittonic branch, then we should be careful in attributing reconstructions
based on evidence from the Brittonic languages and Gaulish to Proto-Celtic.
As I have argued elsewhere (Matasovi¢ 2008), I tend to view Insular
Celtic more as an areal than as a genetic grouping. This does not, however,
imply that I believe in Gallo-Brittonic as a valid genetic grouping, either: in
the matters of genetic sub-classification within Celtic I think it is wise to
remain agnostic, until more is known about Gaulish, Lepontic, and
Celtiberian. In any case, since the argument about Insular Celtic vs. Gallo-
Brittonic tends to revolve more around the morphological than around the
phonological isoglosses, it is unlikely that the eventual resolution of the
debate will substantially affect the Proto-Celtic reconstructions proposed
here.
6. ON THE RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-CELTIC
There are several unresolved issues in the reconstruction of the Proto-Celtic
phonological system. I have generally tried to follow the consensus opinion,
where there is any, but in some cases difficult choices had to be made. It is
assumed here that Proto-Celtic had the following phonemes:
I. Vowels
a) short b) long
i u T : a
e fe) é
a a
c) diphthongs
oy ow
ay aw ay aw
INTRODUCTION 15
I take the monophthongization of PIE *ey > *é to be a Proto-Celtic change,
although it is not absolutely certain that this change occurred in the
prehistory of Celtiberian (cf. MLH V.1: XVII). I also believe that the change
*ew > *ow is Proto-Celtic, and that instances of alleged eu in Gaulish (e.g.
in Neviodunum, a toponym in Slovenia) are just spelling variants of a
diphthong that did not exist in Latin at the time of the adaptation of the
Roman alphabet to Gaulish (cf. McCone 1996).
II. Consonants:
a) stops:
b
t d
k g
k* g”
I assume that *kw merged with *k” in Proto-Celtic, so I reconstruct PCelt.
*ek”o- ‘horse’ (Olr. ech, etc.) from PIE *hjekwo- (Lat. equus etc.).
Apparent exceptions, such as W ci ‘dog’ < PIE *kwon can be explained by
assuming early delabialization of *k” in certain environments (e.g. before
PCelt. *i as in the preceding example: *kw6n > PCelt. *k”tin > *kin > W
ci). Similarly, the reflexes of *g”” and *gw are indistinguishable in Celtic,
cf. PCelt. *tang”at- ‘tongue’ < *dng"w- (Olr. tengae, W tafod).
b) fricatives:
f os [x] (an allophone of *k before stops and *s]}
[z] (an allophone of *s before voiced consonants)
I do not assume that there was a PCelt. phoneme *ts (from PIE clusters with
two dentals, and/or from PIE *-st-). I believe that PIE *st was preserved in
PCelt. (as it is in Celtiberian), and that PIE *TT yielded *ss already in PCelt.
(see Schrijver 1995). The fricative *f is the regular reflex of PIE *p. It may
have been a bilabial voiceless fricative [@] phonetically, rather than a
labiodental fricative [f]. I also assume that the assimilations of *rs > *rr and
*ls > *ll are Proto-Celtic (see McCone 1996); however, I adopt the
‘etymological’ spelling for the clusters *-sr-, *-sl-, *-sn-, *-sm-, and *ly, as
16 INTRODUCTION
if they were intact in Proto-Celtic reconstructions, although they could have
changed to *-rr-, *-ll-, *-nn- and *-mm-, respectively, already in PCelt.®
c) resonants:
m on 1 r
I assume that the change of PIE syllabic *m, *n > *am, *an is pan-Celtic.
The fronting of *am, *an > *em, *en in Goidelic is a later development that
occurred only in some environments (see McCone 1996 for details). I also
assume that word-final *-m was preserved, as it is in Celtiberian, and
occasionally in Gaulish.
d) semivowels:
y WwW
7.THE CELTIC LANGUAGES
For the purpose of this lexicon we adopt the following periodization of the
attested Celtic languages.
1. Lepontic (attested from the 7th, or early 6th century B.C. until ca. the 1st
century B.C.). In all likelihood, Lepontic is just an early offshoot of Gaulish.
The evidence for Lepontic as a separate branch of Celtic heavily relies on the
archaeological data, especially on the early individualization of the
(Lepontic) Golasseca Culture (see Uhlich 1999: 285-293).
2. Gaulish, attested onomastically since the 6th century B.C., but with a
sizeable corpus of inscriptions only from the 3rd century B.C. (inscriptions
in Greek alphabet). Inscriptions in the Roman alphabet are attested later,
chiefly after the Roman conquest of Gaul (2nd half of the 1st century B.C.).
It is unclear when Gaulish died out, but it was probably spoken until the 6th
or 7th century A.D., at least in some isolated pockets in Gaul. Although
Gaulish is attested for at least a millennium, no attempt has been made to
distinguish between early and late Gaulish in this lexicon. However, the
source of Gaulish words (except for names) is always indicated.
8 All of the attested reflexes have the geminates, cf., e.g., the reflexes of PCelt.
*koslo-, *kasnina, *kisra, *alyo-, and cf. 1 sg. pres. of the copula, Olr. am, Gaul.
immi. It is quite clear that Proto-Celtic was in the process of developing geminates,
because some of the assimilations that produced geminates are certainly early (see
above). The reconstructions in this dictionary contain geminated stops, fricatives,
and resonants.
INTRODUCTION 17
3. Celtiberian, attested from the 3rd or early 2nd century B.C. until ca. Ist
century A.D. The earliest inscriptions are in Iberian syllabary, but from the
lst century B.C. a considerable number of inscriptions are in Roman
alphabet.
4. Goidelic, represented by Old Irish and Middle Irish, attested since 4th
century A.D. (Ogam inscriptions). We distinguish the following phases of
Goidelic:
Ogam (4th - 6th centuries) .
Old Irish (7th - 9th centuries)
Middle Irish (10th - 11th centuries)
Modern Irish (12th century - present)
Usually only the earliest attested form of the word is adduced in the lexicon.
This is regularly the Old Irish or the Middle Irish form found in DIL. It
should be noted that Old Irish and Middle Irish forms are often not easily
distinguished. In principle, all words attested in the glosses and other texts
from the Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus are Old Irish, but Old Irish forms can
often be found in later manuscripts as well. So, even if a word is only
attested in texts, the manuscripts of which were preserved in the Middle Irish
period (e.g. in the sagas of the Ulster cycle, or in the Leinster eulogistic
poetry), we can often be sure that the same word existed in Old Irish.
Therefore, in some cases where I adduced a word as Olr., although it does
not occur in the proper Olr. texts, the reader will have to trust my
philological judgement, or check the sources for himself.
Scottish Gaelic and Manx forms were not adduced in this lexicon (with a
handful of exceptions), since they yield very little additional information
about the reconstructed PCelt. words and their origin.
5. Brittonic,’ represented by Welsh, Breton, and Cornish. Dialectal diversity
within Brittonic is far greater than within Goidelic, so reflexes of PCelt.
words from all three Brittonic languages were adduced, whenever attested.
We distinguish the following phases of Brittonic:
Old Welsh (7th - 10th centuries)
Middle Welsh (11th - 14th centuries)
Modern Welsh (15th century - present)
Old Breton (9th - 11th centuries)
Middle Breton (12th - 16th centuries)
Modern Breton (17th century - present)
° This branch of Celtic languages is referred to as "British", "Brythonic", and
"Brittonic" in the literature; I tried to be consistent in using "Brittonic”.
18 INTRODUCTION
Old Cornish (9th -12th centuries)
Cornish (13th - 18th centuries)'®
Middle Welsh, Middle Breton, and Middle Cornish forms are adduced by
default. If a word was attested in Old Cornish, Old Breton, or Old Welsh,
it is adduced separately in the Cornish, Breton, and Welsh fields, respectively.
Modern Welsh forms, as cited in GPC, are adduced only when they are
different from MW forms, and often the difference lies only in spelling.
8. STRUCTURE OF THE ENTRIES
Each entry in this dictionary consists of several fields. The first field
contains the reconstructed Proto-Celtic word and its meaning, as well as
the information about the word-class to which it belonged. The following
fields contain reflexes of the reconstructed etymon in the primary
branches of Celtic, together with some basic grammatical information
about them: as a rule the gender of Old Irish and Middle Welsh nouns,
the inflectional class of the Old Irish nouns and adjectives, and the
attested stems of Old Irish verbs.
In the next field the PIE root of the Proto-Celtic etymon is given,
together with a reference to the page in IEW where that root is
discussed. After that, there follows a discussion of the proposed
etymology and the alternative proposals found in the literature. I have
tried to make the derivation of the attested forms from PIE and Proto-
Celtic as explicit as possible, without concealing any of the uncertainties
or unresolved problems. This field also contains the discussion of other
possible cognates of the reconstructed Proto-Celtic etymon. In many
cases the etymology proposed here is not the only possible one, but all
of the etymologies in this dictionary are meant to be consistent with
the Celtic sound laws accepted in this Introduction (see above). I have
tried to be maximally clear in making the distinction between mentioning
various possible etymological proposals and claiming that a particular
etymology is true.
The last field contains the references. The list of references is not
meant to be exhaustive, but rather to include the most relevant books
and articles, published during the last fifty years, in which etymological
discussion of the etyma in question can be found. They are ordered in
© Cornish is often divided into Middle Cornish (from 12th until the end of the 16th
centuries) and Modern Cornish (17th - 18th centuries), cf., e.g., Lewis 1990. I have
grouped the words attested from the beginning of the 13th century onwards under a
single label, “Cornish”.
INTRODUCTION 19
such a manner that the more general reference works precede publications
dedicated to a particular word, or specific problems of phonological
development relevant to the lemma in question.
*abalna ‘apple-tree’ [Noun]
GOID: Of. aball [f]
W: MW afall [f]
BRET: OBret. aballen, MBret. avallenn
CO: OCo. auallen gi. malus
PIE: *hyeph3ol-n- (IEW: 1)
SEE: *abalo- ‘apple’
REF: LEIA A-6, DGVB 50, EIEC 25, GPC I: 41, Campanile 1974: 10f.,
Deshayes 2003: 80.
*abalo- ‘apple’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ubuil [o nj (DIL uball)
W: MW afal [m]
BRET: MBret. aval, OBret. abal
GAUL: auallo gl. poma (Endlicher’s Glossary, 14)
PIE: *hyephjol- ‘apple’ (IEW: 1)
COGN: OHG apful, OCS abloko, Lith. ébuolas, Osc. Abella [Toponym]
SEE: *abalna ‘apple-tree’
ETYM: The geminate -//- in Olr. could have arisen under analogical
influence of *abalna ‘apple-tree’. The Celtic forms can be derived from the
oblique cases of the PIE I-stem, with the Nom. sg. *h,eph3ol (or *hzeph;6}) /
Gen. sg. *h(e)phslos. It is assumed here that *h; voiced the preceding *p (as
in *piphseti ‘drinks’ > Skt. pibati), but there is no independent evidence for a
laryngeal in the word for ‘apple’, so the alternative PIE reconstruction
*h,ebol- (with the rare phoneme *b) is also possible.
REF: LEIA U-12f., DGVB 50, EIEC 25f, GPC I: 40, Delamarre 28f.,
Deshayes 2003: 80, Hamp 1979: 158-166, Adams 1985, Markey 1988,
Sims- Williams 2006: 40.
*abanko- ‘beaver’ [Noun]}
SEE: *abon- ‘river’
*abon- ‘river’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ab, aub [n f]
W: MW afon [f]
BRET: MBret. auon
CO: Co. auon
24 *abrant-
GAUL: ambe gl. riuo (Endlicher’s Glossary, 6 (bis))
PIE: *h,ep-h3on- ‘river’ (IEW: 1)
COGN: Hitt. hapa-, Pal. hapna-, Lat. amnis
ETYM: OIr. aub clearly points to PCelt. *abi, Acc. *abonen; the form
*abona (> MW afon) was built to this stem. The n-stem is probably inherited
from PIE (cf. the Pal. and Lat. reflexes). Gaul. ambe, with -m-, may be
corrupted, but cf. the hydronyms Amyr (MW), Ammer (Germ.), Ambre (Fr.),
which are probably Celtic (they may represent *ambr(iy)o-, but they are also
often derived from PIE *nb"-ro-, cf. Lat. imber ‘rain’). A probable derivative
from PCelt. *abon- is PCelt. *abanko- ‘beaver’, cf. MIr. abacc [o m]
‘dwarf’, perhaps also ‘beaver’, MW afanc [m] ‘beaver, dwarf’, MoBret.
avank [m] ‘dwarf, sea monster’. The PIE root is reconstructed as *hyep- with
the (?possessive) suffix *-h3on-, under the assumption that *ph; > *b (as in
*piphseti ‘drinks’ > Skt. pibati). If this is correct, the words adduced here are
etymologically related to Skt. dp- ‘water’, OPr. ape ‘brook’, etc.
REF: LEIA A-4, LP 38, EIEC 486, GPC I: 43, Lambert 1994: 203,
Matasovicé 2004: 104, Stiiber 1998: 97f., Campanile 1974: 11, Sims-
Williams 2006: 41, Wodtko ef alii 2008: 311f.
*abrant- ‘eyelid’ [Noun]
SEE: *bri- ‘brow’
*ad ‘to’ [Prep]
GOID: Olt. ad-
W: OW ad, W ada-
GAUL: Ad-ianto- [PN]
PIE: *hyed ‘to, at’ (IEW: 3)
COGN: Lat. ad, Go. at-
ETYM: MW edadyl ‘target’ is presumably derived from PCelt. *adilo-, with
the same suffix as OE til ‘to, until’, cf. also OE tilian ‘reach’. In principle,
*adilo can be an adjectival form built to the Loc. sg. *ad-i- (Michiel de
Vaan, p. c.). If so, the Germanic forms are from *hydilo-, which means that
the PIE root had ablaut (*hyed- / *hod-). This supports the derivation of
PCelt. *di ‘from’ from the same root.
REF: LEIA A-13, GPC I: 31, Falileyev 3.
*ada ‘hawthorn’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aide [Gen s}
PIE: *hyed®)- ‘hawthorn’
COGN: Hitt. hat(t)-alkisnas ‘hawthorn/whitethorn branch’
ETYM: In Olr. this word is attested only in the Gen. sg., but its meaning
appears quite certain. It is not in DIL. It is stipulated here (in the PCelt.
reconstruction) that it was an 4-stem, but it could also have been an s-stem
(*ados-).
REF: EIEC 260, Watkins 1993, Rieken 1999: 398, Huld 2006.
*ad-ber-ta 25
*ad-ber-ta ‘offering, victim’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. edbart (DIL idbart) [a f]
W: OW aperth [m and f], MW aberth ‘sacrifice’ [m and f]
ETYM: The Olr. word is actually the verbal noun of ad-opair ‘sacrifices,
offers’ (from *ad-uss-ber-o-).
REF: Falileyev 9, GPC I: 2, Hamp 1982.
*ad-dam-yo- ‘allow, permit’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ad-daim, -addaim;, -atma [Subj. pres. 3 s]; adndidma [Fut. 3 s]
‘recognizes, permits, allows’
W: MW addef ‘admission, confession’
SEE: *dam-yo- ‘allow, permit’
REF: KPV 260ff, GPC I: 32.
*adestu- ‘merit’ [Noun]
SEE: *ad(u)- ‘law’
*ad-k"is-o- ‘see’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. ad-ci, -aicci; -accai [Pret.]; ad-cess, -aiccess (Pass. Pret.]
GAUL: appisetu [Impv.] (Thiaucourt)
PIE: *k”eys- ‘perceive’ (IEW: 637)
COGN: Av. cinahmi ‘determine’, Gr. tid ‘reckon’
REF: KPV 431ff., LIV 381f., LEIA C-89ff., RIG II.2: 269ff., Delamarre
51, Lambert 1994: 126, 150-159
*ad-kubro- ‘wish’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. accobor [o n] (DIL accobar)
PIE: *kup- ‘wish’ EW: 596)
COGN: Lat. cupio ‘wish’, Skt. kupyati ‘be angry’
ETYM: The Olr. word is actually the verbal noun of ad-cobra ‘wish’, which
is itself of deadjectival origin, cf. Osc. cyprum ‘good’ (Varro, L.L. V 159).
Cf. also the Italic theonym dea Cupra (Picenum). An old compound from
this root is MIr. milchobar ‘honey-desiring = bear’ (a semantic parallel is
provided by Russ. medvéd’ ‘bear’ (lit. ‘honey-eater’), The change *pr > *br
is regular in Celtic (see *gabro- ‘goat’). Cf. also the PN Ol-chobar ‘drink-
desiring (?)’. On the IE side of this etymology, the probable connection with
OCS kypéti ‘boil’ and Lith. kipéti ‘boil’ does not attest a laryngeal in this
root; these forms have the long *i in the root as the result of Balto-Slavic
vrddhi (common in verbs with intensive meaning).
REF: LEIA A-10, Watkins 1962a, Uhlich 2002: 418f.
*ad-ret-o- ‘reach, grasp’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ad-reith; -arraid [Pret. 3 s] ‘runs toward, overtakes, attacks’
W: MW eiryt [3s Pres.]
26 *ad-sad-yo-
SEE: *ret-o- ‘run’
REF: KPV 538ff.
*ad-sad-yo- ‘very easy’ [Adverb]
SEE: *sad-yo- ‘easy’
*ad-tek”-o- ‘run to, approach’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ad-teich ‘finds refuge with someone, entreats, prays to’
W: MW athechaf [1s Pres.] ‘to flee from, avoid’
SEE: *tek’-o- ‘run, flee’
ETYM: MW athechaf might be rather from *ab-tek”-o-, with the Lat. prefix
ab- (this would fit the meaning of the W verb much better than PCelt. *ad-).
REF: KPV 629f., GPC I: 234.
*ad(u)- ‘law’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. ad, ada [Gen s}
W: MW addas 1. ‘merit, reward’ 2. ‘right, fitting’
BRET: OBret. camadas gl. habilis
PIE: *hyed- (IEW: 3)
COGN: Umbr. arsie ‘sancte’
SEE: *adestu- ‘merit’
ETYM: The reconstruction of the PCelt. form is based on the assumption
that Olr. ada ‘legal’ is actually the genitive singular of ad, which might not
be the case. W addas ‘convenient, worthy of presumably represents a
derivative *adestu-, parallel to Olr. adas ‘lawful, just’.
REF: LEIA A-12, 13, DGVB 94, GPC I: 31, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
94.
*ag-V- ‘fear’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. -agadar, ni-dgathar
PIE: *hoeg"- ‘be afraid’ (IEW: 7)
COGN: Go. agan ‘be frightened’, OE ege ‘fear’, maybe also Gr. akhos
‘pain, grief’, dkhnymai ‘grieve’
ETYM: The long vowel in Celtic is unexpected, but cf. Go. og ‘to fear’ <
PGerm. *6ga-, vs. agan ‘to be frightened’ < PGerm. *aga-. Reconstructing
the PIE root as *hoeH-g"- would make it difficult to relate Gr. akhos,
akhnymai, etc. Assuming that PCelt. *ag- and PGerm. *6g- come from PIE
*h.dg"- would involve positing the lengthened grade in PIE, which is clearly
ad hoc. A solution might be to suppose that ,PCelt. *ag- and PGerm. *dg-
reflect the reduplicated perfect stem *h,e-h,og"-.
REF: LP 337, LEIA A-23, KPV 206.
*aglo- ‘brood, litter’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. a/ [o m]
W: MW ae! [f]
*aglo- 27
ETYM: The MW form represents *agla, originally a collective to *aglo-.
The PIE root from which these forms might be derived is presumably *h2eg-
‘drive’ (IEW 4f.). However, this is a mere possibility, since the meanings are
quite far apart.
REF: LEIA A-58, GPC I: 36, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 224.
*aglo- ‘wound, affliction’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. alad [u and o m]
W: MW aeled [m] ‘pain, grief?
PIE: *hzeg"lo- ‘distress’ (IEW: 8)
COGN: Skt. aghra- ‘evil, distress’, Go. ag/] ‘shameful’
ETYM: Mlr. dlad is from a derivative *aglo-tu-, while MW aeled
presumably goes back to *agl-eto-, cf. also W aelawd ‘tumult, grief’ (? <
*agl-ato-) and W aele ‘sad, wretched’. GPC derives the Welsh words from
*ad-lat-, *ad-let-, which does not make sense from the formal point of view
(the ablaut pattern is too odd).
REF: GPC I: 36f.
*ag-o- ‘drive’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. agid, -aig; agaid, -aga (Subj.]; acht, -acht [Pret.]
W: OW hegit [3s Pres.] ‘go’, MW a, aa [3s Pres.]; aeth, ayth [Pret.]
BRET: MBret. a ‘go’, OBret. nit-a; aez [Pret.]
CO: Co. a ‘go’; eth, etha [Pret.]
PIE: *hzeg- ‘drive’ (IEW: 4f.)
COGN: Skt. djati, Lat. ago, Gr. dgd, Arm. acem
ETYM: In Brit. this verb has a suppletive VN, MW mynet, MBret. monet,
MCo. mones < *monetu-, cf. PCelt. *mon-i- ‘go’. Gaul. axat (Marcellus of
Bordeaux) may be 3 sg. Pres. Subj. of the same verb (Delamarre 63), so it
would mean ‘he should bring’.
REF: LIV 255f, KPV 189-191, LEIA A-22, DGVB 50, GPC I: 40,
Delamarre 63, Meid 1996: 45.
*agos- ‘cow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ag [s n > f] ‘cow’
W: MW aelaw [m] ‘riches, wealth’
PIE: *h,egHo- ‘cow’ (IEW: 7)
COGN: Skt. ahi-, Arm. ezn
ETYM: The MW word represents a derivative, *ag-ilo-, or *ages-ilo-. The
development of meaning from ‘cows, cattle’ to ‘wealth’ is not unexpected,
cf. Eng. fee vs. Germ. Vieh ‘cattle’. The s-stem attested in Olr. would seem
to be more archaic, so it is posited for PCelt. The vocalism of Arm. ezn does
not match, so it is doubtful whether it is related.
REF: LEIA A-22, GPC I: 36, EIEC 135, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 143.
*agrinyo- ‘sloe, fruit of the blackthorn’ [Noun]
28 *apro-
GOID: Olr. dirne [io m] ‘sloe, fruit of the blackthorn, kernel’
W: MW eirin [p] ‘sloes, berries, plums’; eirinen [Singulative f]
BRET: MBret. irinenn ‘sloe’
PIE: *hjeg- ‘fruit, berry’ (IEW: 773)
COGN: MHG eckern ‘acorn’, Go. akran ‘fruit’, Lith. woga ‘strawberry’,
Russ. jagoda ‘strawberry’
ETYM: W eirin is from the original neuter plural *agrinya. Cat. aranyo, Pr.
agreno ‘blackthorn’ preserve the Gaulish reflex of this PCelt. word, cf. also
W aeron ‘fruits, berries’ [Collective] < *agr-on-4. The PIE etymology is
uncertain; the closest parallels are undoubtedly the Germanic words which
seem to go back to PGerm. *akranan ‘fruit, acorn’; the Balto-Slavic words
for ‘strawberry’ may have the long vowel because of Winter’s law.
However, the word formation of PCelt. *agrinyo- is unclear.
REF: LEIA A-48, GPC I: 1196, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 367.
*agro- ‘carnage, battle’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ar [o n]
W: OW hair [f], MW aer [f] ‘battle’
BRET: OBret. air
CO: OCo. hair gl. clades
GAUL: Ver-agri [Ethnonym] (Caesar)
PIE: *hyegro- ‘hunt’ (IEW: 6)
COGN: Gr. dgré ‘hunt’, Av. azré.daidi- ‘hunt’
ETYM: The word-initial h- in OW and OCo. is non-etymological.
Presumably, these words are derived from PIE *hyeg- ‘drive’ (Lat. ago, etc.),
but the semantic connection binding them under a single etymon is
admittedly weak.
REF: LEIA A-82, LP 32, DGVB 58, GPC I: 36, EIEC 284, Falileyev 80.
*akro- ‘high’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. ér ‘high, noble, great’
GAUL: Axro-talus [PN]
PIE: *hyekro- ‘high’ (IEW: 21)
COGN: Gr. akros, Lat. dcer ‘sharp’
ETYM: Olr. acher (DIL aicher) ‘sharp, violent, fierce’ [0] might also
belong here, if it is not a Latin loanword (as stated by LEIA A-11). It could
represent PCelt. *ak-ero- or *ak-aro- (it is occasionally spelled achar), cf.
PIE *h,ok- > PCelt. *ok-ri- > Olr. ochair ‘edge’ (Lat. ocris ‘rugged
mountain’, Gr. dkris ‘sharp edge’). W ochr and OBret. occrou gl.
hirsutis...dentibus are considered to be Goidelic loanwords. Cf. also Gaul.
Okelon (?) ‘promontory’ < *ok-elo- (Sims-Williams 2006: 96f.).
REF: LEIA A-11, Delamarre 31, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 233.
*alal(i)yo- ‘another, other’ [Pron]
GOID: Olr. arail(l)
*alamo- 29
W: OW arall, MW arall, y lall
BRET: MBret. a/(Dall, arall
CO: Co. arall
SEE: *alyo- ‘other’
ETYM: This is a reduplicated, intensive variant of *alyo- ‘other’. In both
branches of Insular Celtic there is evidence for dissimilated forms (*aralyo-),
but these can be independent of each other.
REF: LEIA A-11, Falileyev 9, GPC I: 176.
*alamo- ‘herd, flock, movable proprety’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. alam [? n]
W: MW alaf [m] ‘herd, wealth, property’
ETYM: Schrijver (1995: 75) derives these words from PIE *pelho- ‘to drive’
(Lat. pello, etc.), which is possible. If this etymology is correct, the PCelt.
form was *falamo-. However, I believe it is also possible to connect *alamo-
with Hitt. hali- (n.) ‘pen, corral (for cows and horses)’, in which case the PIE
root would be *hvel-. For the suffix cf. *fatama ‘hand, talon’.
REF: LEIA A-60, GPC I: 73, Schrijver 1995: 75f.
*albiyo- ‘world’ [Noun]
W: OW elbid [m and f] ‘world’, MW eluit, eluyd (GPC elfydd)
GAUL: Albio-rix [PN]
PIE: *helb*o- ‘white’ (IEW: 30)
COGN: Lat. albus, OHG albiz ‘swan’
ETYM: For the semantic developments, see Delamarre 36; the primary
meaning is ‘upper world’ (in opposition to the underworld), with the
development of meaning similar to the one seen in Russ. svet ‘world, light’.
The name of Britain attested in ancient authors, Albion, is presumably from
the same root, as well as the Olr. name for Britain and (later) Scotland, Albu.
REF: Delamarre 36, Falileyev 52, Meid 1991, Hamp 1992.
*alnostu- ‘sweat, perspiration’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. allas [?0 n]
PIE: *hoelhy- ‘heat’
COGN: Gr. aléa ‘body heat, warmth’
ETYM: The gender and stem of the Olr. word are not certainly established.
According to DIL, it is an o-stem, and according to de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 272 it is neuter. It is occasionally spelled allus in early sources, so it
could, conceivably, represent an old u-stem neuter *alnossu- < *alnos-tu-.
The root-final *h, in PIE is uncertain. Although it is often adduced as a
cognate, Hitt. allaniyezzi ‘sweats’ probably does not belong here; the
meaning of this rare verb is not certain, and one would expect word-initial
*h- in Hitt.
REF: LEIA A-62, EIEC 560, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 272.
30 *al-o-
*al-o- ‘feed, raise’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. alid, -ail; alaid, -ala [Subj.]; ailt, -alt [Pret.]; altae, -alt [Pret.
Pass.] ‘feeds, raises’
W: MW alu ‘bear young’; alho [3s Pres Subj. ]
BRET: MBret. halaff ‘bear young, calve’
PIE: *hyel- ‘raise, feed, grow’ (IEW: 26)
COGN: Lat. alo, Gr. nealés ‘strong’, Go. alan ‘grow’
SEE: *al-trawon- ‘foster-uncle’
ETYM: The Gaul. toponym Alaunos and hydronym Alauna are usually
derived from the same root, but like most etymologies of toponomastic
elements, this is also uncertain.
REF: LIV 262, KPV 193-195, LEIA A-57, GPC I: 73, Lambert 1994: 37.
*alten- ‘razor’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ailt [n f]
W: OW elinn gl. nouacula, MW ellyn [m and f]
BRET: OBret. a/tin gl. ferula, MBret. autenn, MoBret. aotenn [f] ‘razor’
CO: Co. alsen
ETYM: The Brittonic forms point to a derived *(f)altinad. Pokorny’s
etymology (IEW 986, followed by Falileyev: 53) which derives these Celtic
words from PIE *(s)pel- ‘cut’ (Germ. spalten), is improbable, since *plten-
would yield PCelt. *fliten. The derivation from PIE *(s)plg-ten- (OE spelc,
spilc ‘bandage, binding’ < *spelg-) is hardly better, since this should give
PCelt. **flixten-. Therefore, PCelt. *alten- may be a substratum word of
non-lE origin.
REF: LEIA A-34, LP 47, Falileyev 53, GPC I: 1209, Deshayes 2003: 68.
*altiyo- ‘fosterling, client’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. altae [io m]
W: MW eillt [m] ‘unfree landholder, subject, vassal’ (GPC aillt, aill)
SEE: *al-o- ‘feed, raise’
ETYM: PCelt. *altiyo- is actually a lexicalized passive participle of *al-o-
‘feed, raise’.
REF: GPC I: 73.
*alto- ‘height, cliff [Noun]
GOID: Mir. alt [o m]
W: MW allt [f] ‘hill, slope, cliff, shore, wooded slope’; elltydd, aillt [p]
BRET: MBret. pen-an-aout ‘top of the hill’, MoBret. aod [f] ‘coast’
CO: OCo. als gl. litus
ETYM: These words are probably related to Lat. altus ‘high’, OHG alt ‘old’
(if developed from an earlier meaning ‘grown up’). Some derive them from
the root *hyel- ‘feed, raise’ (IEW 26); the semantic development would have
been ‘raised’ > ‘high’, but I do not find this very convincing.
REF: LEIA A-63f., LP 47, GPC I: 78, Deshayes 2003: 67.
*altr-awon- 31
*altr-awon- ‘foster-uncle’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. altra [n m] ‘foster-father’
W: MW athro [m] ‘teacher’, athrawon [p]
BRET: MBret. autrou ‘lord, master’
CO: Co. altrou ‘stepfather’
PIE *hjel- (IEW: 27)
SEE: *al-o- ‘feed, raise, nourish’
ETYM: The second element of this compound, PCelt. *awii / *awon-, is the
Celtic parallel to Lat. auunculus ‘uncle’ (see Stiiber 1998: 109f.). It is
preserved also in MoBret. eontr, W ewythir ‘uncle’ < PCelt. *awon-tir.
REF: GPC I: 235, Stiiber 1998: 109f.
*alyo- ‘other’ [Pron]
GOID: Olr. aile [io]
W: MW eil, all-
BRET: MBret. eil
CO: Co. yl
GAUL: Allo-broges [PN], allos (La Graufesenque)
PIE: *hyelyo- ‘other’ (IEW: 25f.)
COGN: Lat. alius, Gr. allos, Go. aljis
ETYM: Celtib. ailam, which has been interpreted as the Acc. sg. of this
pronoun (e.g. McCone 1996: 109), has also been taken to mean something
like ‘place, abode’ (e.g. Meid 1994: 48). It is only fair to conclude with D.
Wodtko (MLH V.1: 10f.) that its meaning is presently unknown.
REF: LEIA A-31f., Delamarre 39f., McCone 1996: 109, Meid 1994: 48,
MLH V.1: 10f.
*am-o- ‘wash’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. ind-aim ‘washes’
PIE: *hoem(H)- ‘pour’ (IEW: 35)
COGN: Gr. amdomai ‘draw milk’, Arm. amanam ‘fill’
SEE: *anami ‘blemish’
ETYM: Olr. ind-aim ‘washes’ reflects *ande-ame-ti; cf. also Olr. at-aim
‘washes’ < *ad-ame-ti. MW enneint [m and f] ‘bath’ has also been related to
this root (it may represent PCelt. *and-antyo- < *am-tyo-), but another
etymology derives it from the PIE root *nig”- ‘to wash’ (PCelt.
*ande-nig’-ina), with the unetymological final -t (Wodtko et alii 2008: 520,
with references). The IE etymology of PCelt. *am-o- is quite uncertain, but
at least Gr. amdomai and Arm. amanam appear as likely cognates, enabling
us to reconstruct PIE *h,em(H)-. Other possible derivatives from this poorly
attested root might include Arm. aman ‘vessel’ and Skt. dmatra- ‘drinking
vessel’ (though Mayrhofer, s. v. dmatra-, does not mention the possibility).
REF: LEIA A-15f., LIV 265, KPV 195, Watkins 1959.
32 *amaro-
*amaro- ‘wailing, crying’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. amar [o n, later m] ‘wailing, moaning, singing’
W: MW afar [m] ‘sadness, lamentation, grief”
REF: LEIA A-65, GPC I: 41, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 317.
*ambaxto- ‘servant’ [Noun]
W: MW amaeth [m] ‘servus arans’
BRET: OBret. ambaith
GAUL: ambaktos, ambactus ‘vassal’ (Festus, Caesar)
PIE: *homb'i-hoeg- ‘drive around’
SEE: *ag-o- ‘drive’
ETYM: OHG ambaht ‘servant’ (Germ. Amt?) is a Celtic loanword from the
prehistoric period.
REF: Delamarre 40, Lewis 30, Birkhan 1970: 58, Meid 2005: 162f.
*amben- ‘butter’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. imdb (n nj
W: MW ymenyn [m] (GPC ymenyn (e)menyn)
BRET: MBret. amanen, MoBret. amann, amannen [m]
CO: OCo. amanen gi. butyrum , MoCo. manyn
PIE: *h3eng”-en- ‘butter’ (IEW: 779)
COGN: Lat. unguen ‘grease’, OHG ancho ‘butter’, OPr. anctan ‘butter’,
ETYM: The Celtic forms can be derived from the stem of the oblique cases
of the PIE noun for ‘butter’, PIE *hyng”en-. The development *am- > *em-
(> Olr. im-) is the same as in Olr. imbliu < PCelt. *ambliyon- ‘navel’. The
PIE root is *hjeng”- ‘smear, anoint’ (Skt. andkti, Lat. unguo, Arm.
awcanem)
REF: GPC III: 3775, EIEC 382, Deshayes 2003: 59, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 101ff., 120, Schrijver 1995: 87, Stiiber 1998: 58f., Campanile 1974: 3.
*ambi- ‘around’ [Prep]
GOID: OlIr. imb, imm [Aspirating, +Acc.]
W: OW im, MW am
BRET: MBret. am, em
GAUL: ambi-
CELTIB: ampi-
PIE: *h,emb’'i ‘around, about’ (IEW: 34)
COGN: Skt. abhi, Gr. amphi, Lat. ambi-
REF: EIEC 32, Delamarre 41f., Falileyev 90, Jordan Célera 1998: 88, 96,
103, MLH V.1: 22ff.
*ambi-g" an-o- ‘fight (each other)’
GOID: MIr. imm-goin ‘wages war, gives battle’
W: MW ymwan (GPC ymwan(u))
CO: Co. omwana ‘to pierce oneself’
ti caaetaeciams iiesuan teuaaacaiie eer a
*ambi-gab- 33
SEE: *g”an-o- ‘hit, strike’
REF: KPV 363f., GPC III: 3806.
*ambi-gab- ‘meet’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. imm-immgaib ‘avoids, evades’
W: MW ymegaffael ‘meet, sleep with’ (GPC ymgael, ymgaff(a)el)
SEE: *gab-yo- ‘take’
ETYM: Olr. imm-immgaib has the reduplicated prefix (*ambi-ambi-gab-).
REF: GPC III: 3778.
*ambi-rad-I- ‘think’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. imm-radi ‘thinks, discusses, reflects on’
W: OW amraud ‘thought’
SEE: *rad-i- ‘think’
REF: LEIA R-3, Falileyev 6.
*ambliyen- ‘navel’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. imbliu [n, m or f] (DIL imliu, imbliu)
PIE: *hjnob"-li- ‘navel, nave’ (IEW: 314f.)
COGN: Skt. nabhi-, Gr. omphalos, Lat. umbilicus, OE nafela
ETYM: Like Lat. umbilicus, the stem of the PCelt. word for ‘navel’
generalized the PIE oblique stem *h3nb'l-. For the development of the initial
*am- > Olr. im cf. *ang”en- ‘butter’.
REF: EIEC 391, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:118, 331.
*amo- ‘time’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. am(m) [? n, later m]
SEE: *amstera ‘time, moment’
ETYM: Olr. am(m) was probably an o-stem (DIL). IE etymology is
unknown, but cf. *amstera ‘time, moment’.
REF: LEIA A-67.
*amsterA ‘time, moment’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aimser [a f] ‘point of time, period of time’
W: OW amser [m] ‘time’, amser ‘because, when’, MW amser [m and f]
‘time’
BRET: MBret. amzer [f]
CO: OCo. anser gl. tempus
ETYM: In Olr. there is a noun am(m) [n] ‘time’, which reflects the root
*amo- from which *amstera must be derived. However, its etymology is
unknown (LEIA A-67). It is also unclear why W amser is masculine — it may
be from a PCelt. by-form *amstero-. It is tempting to connect these words
with Hitt. hamesha- ‘spring’, which also has an obscure etymology
(Kloekhorst, s. v.). We could start from a PIE s-stem *h,emos ‘a period of
time’, and PCelt. *amstero- would be derivable from *h,emos-tero- by
34 *ana-
syncope. Hitt. hamesha- can be from *h,emes-shp-o- (-sha- is a productive
suffix).
REF: LEIA A-3, LP 21, Falleyev 6, GPC I: 102, Campanile 1974: 3.
*ana- ‘remain’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. anaid, -ana ‘waits, remains’; anaid, -ana (Subj.]; anais, -an
[Pret.]
W: MW kynhanu ‘pronounce’ (GPC cynanaf)
BRET: MBret. ehanaff ‘remain’, MoBret. ehanafi ‘stop, pause’
PIE: *h,enh;- ‘breathe, blow’ (IEW: 38f.)
COGN: Skt. dniti ‘breathes’, Gr. dnemos ‘breath’, Lat. animus ‘spirit’
SEE: *anatla ‘breath’, *anamon- ‘soul’
ETYM: MW kynhanu < *kom-ana-, MBret. ehanaff < *exs-ana-. Cf. -also
Olr. con-osna ‘ceases’ < *kom-uss-ana-, and W cynnan ‘ready, witty,
eloquent’. The Gaulish toponym Anaunion in Italy (Ptolemy) has been
related to these words and interpreted as ‘the town of the Staying ones’,
which is quite speculative. The connection of the meanings ‘to breathe’ and
‘to remain’ is not obvious, but this etymology is generally accepted. The
development of meaning could have been ‘breathe’ > ‘pause’ > ‘remain’, cf.
Croat. odahnuti ‘pause’ from dah ‘breath’.
REF: LIV 267f, KPV 196f, LEIA A-71, GPC I: 778, de Bernardo Stempel
2000: 91, Wodtko et alii 2008: 307ff.
*anami ‘blemish, fault’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. anim [7, later 4 f] (DIL ainim)
W: OW anamou gl. mendae, MW anaf
BRET: MBret. anaf, anaff ‘fault’; OBret. di-anam gl. efficaciter
SEE: *am-o- ‘wash’
ETYM: The PCelt. reconstruction is here based on the somewhat doubtful
assumption that the Olr. word is an ancient i-stem (it also inflects as an 4-
stem, but the Nom. pl anmi might be an indication that 1-inflection is
original). Pokorny’s connection of these words with Gr. d6nomai ‘blame,
injure’ is improbable. It is possible that *an- is the negative prefix in this
word; the root could be the same as in the verb *am-o- ‘wash’, since the
meaning ‘blemish’ could have developed from something like ‘unwashed,
unwashable’; cf. also the parallelism between OBret. di-anam and Olr.
dianim ‘faultless’.
REF: LEIA A-78, DGVB 63, GPC I: 106.
*anamon- ‘soul’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. anim [n f]
BRET: MBret. eneff
CO: Co. enef
PIE: *hjenh)-mon- ‘breath’ (IEW: 38)
COGN: Lat. anima ‘soul’
*anatla 35
SEE: *anatla ‘breath’
ETYM: In both branches of Insular Celtic, the reflexes of this PCelt. etymon
were influenced by Lat. anima.
REF: LEIA A-78, Stiiber 1998: 148ff.
*anatla ‘breath’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. anal [a f]
W: MW anadyl, anadl [f and m]
BRET: MBret. alazn
CO: Co. anal, anel
PIE: *h2enh,- ‘breath’ (IEW: 38)
COGN: Lat. animus, Gr. dnemos
SEE: *ana- ‘breathe’
ETYM: Gaul. anatia (Larzac) should perhaps be translated as ‘souls’ and
related to these words. PCelt. *anatla presupposes PIE < *henh,-tlo-, while
Lat. animus and Gr. dnemos come from < *hy,enh\-mo-.
REF: LEIA A-73, GPC: I: 104, EIEC 82, 98., McCone 1996: 51, Delamarre
44f.
*andera ‘young woman’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ander [a f] (DIL ainder)
W: MW anneir [f] ‘heifer’ (GPC anner, annair)
BRET: MBret. anner ‘heifer’
CO: OCo. annoer gl. uitula
GAUL: ? anderon [Gen. p] (Larzac)
ETYM: MIr. ander may have been an o-stem originally (DIL). The change
of meaning attested in Brittonic (young woman’ > ‘heifer’) is based on a
common metaphor in cattle-breeding societies. It has been suggested that
there is a connection of this Celtic etymon and Basque andere ‘lady,
woman’, but this might be only a chance ressemblance. The meaning of
Gaulish anderon is not certain (it might rather be related to Lat. inferus), so
this word might not belong here after all.
REF: LEIA A-76, GPC I: 136, Lambert 1994: 155, Delamarre 47.
*andom ‘inside, there’ [Adverb]
GOID: Olr. and ‘there’
PIE: *hindo(m) ‘inside’ (IEW: 181ff.)
COGN: Hitt. anda ‘inwards, into’, Gr. éndon, OLat. endo ‘in, on to’
ETYM: The formation of PCelt. *andom shows that it was probably a
neuter noun that became ‘petrified’ as an adverb. For the type of formation
cf. *efirom ‘behind’.
REF: LEIA A-75, de Vaan 2008: 189.
*aneg-o- ‘protect’ [Vb]
36 *aneg-tlo-
GOID: Olr. aingid, anaig; anais, -ain [Subj.]; anais, -ain [Fut.]; anacht,
-anacht [Pret.]; anachtae, -anacht [Pret. Pass.]
PIE: *h,egH- ‘lack’ (IEW: 290)
COGN: Lat. egeo, ON ekla ‘lack’
REF: LIV 231, KPV 197-200, LEIA A-76f, Schrijver 1995: 86.
*aneg-tlo- ‘refuge, protection’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. anacul [o, n] ‘act of protecting, sparing, protection’
GAUL: Anextlo-marus ‘attribute of Apollo’, perhaps ‘he, whose protection
is great’
SEE: *aneg-o- ‘protect’
ETYM: The meaning of Anextlo-maros is doubtful; since the suffix *-tlo-
usually has instrumental meaning, perhaps Anextlomaros originally meant
‘having great shelters’.
REF: LEIA A-77, Schrijver 1995: 86, Delamarre 49, Dottin 1920: 227,
Lujan 2003: 188, Markey 2003.
*ang" ina ‘nail’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. ingen [4 f] ‘nail, claw’
W: OW eguin, MW ewin [m and f]
BRET: OBret. eguin gl. adungem, MBret. euin
CO: OCo. euuin gl. unguis
PIE: *hgnog'u-, Gen. *hjng"ew-s ‘nail’ (IEW: 780)
COGN: Lat. unguis, Gr. ényks, OHG nagal ‘nail’, Lith. naga ‘hoof, OCS
nogote, ToA maku [p] ‘nails’, Arm. efungn ‘nail’
ETYM: In Celtic, the stem of the oblique cases (*h3ng"u-) was generalized.
Note the regular development of *h3ng"w- > *ang”- without any laryngeal
coloring of the vowel, whereas in Latin *h3nC > unC-.
REF: LP 34, EIEC 389, LHEB 387, Falileyev 52, GPC I: 1262, Campanile
1974: 45, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 219, 447.
*angu- ‘narrow’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. cumung
W: MW ing
BRET: OBret. enc, MBret. encq, MoBret. enk
PIE: *hyeng*u- ‘tight, narrow, constricted’ (IEW: 42f.)
COGN: Skt. amhiu- ‘narrow’, Lat. ango ‘strangle’, OHG engi ‘narrow’,
OCS qzvko
SEE: *kom-angu- ‘narrow’
ETYM: Olr. cumung is from *kom-angu-, cf. also MW cyf-yng ‘narrow’
and MW eh-ang ‘broad’ < *exs-angu- ‘not narrow’. The PIE root is
reconstructed as *h,emg"- by Wodtko et alii (2008: 301).
REF: LEIA C-292, DGVB 159, Deshayes 2003: 215, EIEC 391.
*ank-o- ‘reach’ [Vb]
*ankoto- 37
GOID: Olr. -ic, do-ic ‘comes’; -ti [Subj.]; tanicc [Pret.], ro-ic ‘reaches’;
-richt [Pret. Pass.], con-ic- ’can’, etc.
W: MW rynghu ‘reach’, reingk [3s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. renc, rencq ‘reaches’ [3s Pres.]
PIE: *hgnek- ‘reach, attain’ (IEW: 316-318)
COGN: Skt. asnoti ‘reaches’, Lat. nanciscor ;
ETYM: MW rynghu ‘reach’ < *fro-ank-o- < PIE *honk-. Olr. -ic is usually
derived from PIE *h,énk-ti (Narten present) > PCelt. *ink- > *ink- (by
Osthoff-type shortening before RC) > -ic. However, the PIE status of the
Narten-presents with lengthened grade has been challenged recently (de
Vaan 2004). Since PCelt. *ank- should have given Olr. éc- (cp. *anku-
‘death’ > Olr. éc), the Proto-Irish verbal stem *ink- would have to be
analogical, perhaps generalized from the sandhi-variant occurring after the
negation *ni: *ni anket ‘does not reach’ > *ninket, hence *inketi ‘reaches’.
REF: LIV 282-284, KPV 200-202, McCone 199 1a.
*ankoto- ‘hook, paw’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. écath [?0] gl. hamus ‘fish hook’
W: MW anghad, aghad [m] ‘hand, grasp’ (GPC angad)
PIE: *honko- ‘turn, bend’ (IEW: 45ff.)
COGN: Skt. dvikas- ‘turn (in a road)’, Lat. ancus ‘with crooked arms’, OHG
angul ‘angle’, perhaps Gr. agkos ‘valley’
ETYM: The gender of Olr. écath is unknown, and the word is not well
attested. Cf. also W craf-anc ‘paw, claw’, in which the underived *anko- is
preserved as the second part of the compound. Both PIE *h)nko- and
*hoenko- would have been reflected as PCelt. *anko-. PIE *h,onko- is
attested in Lat. uncus ‘hook’.
REF: GPC I: 49.
*anku- ‘death’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. éc [u m]
W: MW angheu [m and f] (GPC angau)
BRET: OBret. ancou, MBret. ancou, MoBret. ankow [m]
CO: Co. ankow
PIE: *neku- ‘death’ (IEW: 762)
COGN: Gr. nékys ‘corpse’, Av. nasu- ‘corpse’, ToA onk ‘man’
SEE: *nexso- ‘wound’
ETYM: Olr. écht [u n] ‘slaughter’ is another derivative from the same root.
It can be derived from PCelt. *anxtu- < PIE *nk-tu-. Olr. écen [a f], W
angen, MoBret. anken, Co. anken ‘necessity’ may represent *angino/a
‘necessity’. The comparison of the Celtic forms with those from other IE
languages presupposes a PIE ablauting paradigm with Nom. s. *nekus / Gen.
*nkews. Celtic generalized the stem form of the oblique cases, as, e.g., in the
words for ‘nail’ (*ang“ina) and ‘name’ (*anman-).
38 *anman
REF: DGVB 64, GPC I: 49, Deshayes 2003: 65, ETEC 150, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 97.
*anman ‘name’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ainm [n n]
W: OW anu, MW enw [m]
BRET: MBret. hanu, anff, MoBret. anw [m]
CO: Co. enw, hanow
GAUL: anuana [p] (Larzac)
PIE: *hsnomn ‘name’ (IEW: 321)
COGN: Hitt. Jaman, Skt. nadman-, Lat. n6men, Gr. noma, Go. namé, OPr.
emmens, Russ. imja, Alb. emér, ToB fiom, Arm. anun
ETYM: The Celtic forms are derived from the oblique cases of the PIE
word for ‘name’, i.e. from *h3nmen-, just like, e.g., the Slavic forms (cf.
Russ. imja). The exact PIE reconstruction of the word for ‘name’ is hotly
disputed; like de Vaan (2008) I discard the evidence of Gr. Enyma- as too
uncertain for positing the initial *h,-; however, unlike the Leiden school, I
do not believe the evidence warrants *h3neh3mn (see Beekes 1987 and
Matasovi¢é 2004: 122). The long 6 in Lat. némen is analogical (presumably
from co-gndmen under the influence of co-gndsco ‘recognize’).
REF: LEIA A-36f., GPC I: 1220, Lambert 1994: 18f., Falileyev 8,
Delamarre S50f., Deshayes 2003: 67, McCone 1996: 50, 64, 61, 72, 80, 117,
127, 134, Beekes 1987, Matasovic¢ 2004: 122. e
*an-men-V- ‘patience, forbearance’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. ainmne [nt ?]
W: MW anmynedd, amynedd [m and f]
PIE: *men- ‘wait, remain’ (IEW: 729)
COGN: Skt. dmaman [3 s Perf.], Gr. ménd, Lat. maneo, Arm. mnam ‘stay,
expect’, ToB mdsketdr ‘is located’
ETYM: The Celtic proto-form cannot be reconstructed. Olr. ainmne may
be from *an-men-ant-, while MW anmynedd can come from
*an-men-iya, but in both cases the word formation is unclear. The
prefix an- is probably the intensive prefix, quite common in Insular
Celtic, and sometimes compared to Gaul. ande- (LEIA A-70). The
attribution to the PIE root *men- seems quite probable.
REF: LEIA A-37, GPC I: 104, LIV 393.
*Aanniyo- ‘ring’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dinne [io ?m] gl. anellus
PIE: *h,eh,n- ‘ring’ (EW: 47)
COGN: Lat. aGnus ‘ring, anus’, Arm. anur ‘necklace, ring’
ETYM: The reconstruction of the PCelt. form is uncertain. A derivation
from *an-sn-iyo- is possible, with the similar development as in Olt. grian
‘sun’ < *g”rensna. On the other hand, the derivation from PCelt. *yasniyo-
*ansyo- 39
would also be regular, in which case we are dealing with PIE *(H)yeh;s-
‘belt, girdle’ (IEW 513, cf. Gr. zoné, Lith. juosta, OCS po-jasv). The
development of meaning from ‘belt’ to ‘ring’ would be quite unproblematic.
REF: LEIA A-37.
*ansyo- ‘reins’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. éis(s)i [?i0 m p]
PIE: *hyensyo- ‘reins’ (IEW: 48)
COGN: Gr. (Myc.) a-ni-ja, Gr. hénia, Lat. Gnsa ‘handle of a cup’
REF: EIEC 481.
*anto- ‘border, limit’ [Noun]
GAUL: antom (Vercelli); Anto-broges [Ethnonym] (var. Antebroges, Pliny
IV, 109)
PIE: *h,ento- ‘border’ (IEW: 48ff.)
COGN: Skt. dnta-, Go. andeis ‘end’
SEE: *antono- ‘forehead’
ETYM: Relying, as it does, only on Gaulish, this etymology is rather
uncertain, but cf. the derivative from the same root in Olr. étan < *antono-
‘front, forehead’.
REF: Delamarre 50.
*antono- ‘forehead’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. étan [o m]
PIE: *h,ent- ‘face, forehead’ (IEW: 209)
COGN: Skt. anti- ‘in front of’, Lat. ante ‘in front of, Hitt. hant-, ToB ante
‘surface, forehead’
SEE: *anto- ‘border’
ETYM: The word formation of PCelt. *antono- is somewhat unclear; a
derivation from PIE *h2ent-h3en- is thinkable.
REF: EIEC 209, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 256, 450
*anuxto- ‘what is unpronounced, mistake in versification’ [Noun]
SEE: *woxtlo- ‘word’, *wek”o- ‘face’
*anxtu- ‘slaughter’ [Noun]
SEE: *anku- ‘death’
*aramo- ‘quiet’ [Adj]
W: MW araf ‘quiet, leasurely, calm’
PIE: *h,erh,- ‘be still’ (IEW: 322f.)
COGN: Skt. ilay- ‘be still’, ratri- ‘night’, Av. raman- ‘tranquility’, Gr.
érémos ‘deserted’
40 *aratro-
ETYM: If this etymology is correct (the semantic connection leaves much
to be desired), PCelt. *aramo- can be regularly derived from *eramo- (by
Joseph’s rule) < PIE *hy,erh)-mo-.
REF: GPC I: 175.
*aratro- ‘plow’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. arathar [o n or m] ‘plow, tillage’
W: OW arafter], MW aradr [m]
BRET: MBret. arazr
CO: OCo. aradar gl. aratrum
PIE: *hyerh;-tro- ‘plough’ (IEW: 62)
COGN: Lat. aratrum, Gr. drotron, Lith. arklas
SEE: *ar-yo- ‘to plow’
REF: LEIA A-84f., LP 2, 93, Falileyev 9, GPC I: 175, McCone 1996: 51,
53ff., Campanile 1974: 9.
*arawar / *arawen- ‘grain, cereal’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. arbor [n n]
W: W erwain [p] ‘meadow-sweet’
PIE: *h,erhzwr ‘field’ (IEW: 63)
COGN: Lat. aruum ‘plowed field’, Gr. (Myc.) a-ro-u-ra ‘field’
SEE: *ar-yo- ‘to plow’
ETYM: The inflection of Olr. arbor shows that this word was a heterocliton
in PCelt. The exact development of W erw ‘field’ is unclear to me. McCone
1994: 72 assumes that it is from the British pl. *arwi through raising. If it
belonged to the same paradigm as the precursor of Olr. arbor, then the
meaning of PCelt. *arawar was probably ‘cultivated field’. The PCelt.
oblique stem *ar(a)wen- is reflected in W erwain and in MIr. airmnech ‘man
who possesses a lot of grain’ (Cormac).
REF: LEJA A-85, EIEC 200, McCone 1994: 72, McCone 1996: 49, 53,
Zimmer 1991, Hamp 1995, Wodtko et alii 2008 322ff:
*ardi- ‘point, extremity, direction’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aird [i f]
PIE: *h.erdi- ‘point’ (IEW: 63)
COGN: Gr. ardis ‘point (of spear)’
REF: LEIA A-40f., EIEC 439, de Bernardo Stempel 199: 71, Matasovi¢
2004: 115.
*ardwo- ‘high’ [Adj]
GOID: O!r. ard [o]}
W: MW ardd ‘hill’ [m and f]
BRET: MBret. arz ‘elevated’
GAUL: Ardu-enna (silua) > Ardennes
PIE: *h,erHd'-wo- ‘upright’ (IEW: 339)
*arganto- 41
COGN: Lat. arduus ‘high, difficult’, Skt. urdhva-, Gr. orthds ‘upright’
ETYM: This etymology is generally accepted, but the derivation of the
PCelt. form from PIE is difficult. If we start from *h,erHd’-wo- we must
assume that the second laryngeal was lost in Celtic (through dissimilation?).
Gr. orthés can be derived from *h,orHd"wo- regularly (the loss of the
laryngeal is expected after oR by de Saussure’s rule). The exact
reconstruction of the PIE form is debated. Some linguists reconstruct PIE
*hyrd"wo-, but this does not explain Skt. ardhvd-. On the other hand, the
form *hjerHd'wo- is admittedly unusual (it looks like a compound of some
sort).
REF: LEIA A-87, GPC I: 185, EIEC 269, McCone 1996: 103, Delamarre
51f., Deshayes 2003: 76.
*arganto- ‘silver’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. argat [t n]
W: OW argant, MW ariant [m] (GPC arian, ariant)
BRET: OBret. argant, MBret. archant, MoBret. arc’hant [m]
CO: Co. argans
GAUL: Arganto-magus [Toponym] (today Argenton-sur-Creuse)
CELTIB: arkato-bezom (K.0.7)
PIE: *hyerg-nt-o- ‘silver’ (IEW: 64)
COGN: Lat. argentum, Skt. rajata-, Arm. arcat
ETYM: Celtib. arkato-bezom has been interpreted as ‘silver mine’, but this
is uncertain; however, the existence of this word for silver in Celtiberian is
supported by PN Arkanta. There is some inconclusive evidence that
Celtiberian also had another word for ‘silver’, silapur (Botorrita I), which is
probably a Wanderwort of unknown origin, identical to Go. silubr, OCS
sorebro and Lith. sidabras (MLH V.1: 333). Positing a full grade in PIE
*hergnto- to account for the Celtic reflexes appears more probable than
accepting the rule *hyrC/ > PCelt. *arC-, but see also the development in
*arto- ‘bear’. The zero-grade *h,rgnto- would probably have yielded PCelt.
**riganto-. Skt. rajata- is compatible only with *horgnto-, not with
*hergnto-, but cp. Skt. drjuna- ‘silver’, which may be from *h,erg-u-no-,
just as Gr. drgyros ‘silver’ is presumably from *h,erg-u-ro-. This shows that
the PIE word for ‘silver’ may have had an ablauting paradigm, perhaps
originally heteroclitic *h,ergw-r / *horgwen-s.
REF: LEIA A-88, EIEC 518, 641., DGVB 72, Falileyev 11, GPC I: 203, LP
33, Deshayes 2003: 71, LHEB 467f., Jordan Célera 1998: 20, Lambert 1994:
76f., Delamarre 53, Birkhan 1970: 121, Campanile 1974: 9, Untermann
1989, McCone 1994: 80, MLH V.1: 41f.
*argyo- ‘white’ [Adj], ‘snow’ [Noun]
W: MW eiry (GPC eira, eiry) [m] ‘snow’
BRET: MBret. erc’h ‘snow’ [m]
CO: OCo. irch, MoCo. ergh
42 *aro-
GAUL: Argio-talus [PN]
SEE: *argant- ‘silver’
ETYM: Hamp 1974, GPC and Deshayes (2003: 218) would relate these
words to Olr. arg ‘drop’ (< *argo-), but this word is attested almost only in
glossaries, its gender and stem-formation are unknown, and its meaning
cannot easily be derived from the original meaning ‘white’. The meaning
‘snow’ is improbable in PCelt. (The Gaul. PN Argio-talus is presumably
‘white-foreheaded’ rather than ‘snow-foreheaded’).
REF: Delamarre 54, GPC I: 1195, Hamp 1974.
*aro- ‘ploughing, ploughed land’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ar [o n > m] ‘tilling, the land ploughed, husbandry’
W: MW ar [m] ‘ploughed land’ (GPC Gr)
PIE: *hyerh;-o- ‘ploughing’
SEE: *ar-yo- ‘plough’
ETYM: The PCelt. form reflects a simple nomen actionis (*h26rh30-) from
the PIE verb ‘to plough’.
REF: LEIA A-81, GPC I: 174.
*aron- ‘kidney’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. aru [n f] ‘kidney, gland’
W: MW arenn [f] ‘kidney, testicle, stone’ (GPC aren); eirin [p]
PIE: *h2ehor- ‘kidney’
COGN: Hitt. hahri-, ? Lat. renés [Nom p], ToA arific ‘heart’
ETYM: MW arenn seems to be from *aren-, so we may reconstruct an
ablauting paradigm in PCelt. (perhaps Nom. sg. *arii / Gen. sg. *aron-os, or
*aren-os). If Lat. rénés belongs here, it could represent the zero-grade
*hyhor-en-. Alternatively, we could reconstruct the PIE root as *hjren-, and
assume reduplication in Celtic (*hje-hgren- > Olr. dru, *hoh2ren- > MW
arenn) and, perhaps, Anatolian, while Latin rénés would be from
unreduplicated *h,rén- (with the lengthened grade generalized from tne
Nom. sg.?). For a different etymology of the Celtic words for ‘kidney’ see
Stiiber 1998: 177f. She compares Go. akran ‘fruit’, which is not convincing
semantically.
REF: LEIA A-92, GPC I: 191, EIEC 329, Matasovic 2004: 112, Stiiber
1998: 177f.
*arto- ‘bear’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. art [o m] ‘bear, hero, warrior’
W: MW arth [m and f]
BRET: OBret. Ard-, Arth- , MoBret. arzh [m]
GAUL: 4rtio [Theonym]
PIE: *hyrtko- ‘bear’ (IEW: 845)
COGN: Hitt. hartagga-, Skt. rksa-, Gr. arktos, Lat. ursus, Alb. ari
*arto- 43
ETYM: Basque hartz ‘bear’ is presumably a Celtic loanword. The
development of the syllabic resonant *r > ar before a stop is probably to be
explained by assuming a special development of the cluster *tk (to *p or
*xp) and that this cluster behaved like the fricative *s when the syllabic
resonant developed vocalic prothesis (but cf. PCelt. *mrixto-, which shows
that original, non metathesised *kt was preserved in Celtic until the
development of the prothesis in syllabic resonants). Thus we had *hortkos >
*(H)rxpbos > *arxpos > *artos, but *mrktos > *mriktos > *mrixtos. Another,
in my opinion less probable explanation, would involve positing a special
rule *hyrC > *arC before CRC > CriC (Joseph 1982: 50f.).
REF: LEIA A-91, LP 25, GPC I: 212, EIEC 55, 98, McCone 1994: 69,
McCone 1996: 48, 52, Matasovic 2004: 87, Delamarre 55f., Deshayes 2003:
76.
*arto- ‘stone’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. art
GAUL: artuass ‘stones’ (Todi)
ETYM: This is a rather weak etymology, since the MIr. word is known only
from glossaries (its gender and stem formation are unknown), and the
meaning of the Gaulish noun is not ascertained (cf. Lambert 1994: 74).
REF: LEIA A-91.
*aryo- ‘free man’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aire [k m, originally io m]
GAUL: Ario-manus, Ario-vistus [PN]
PIE: *hyery-o- ‘host’ (?) IEW: 24, 67)
COGN: Skt. aryd- ‘kind, hospitable’
ETYM: The k-stem of OIr. aire is clearly secondary, as Dat. pl. airib is also
attested. Therefore, the word was originally a yo-stem. A different
etymology (e.g. in Meid 2005: 146) relates these Celtic words to PIE *prh;-
‘first? (Skt. purvd- etc.), but this is less convincing because there are no
traces of the laryngeal in the purported Celtic reflexes (*prh3yo- would have
probably given PCelt. *frayo-). The old comparison with Skt. aryd- (itself a
derivative of ari- ‘guest’, cf. Mayrhofer, s. v.) still offers the most plausible
etymology.
REF: LEIA A-42, EIEC 213, Delamarre 55, Meid 2005: 146.
*ar-yo- ‘to plough’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. airid, -air; araid, -ara [3 s Subj.]; ebraid, -ebra [Fut. 3 s]
W: MW arddu
BRET: MBret. arat ‘ploughing’
CO: (Late) Co. aras ‘ploughing’
PIE: *h.erh3-ye- ‘to plough’ (IEW 62f.) ;
COGN: Gr. aro6, Lat. aro, OHG erien, OCS orjaq, orati, Lith. ariu, arti
44 *§s-
ETYM: Kortlandt (2007: 137) reconstructs an original athematic i-present
for Olr. airid and the whole BII class of presents that are traditionally
interpreted as thematic. However, the existence of athematic i-presents (with
possible parallels in Italic and Balto-Slavic) is disputed.
REF: LEIA A-81, GPC I: 185, KPV 205, LIV 243, Kortlandt 2007: 135-
137.
*As- ‘mouth’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. a
PIE: *h,oh;s ‘mouth’
COGN: Hitt. ais, Skt. as-, Lat. ds
ETYM: The Olr. word a is known only from poetry and glossaries. Its
gender is uncertain. The reconstruction of the PIE etymon is a matter of
dispute; I reconstruct *h,- because of the lack of laryngeals in Anatolian.
Another possibility is PIE *h3eh,s (assumed, e.g., by Mayrhofer, s. v. as-), or
*h,eh3-es- (Kloekhorst, s. v. ais).
REF: LEIA A-4, EIEC 37, 313, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 26, Matasovié
2004: 110.
*assell- ‘joint, part’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. asil, aisil ‘part, division, joint’
BRET: MBret. esel [m] ‘joint’
CO: Co. esel ‘joint’
ETYM: A convincing IE etymology is lacking. Formally, one could think of
a derivation from *ad-sel- (cf. PCelt. *selwa ‘possession’).
REF: LEIA A-94, Deshayes 2003: 218.
*assowyo- ‘left’ [Adj]
W: MW aswy, asw ‘left, sinister, clumsy’
BRET: MBret. hasou ‘left’, MoBret. asow ‘favorable, venerable’
PIE *sewyo- (IEW: 915)
COGN: Skt. savyd-, OCS Sui
ETYM: The Brittonic forms of this adjective are derived from prefixed
*ad-sowyo- < *hyed-sewyo-. It is sometimes argued that this PIE word for
‘left’ is actually formed from the full grade of the root *hsu- ‘good’ (Skt.
su-). The change of meaning would be due to taboo.
REF: GPC I: 223, EIEC 349, Deshayes 2003: 77.
*astn(iy)o- ‘rib’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. asna, esna [io m] ‘rib’
W: MW assen [Singulative f] ‘rib’, W ais [Collective] (GPC eisen)
CO: OCo. asen gl. costa
PIE: *h,osth, ‘bone’ (IEW: 783)
COGN: Hitt. hastai-, Luv. has-, Skt. asthi-, Gr. (Hom.) ostéon, Lat. os,
ossis, Alb. asht, Arm. oskr
*ati- 45
ETYM: Celtic has generalized the stem of the oblique cases of this
heteroclitic noun (cf. Skt. Gen. sg. asthnas). However, the stem formation in
PCelt. is unclear. Olr. might perhaps point to *astniyo-, but cf. also MW
ascurn, ascwrn ‘bone’, OCo. ascorn ‘bone’, MBret. ascorn, ascourn ‘bone’
< *as(t)-kornu- (where *kornu is the word for ‘horn’?). For the formation of
*astniyo- and the development *stn > sn cf. PCelt. *brustniyo- ‘bundle’.
REF: GPC I: 219, 1198, EIEC 77, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 368,
Schrijver 1995: 53ff., Matasovié 2004: 97, 108
*ati- ‘furnace, oven’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aith [i f]
W: MW odyn [f] ‘kiln’
CO: Co. Oden-colc [Toponym]
PIE: *hyeh,-t- ‘burn’ (IEW: 69)
COGN: Pal. hari ‘be hot’, Lat. dra ‘altar’, atrium ‘first main room in a
Roman house’
ETYM: Only Palaic seems to preserve the underlying PIE verb *hoehy,-,
while Celtic shows a nominal derivative with the suffix *-ti-.
REF: LEIA A-54, GPC II: 2618, EIEC 87.
*ati-daw-ino- ‘firebrand’ [Noun]
SEE: *daw-yo- ‘kindle’
*ati-g”an-o- ‘strike again’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ad-goin ‘wounds again’
W: MW atwanaf [1s Pres.] (GPC adwanaf)
SEE: *g”an-o- ‘hit, strike’
REF: KPV 362ff., GPC I: 28.
*ati-liy-o- ‘stick, adhere to’ [Vb]
GOID: OlIr. ad-len ‘adheres to, follows’
W: MW edlynu ‘to smear, daub’
SEE: *liy-o- ‘flow’
REF: KPV 453f., GPC I: 1166.
*ati-nuw-o- ‘promise, assent to’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ad-noi ‘entrusts, commends to’
W: MW adneu [m] ‘inhumation, deposit (in the earth), pledge’ (GPC
adnau)
BRET: MBret. adnou ‘deposit’
PIE: *new- ‘nod, assent to’ (IEW: 767)
COGN: Lat. ad-nuo, Gr. neud ‘nod’, perhaps Skt. ndvate ‘move, tum
oneself”
ETYM: The Brittonic forms do not agree very well in meaning with the Olr.
verb; for semantic develpoment see LEIA N-13. Celtic points to the zero-
46 *attreba
grade of the PIE root (*nuw-o-). Mayrhofer (s. v. NAV-) doubts the existence
of Skt. navate attributing all of the alleged instances of this verb to another
root (PIE *new(H)- ‘roar, bellow’).
REF: LEIA N-13, GPC I: 24, LIV 410.
*attreba ‘settlement’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. attrab [4 f] ‘possession, the act of occupying, a dwelling’
W: MW athref [f] ‘dwelling-place, abode’
GAUL: Atrebates [Ethnonym]
SEE: *treba ‘settlement’
ETYM: The geminate in Celtic is doubtlessly the result of assimilation from
*ad-treba, cf. W tref ‘home, town’ < *treba. The assimilation must obviously
be posterior to the development *DD > *ss, which is Proto-Celtic. This
shows that the word need not be very old.
REF: GPC I: 235, LP 123, 147, Delamarre 59.
*attyo- ‘father, foster father’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aite [io m]
W: MW fat [m] (GPC tad)
BRET: MBret. fat, MoBret. tad [m]
CO: OCo. tat gl. pater
PIE: *atta- ‘daddy’ (IEW: 71)
COGN: Gr. atta, Go. atta, Lat. atta, Croat. tata
SEE: *tato- ‘father’
ETYM: Cf. also the Gaul. PN Tati-cenus, which may be related. Nursery
words not really derivable from the same prototype (the Brittonic forms are
from a reduplicated root *tato-).
REF: LEIA A-52f., GPC IV: 4307f., Campanile 1974: 98, Deshayes 2003:
707.
*aw ‘from’ [Prep]
GOID: Olt. 6, ua [Aspirating, + Dat.]
W: OW o, MW o
BRET: MBret. o
PIE: *hyew ‘away’ (IEW: 73)
COGN: Lat. au-, Skt. ava, OCS u-
ETYM: The Or. conjunction 6 (and MW 0) ‘when’ is the same word (in the
unstressed position). There is, in Olr., also the adverb du ‘away’ < *h,ewo-
(= Skt. ava). Celtib. au-tom (Bronze res), which is probably a conjunction,
might be comparable to Lat. autem.
REF: LEIA O-1, EIEC 37, Falileyev 122f., Deshayes 2003: 543, MLH V.1:
56f.
*aw- ‘negative prefix and particle’ [Particle]
GOID: OIr. ua-
*aw-bero- 47
PIE: *h,ew- (IEW: 72)
COGN: OCS z-, e.g. in u-bogs ‘poor’
SEE: *aw- ‘from’
ETYM: This is perhaps the same entry as *aw- ‘from’ (see Hamp, 1990).
REF: LEIA U-1, Hamp 1990.
*aw-bero- ‘vain’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. dbar, uabar gl. inanis [o]
W: MW ofer
BRET: MoBret. euver ‘lazy’
CO: Co. ufer ‘vain’
ETYM: In principle, these words can be derived from the negative prefix
*aw- and the verbal root *ber-o- ‘carry’, but both the semantic connection
and the word formation are difficult. The original meaning could have been
‘not carrying’ hence ‘lazy’ and ‘vain’.
REF: LEIA O-4, GPC III: 2629, Deshayes 2003: 223, Schrijver 1995: 194f.
*awe-C- ‘inspiration, insight’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aui, ai [t m> f] ‘poetic inspiration’
W: MW awen [f] ‘poetic inspiration, talent’
SEE: *awela ‘breeze, wind’
ETYM: MoBret. awen ‘inspiration’ is a loanword from W. The PCelt.
reconstruction is difficult because word formations of Olr. aui and MW
awen do not agree.
REF: LEIA A-19, GPC I: 240, Deshayes 2003: 83, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 172.
*awela ‘breeze, wind’ [Noun]
W: MW awel [f] ‘breeze’
BRET: OBret. avelou gl. aurarum, MBret. avel, auel ‘wind’, MoBret. awel
CO: OCo. auhel gl. aura
PIE: *h.uh,-el- (IEW: 81ff.)
COGN: Gr. della ‘stormwind’
ETYM: The Celtic forms presuppose the full grade of the root, *h,ewh,-el,
while Gr. della can be both from *h,uhjel- and *hyewh,-el-. We are probably
dealing with an archaic neuter !-stem here, with Nom. sg. *h,ewhyl, Gen. sg.
*houh,el-s. Both the Greek and the Celtic reflexes may be from the old
(collective) plural.
REF: DGVB 77, GPC I: 240, Campanile 1974: 11.
*awislo- ‘wish, desire’ [Noun]
W: MW ewyllys [m and f] ‘will, appetite, lust’
BRET: OBret. aiul gl. ultro, MBret. eoull, youll ‘eagerness, appetite’
CO: Co. awell ‘will’
PIE: *h,ewH- ‘wish’ (IEW: 77f.)
48 *awon-tir
COGN: Lat. aueo ‘be eager’, Skt. avasa- ‘refreshment, food’, Arm. aviwn
‘lust’
ETYM: Cf. also W awydd ‘eager desire, lust, greed’ which may represent
*awédo- < *h,ew-eydo- parallel to Lat. auidus ‘eager’ < *h,ew-ido- (rather
than being borrowed from Latin, as is often assumed).
REF: GPC I: 243, 1264, Schrijver 1991: 47.
*awon-tir, *awon-tro- ‘uncle’ [Noun]
W: MW evythyr, ewythr [m]
BRET: MBret. eontr
CO: OCo. euitor, MoCo. ewnter
PIE: *h,ewh,-on- (IEW: 89)
COGN: Lat. auunculus ‘maternal uncle’
SEE: *awyo- ‘grandfather’
ETYM: Olr. amnair [r m] ‘maternal uncle’ is derived from the same root in
the oblique cases, but with a different suffix (*awn-er), by analogy with
other kinship terms in *-r.
REF: LEIA A-67, GOI 214, GPC I: 1265f., Deshayes 2003: 217, McCone
1992b, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 128, Schrijver 1995: 365ff., Stiiber 1998:
110.
*awsetlo- ‘(flesh-)fork’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aé/ [o m, perhaps originally n] gl. fuscina
PIE: *hews- ‘draw water, scoop up’ (IEW 90)
COGN: Pal. hussinta ‘they draw water for themselves’, Lat. haurio ‘draw
up’, ON ausa ‘scoop up’
ETYM: Olt. aé/ is considered to have been borrowed from OE awul ‘fork’
by LEIA A-20, but the phonetics of this comparison are difficult, and the
Olr. word is attested earlier than other loanwords from OE (already in the
Sanktgallen Glosses). Watkins 2005 derives Olr. aé/ from the PIE root
*hoews- ‘to draw water’ and assumes PCelt. *aws-elo- or *aws-ilo-, but the
suffix *-tlo- in a nomen instrumenti is inherently more probable. For the
sound development cp. Olr. scé] ‘story’ < *sk”etlom. The initial h- in Lat.
haurio is due to hypercorrection.
REF: LEIA A-20, LIV 246, Watkins 2005.
*awsos- ‘ear’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. au, (DIL @) [s n]; ae [Gen s]
GAUL: Su-ausia [PN]
PIE: *h,ews- ‘ear’ (IEW: 785)
COGN: Lat. auris, Gr. otis, Av. usi [Dual], OE éare, Lith. ausis, OCS uxo,
Alb. vesh
ETYM: Olr. presupposes a PCelt. s-stem *awsos, cf. the parallel formation
in Slavic (OCS uxo, Nom. pl. uSesa). This is much more probable than the
*aw-tito- 49
other possibility, namely that PCelt. preserved the PIE neuter root-noun
(*h,ows > Gr. oiis).
REF: LEIA A-102, EIEC 173. de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 35, 148.
*aw-tito- ‘scarce’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. dthath ‘a few’
W: MW odid ‘scarce, rare, exceptional’
ETYM: These words are derived with the negative/ablative prefix *aw-
from the verbal base *ti-nad- of Olr. tinaid ‘fades away’. Further
etymological connections are unclear. PCelt. *ti-na- can be derived from PIE
*d'g*"i- ‘perish’ (Gr. phthind, Skt. ksi-) only if one assumes a form of the
root with s-mobile, hence *sd"g"i-na- > *stind- > *ti-nd- (with *st- > *t- as
in Olr. ta < *std-, which is perhaps due to a generalization of one sandhi
form).
REF: GPC III: 2616, Greene 1971, Hamp 1975.
*awV- (?) ‘liver’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. da [f] gl. iecur, deib [Dat p]
W: MW ahu, auu, afu [m and f]
BRET: MBret. auu, MoBret. avu [m]
CO: OCo. aui
ETYM: Olr. da is not well attested in the early period, so the stem
formation is unknown. The MIr. form is ae. Cf. also the derivatives W euad,
afuad ‘liver-rot, speedwell’, euod ‘liver fluke, worms in the liver of sheep’.
The reconstruction of the PCelt. form is very uncertain, so it is impossible to
offer a plausible IE etymology. Speculatively, one may consider the
possibility of a derivation from the PIE root *h,eh,- ‘be warm’ (Pal. ha-, cf.
LIV 229); for the semantic connection, cf. Russ. pécen’ ‘liver’ < *pek”-
‘cook, bake’ (Lat. coquo, etc.).
REF: LEIA O-2, GPC I: 46, 1256, Pedersen I: 313, Deshayes 2003: 82.
*aw-yo- ‘protect’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. con-di ‘protects’
PIE: *h,ewH- ‘help, protect? (IEW: 77)
COGN: Skt. avati ‘helps’
ETYM: Olr. con-oi is from the compound *kom-aw-yo- (the simplex is
unattested). The compound PNs Gaul. Aui-cantus and OBret. Eucant might
contain the same verbal root. The closest cognate to this Celtic verb is found
in Skt. dvati, but it is possible that this is the same PIE root as *hewH-
‘wish’ (see *awislo- ‘wish, desire’). For the root-final laryngeal cf. the Skt.
past participle uta-. Lat. iuuo, iuudre ‘help’ may also belong here (de Vaan
2008: 318; he reconstructs the root as *h;ewH-).
REF: LEIA O-2, de Vaan 2008: 318.
*awyo- ‘descendant, grandchild’ [Noun]
50 *4awyo-
GOID: OIr. aue > ua, 6 [io m], Ogam AVI [Gen s]
CO: OCo. eviter gl. patruus
GAUL: aua (Cavaillon) ‘granddaughter’
PIE: *h,ewh.o- ‘grandfather; maternal uncle’ (IEW: 89)
COGN: Hitt. hihha- ‘grandfather’, Lat. auus ‘grandfather’, auunculus
‘maternal uncle’, Olc. de ‘great-grandfather’, OCS ujo ‘maternal uncle’,
Arm. haw ‘grandfather’
SEE: *awon-tir ‘uncle’
ETYM: MW ewythr ‘maternal uncle’, MBret. eontr, and MCo. eviter <
PCelt. *awontir, *awontro-, another derivative from the same PIE root.
PCelt. *awyo-, implied by Olr. aue (and perhaps by MW wy-r ‘descendant’)
is derived from PIE *h,ewh.o- ‘grandfather’.
REF: LEIA A-103f., U-1, EIEC 237, Schrijver 1995: 301, Delamarre 60.
*awyo- ‘egg’ [Noun]
W: OW ui, MW wy [m]
BRET: MBret. uy, MoBret. ui [m]
CO: OCo. uy gl. ovum, MCo. oy
PIE: *h,dwyo- ‘egg’ (IEW: 783)
COGN: Lat. duum, Gr. didn, Av. aém [Acc. s], OCS ajoce, Russ. jajco,
Arm. ju, OHG ei, Alb. ve
ETYM: The Olr. word for ‘egg’, og [s n, later m and f] probably does not
belong here (some consider it to be a loanword from Brittonic). PIE
*h.dwyo- is a vrddhi derivative from *h,ewi- ‘bird’ (Skt. vay-, Lat. auis, Gr.
aietos ‘eagle’, etc.). MW hwyat ‘duck’ and MBret. houat ‘duck’ are
sometimes derived from the same PIE root, but the initial h- (< PIE *s-) is
unclear, so I doubt whether this etymology is correct.
REF: LEIA O-13, GPC III: 3739, EIEC 176, Falileyev 153, Campanile
1974: 104, Deshayes 2003: 755, Schrijver 1995: 300ff., Schindler 1969.
*axsi- ‘back’ [Noun]
SEE: *axsila ‘axis’
*axsila ‘axis’ [Noun]
W: MW echel [f]
BRET: MBret. ahel [m]
PIE: *heks- ‘axis’ (IEW: 6)
COGN: Lat. axis, Lith. asis
ETYM: OIr. ais [f] ‘back’ might be related, but the semantic connection is
unclear. The development ‘axis’ > ‘spine’ > “back’ is at least imaginable,
and the development from PIE *h.eksi- > PCelt. *axsi- > Olr. ais would be
regular.
REF: LEIA A-50, GPC I: 1160, Deshayes 2003: 53, LP 20, EIEC 39.
*axto-, *axtino- ‘furze, gorse’ [Noun]
*ay-sso- 51
GOID: Olr. aitten [o m]
W: MW aeth, (GPC aith), eithin
BRET: OBret. ethin gl. rusci
CO: OCo, eythinen [Singulative] gl. ramnus
PIE: *hyek-sti-
COGN: Lith. akstis ‘spit (for roasting)’, Russ. ost’ ‘awn, bristle’
ETYM: MW aeth probably preserves the original underived noun (*axto-).
The British forms presuppose a feminine noun (presumably old collective)
*axtina, while Olr. aitten points to *axtino-.
REF: LEIA A-57, GPC I: 73, 1203, DGVB 168, Zimmer 2000: 521,
Mallory & Adams 2006: 165.
*ay-sso-, *ay-to- ‘life, age’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. aes, des [o nj
W: OW ois [f] ‘age’, MW oes; OW oit [f and m] ‘time, period’, MW oed
BRET: OBret. oit, MBret. oet
CO: OCo. huis gl. seculum, Co. oys
PIE: *hoey-(wo)- ‘age’ (IEW: 17f.)
COGN: Lat. aeuum, Go. aiws, Gr. aién ‘always’
ETYM: Celtib. aiuizas is often adduced as a cognate, but the meaning of
this word is quite uncertain, and the connection would be possible only if
PIE *-s- can give Celtib. -z-, which is improbable (*s is generally preserved
in Celtiberian, and z < *d). The forms within Brittonic differ to some extent.
Perhaps we should reconstruct both PCelt. *ayto- (> MW oed) and *aysso- <
*ayt-to- (MW oes). Cf. also Ogam PN AVITTO-RIGES and OBret. Oed-ri.
The IE comparanda in IEW (Lat. aeuum, etc.) are derived from the u-stem
seen in Skt. ayu- ‘lifetime’ < PIE *h,oyu-. Celtic seems to preserve the
original root form *h,ey- with different suffixes.
REF: LEIA A-21, LP 9, Falileyev 124, DGVB 275, Campanile 1974: 66,
Schrijver 1995: 194, MLH V.1: 13.
*aydu- ‘fire’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ded [?u n]
W: W aidd [m and f] ‘ardor’
BRET: MBret. oaz [m] ‘ardor, jealousy’
PIE: *h,eyd"os ‘firewood’ (IEW: 11)
COGN: Skt. édhas-, OE dd ‘bonfire’, Lat. aedes ‘building, temple’
ETYM: The vocalism of the two Brittonic forms does not agree (MBret. oaz
may perhaps regularly come from *aydu-, but in W *oedd would be
expected). See LEIA s. v. aed. It is possible that the ethnonym Aedui is
derived from the same PCelt. form (Delamarre 35). Olr. ded is not well
attested, but it appears to be an u-stem (the Gen. sg. is deda).
REF: LEIA A-20, GPC I: 69, EIEC 87, Delamarre 35f., Deshayes 2003:
543.
52 *ba-
*ba-, *ba-yo- ‘die’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. baid, -bd; bebaid [Fut.]; bebais [Pret.]; -bath [Pret. Pass. ]
PIE: *g”eh,- ‘tread’ (IEW: 463f.)
COGN: Skt. jigati ‘steps, goes’, Arm. kam ‘stand’, Lith. dial. gdju, goti ‘go’
ETYM: The present stem of Olr. ba’id is from PIE *g”h)-ye- (the zero
grade of the root seems to have been generalized in the whole paradigm). It
appears that the meaning was changed euphemistically from ‘go away’ to
‘die’ (cf. Eng. to pass away).
REF: LIV 205, KPV 214ff., McCone 1991: 109.
*bad-t- ‘dive, drown’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. baidid, -bdidi; badfid [Fut.], -bdided [Part. Pass.] ‘submerge,
drown’
W: MW boddi
BRET: MBret. beuziff; MoBret. beuzin
CO: Co. . buthy, bedhy
PIE: *g”ehpd"- ‘tread, wade’ (IEW: 465)
COGN: Skt. gadha- ‘ford’
ETYM: The Celtic formations can be interpreted as causatives or iteratives,
derived from *g”ohod’"-eye-. Gr. béssa, Dor. bassa ‘valley’ (if from
*g “ehod"-tih.) is possibly cognate, but the meanings are quite different. Skt.
gahate ‘wade’, Lith. gézti ‘overthrow, overturn’, Croat. gaiti ‘tread, wade’
appear to be from the same root (*g" eh-, cf. Skt. jigati ‘goes’, Gr. ébé
‘went’), but with a different suffix (*-"-).
REF: LEIA B-6, GPC I: 294f., EIEC 160, Deshayes 2003: 106.
*bakko- ‘hook, (curved) stick, hook’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol. bacc [0 m] ‘bill-hook, angle, bend’
W: OW bach, MW bach [m and f] ‘hook, peg’
BRET: OBret. bah, MBret. bach ‘hook’, MoBret. bac’h [m]
CO: Co. bagh
PIE: *bak- ‘stick’ (IEW: 93)
COGN: Lat. baculum, Gr. baktron
ETYM: According to DIL, Olr. bacc is used to refer to various hooked or
angled tools or other articles, but its primary meaning appears to be ‘angle,
corner’ (it also refers to an enclosed corner of the field’). The IE etymology
is uncertain: if it is indeed related to Lat. baculum, PCelt. *bakko- must
come from PIE *bak-. Because of the word-initial *b- and the vowel *a it
*balko- 53
contained, this word is suspect of being a Wanderwort, a loan from some
unknown source. This is possible if the original meaning was ‘shepherd’s
staff vel. sim.
REF: LEIA B-2, DGVB 77, GPC I: 246, Falileyev 13, Deshayes 2003: 85,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 513.
*balko- ‘strong’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. balc [o] ‘stout, strong, vigorous’
W: MW balch ‘fine, proud, strong, brave’
BRET: MoBret. balc’h
CO: Co. balgh
PIE: *b"el- ‘swell (?)” (IEW: 120)
COGN: OE beaid ‘bold’
ETYM: Celtib. kom-balkores and kom-balkez (both in Botorrita I) are
sometimes compared to this set of forms, but the meaning of these
Celtiberian words is unknown. On the Indo-European side, of many forms
from different languages adduced by IEW (120), few are actually related.
The PIE etymology adduced here is rather speculative. It is assumed that OE
beald and the cognate Germanic words contain the same root as PCelt.
*bal-ko-, with a different suffix, cf. also OE bealluc ‘testicle’. For a different
proposal see Hamp 1990a.
REF: LEIA B-12, GPC I: 251, Deshayes 2003: 88, Hamp 1990a, MLH V.1:
187ff.
*ballo- ‘member, penis’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ball [o m]; ball ferda gl. membrum uirile
GAUL: Ballo-marios [PN]
PIE: *b'el- ‘swell (2)’ (EW: 120)
COGN: Gr. phallés ‘penis’, Lat. follis ‘bag, sack, testicles’
ETYM: The geminate *Il in PCelt. is most likely from *ln, cf. also W balleg
‘sack, purse’, which is probably derived from the same root. Gr. phallés and
Lat. follis can also be from PIE *b"In-.
REF: LEIA B-12, Ellis Evans 1967: 147, Delamarre 65f., Hamp 1990a.
*bal-ni- ‘throw away, die’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. a-t-baill ‘dies’; -bela (Subj.]; -béla [Fut.]; -balt [Pret.]
W: MW aballu ‘die, perish’, aballaf [\s Pres.]
PIE: *g”elh,- ‘throw’ (IEW: 471f.)
COGN: Gr. ballé ‘throw’, perhaps ToAB kla- ‘fall’
ETYM: Olr. a-t-baill ‘dies’ is from *exs-id-bal-ni- ‘throws it (out)’, while
W aballu ‘die, perish’ < *ad-bal-. As with the verb *ba-, *ba-yo- ‘die’, the
development of meaning was euphemistic.
REF: LP 340, LEIA B-12, GPC I: 2, KPV 212, LIV 208.
*banatlo- ‘broom-plant, broom’ [Noun]
54 *bandi-,
W: MW banadl, banal [p] ‘broom, often fig. for woman’s golden hair’;
banadlen [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. balazn
CO: OCo. banathel gl. genesta
GAUL: *balano- > OF r. balain
ETYM: The instrument suffix *-tlo- makes it probable that this word has a
PIE pedigree, but it is difficult to attribute it to any PIE root; a derivation
from *benatlo- (by Joseph’s law) < *b"enH-tlo- appears possible, if MHG
bane ‘path, way’, originally ‘cleared path (in a wood)’ is related (cf. IEW
126); the PIE root must be reconstructed as *b*enH- ‘hit, strike’, but there is
no other evidence for a laryngeal in this root; Co. bony ‘axe’ could, in
principle, be from the same root.
REF: GPC I: 253, Delamarre 65, Lambert 1994: 187.
*bandi-, *bando- ‘melodious, harmonious’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. bind [i] (DIL binn)
W: MW bana, ban ‘high, noble, sonorous, melodious’
BRET: OBret. bann gl. canora
SEE: *bando- ‘peak, top’
ETYM: The Brittonic forms point to PCelt. *bando-, as if from the zero-
grade of the root. In W, ban is also a noun [m and f] ‘top, tip, summit’, also
‘horn of animal, corner, angle’. It is possible that this word and PCelt.
*bando- ‘top, peak’ became confused in Brit.
REF: LEIA B-51, GPC I: 253, DGVB 78.
*bando- ‘peak, top’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. benn [4 f] ‘peak, horn, mountain, crest’
W: MW bann [m and f] ‘peak, top, horn, beam’ (GPC ban)
BRET: MBret. ban, MoBret. bann [m] ‘peak’
CO: Co. ban
GAUL: Canto-bennicus (mons) [Toponym]
PIE: *bend- ‘point, pin’ (IEW: 96f.)
COGN: OE pintel ‘penis’, MLG pin, pinne ‘pin, nail’
SEE: *bandi-, *bando- ‘melodious, harmonious’
ETYM: Cf. also Pr. banno ‘horn’ < Gaul. *banna. The a-vocalism is best
explained if one assumes PIE zero-grade of the root, *bnd- > PCelt. *band-;
Gaul. Canto-bennicus might contain the full-grade (*bend-), or represent one
of the few instances of *CnC > Gaul. CenC. The Germanic parallels pointing
to initial *b- make borrowing from some non-IE source quite possible.
REF: LEIA B-35f., GPC I: 253, Deshayes 2003: 90, Pedersen I: 40,
Schrijver 1995: 455, Lambert 1994: 43, Sims-Williams 2006: 44f.
*bandyo- ‘drop’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. banne [io ?m] (DIL bannae) ‘drop, pustule’
W: MW ban [m]
*bano- 55
BRET: MBret. banne [m]
CO: OCo. banne gl. gutta
ETYM: These words are not related to Skt. bindu- ‘drop’ for reasons clearly
stated in EIEC 477 (the vocalism of Skt. makes the equation impossible).
REF: LEIA B-7f., GPC I: 253, ETEC 477, Deshayes 2003: 81.
*bano- ‘white, shining’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. ban [o]
PIE: *b'eh- ‘shine’ (IEW: 104)
COGN: Skt. bhdti ‘shines’, Av. banu- ‘beam of light’, Gr. phaino ‘show,
appear’, perhaps Arm. banam ‘open’
ETYM: PCelt. *bano- is from a deverbal adjective PIE *b"eh -no-.
REF: LEIA B-13, EIEC 115, 513, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 253, LIV 54,
Wodtko et alii 2008: 7f.
*banssu- ‘custom, habit’
GOID: Olr. bés [u m]
W: MW moes [m and f]
BRET: MBret. boas [m and f], MoBret. boas
PIE: *b'end"- ‘bind’ (IEW: 127)
COGN: Skt. bandh-, Go. bindan ‘tie’
SEE: *bondyo- ‘armband, bracelet’
ETYM: The meaning of Gaul. bessu gl. more feritatis (Virgil. Gramm. 14),
which is sometimes compared with these nouns, is quite uncertain (the gloss
could just as easily refer to feritas as to mos). W moes probably has its m-
because of the analogical influence of Lat. mds ‘custom’. The vocalism is
best explained if one starts from PIE zero grade of the root *b'nd’-tu- >
PCelt. *banssu- ‘bond, custom established by mutual trust’; for the sound
development cf. PCelt. *fanssa ‘footprint’ (but the Brit. vocalism remains
unclear). The connection with the root *b’eyd’- ‘trust? (IEW 117, cf. Lat.
fidés, Gr. peithd, etc.) is less probable. Olr. bés cannot be from *boyssu- (we
would expect **bdes), nor from *béssu- < *b"eyd"-tu- (we would expect
**bias).
REF: LEIA B-43, GPC III: 2476, Deshayes 2003: 117, Bammesberger
1989.
*banwo- ‘young pig, piglet’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. banb [o m]
W: MW banw [m and f]; beinw [p]
BRET: OBret. ban gl. scrofa, MoBret. band, banw [f]
CO: OCo. baneu gl. sus
GAUL: Banuus [PN]
ETYM: There do not seem to be any clear cognates in other IE languages,
so this word is, in all likelihood, a loanword from some non-IE source.
56 *barag(en)o/a
REF: LEIA B-14, GPC I: 255, LP 6, Ellis Evans 1967: 149, Delamarre 66f.,
Deshayes 2003: 91, Campanile 1974: 12.
*barag(en)o/a ‘(barley) bread’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bairgen [a f] ‘bread, loaf?
W: MW bara [m]
BRET: MBret. bara [m]
CO: OCo. bara gl. panis, bara can ‘white bread’
PIE: *b"ar- ‘barley’ (IEW: 111)
COGN: Lat. far ‘grain, coarse meal’, OE bere ‘barley’, Latv. bariba ‘food’,
Russ. bérosno ‘ryemeal’
ETYM: The PCelt. reconstruction is based on Olr., but *baragina appears
equally possible; in any case, this is a nominalized adjective, originally
meaning farreus (sc. panis); the Brittonic forms could be from underived
*barago- (cf. Lat. farrago ‘mixed crop of inferior grains’). The a-vocalism in
PIE *b'ar- points to non-IE origin.
REF: LEIA B-9, LP 31, GPC I: 256, EIEC 51, Campanile 1974: 12,
Deshayes 2003: 92.
*bar(an)- ‘fury, anger’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. barae [n f]
W: MW bar (GPC bar) [m], baran [m]
BRET: OBret. bere-hic gl. furibundus, baran
GAUL: ? Ambi-barii (Caesar, De Bello Gallico VII 75 4).
ETYM: Cf. also OBret. PN Bleid-bara ‘furious as a wolf’. These words
might be from the PIE root *b"erH- ‘pierce, injure’ (Lat. ferio, OCS borenie
‘fight’, Gr. pharos ‘plough’, etc.), but this is uncertain (one would have to
start with the n-stem *b"erdn / *b"erHnos, which would give PCelt. *beran-,
then *baran- by Joseph’s rule; Stiiber’s stem *barn- is impossible, since this
is a root in laryngeal, cf. the acute in Lith. barti ‘scold’).
REF: LEIA B-17, GPC I: 256, DGVB 79, Stiiber 1998: 171f.
*bardo- ‘bard, poet’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. bard [o m]
W: MW bardd [m); beirdd, beirddion, beirddiaid [p]
BRET: MBret. barz [m]
CO: OCo. barth gl. mimus, scurra
GAUL: *bardos, bardus (Festus), Bardo-magus [Toponym]
PIE: *g"erH- ‘praise’ (IEW: 478)
COGN: Skt. grnati ‘calls, praises’, Lat. gratus ‘grateful, pleasant,
delightful’, Lith. girti ‘praise’
SEE: *bar-na- ‘proclaim’
ETYM: The PCelt. form is an old compound, PIE *g”rH-d"h,o- ‘praise-
maker’ (the second element is the verbal root *d"eh,- ‘do, make’ (Skt. dé-
dha-ti, etc.). Since PIE *9"tH-d"h)o- should have given PCelt. **brado- we
*barego- 57
should either assume that the compound is recent, and posit a PCGPC elt.
root-noun (?) *bar- < *g”rH-, or rather the loss of the first laryngeal in the
compound and derive *bardo- from *g”r-d"h,o- regularly.
REF: LEIA B-18, GPC I: 257, LP 33, LIV 188f., EIEC 436, 449, Delamarre
67, Campanile 1974: 12, Deshayes 2003: 95, Schrijver 1995: 143.
*barego- ‘morning’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. barach [o ?] ‘tomorrow’
W: MW bore {m] ‘morning’; boreau, boryau, boreuau [p]
BRET: MBret. beure [m]
CO: Co. bore
SEE: *bano- ‘white, shining’
ETYM: A persuasive IE etymology is lacking. Hamp’s derivation of these
words from *ba-rigo- ‘cow-tying’ is not impossible, but it is semantically
far-fetched. From the formal side, *barego- can be a compound, consisting
of PIE *b'eh,- ‘shine’ (Skt. bha-, Gr. phaind, Gr. Hom. phdos ‘light,
daylight’, etc., cf. PCelt. *bano-) and *hjreg- ‘extend, stretch, rule’ (SKt.
rasti ‘rules’, Gr. orégo ‘extend’, Lat. rego ‘rule’, cf. PCelt. *reg-o-). Note
that reflexes of the verb +ph ehy- are regularly connected with dawn (Skt.
usds-, Gr. Hom. &0s) in both Greek and Vedic. A compound *b"eh -h3rego-
‘light-extending’ would be similar to the Gr. type phaes-phoros, phot-
agégos ‘light-bringing’ (Frisk, II: 989ff.). If this is correct, PCelt. *barego-
is in origin a nominalized adjective, perhaps originally an epithet of dawn.
REF: LEIA B-16, GPC I: 301, Deshayes 2003: 106, Hamp 1983, 1998.
*barina ‘rock, rocky ground’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. bairenn [8 f]
W: MW brennig [Collective]; brennigen [Singulative] ‘barnacle, limpet’
BRET: MBret. brennik, MoBret. brennig [Collective]
CO: Co. brennik
PIE: *g”rH- ‘hill, mountain’ (IEW: 477f.)
COGN: OCS gora ‘mountain’, Lith. giria ‘wood’, Alb. gur ‘rock’.
ETYM: It is assumed here that MIr. preserves the original formation, while
the Brittonic forms represent derivatives with a velar suffix. English
barnacle is ultimately derived from Brittonic *baranako-, cf. also Gallo-
Latin *bernacca (Port. bernaca, Fr. dial. barnache), *bernicca (Sp. berneca,
Gamillscheg 86f.). Celtic preserved the zero-grade of the PIE root noun
*9”orHs / *g"rH-os ‘woody mountain’ and added the adjectival suffix *-ino-
which is common in Celtic, cf. *magino- ‘stone’ (W_ maen),
*dragena/*dragina ‘sloetree’ (Olr. draigen), *kasnina ‘garlic’ (Olr. cainenn),
*worina ‘troop’ (Olr. foirenn), etc.
REF: LEIA B-9, GPC I: 320, Deshayes 2003: 135, De Bernardo Stempel
1999: 459,
*bar-na- ‘proclaim’ [Vb]
58 *barro-
W: MW barnu ‘judge, proclaim’; barn [Pres.]
BRET: MBret. barn
PIE: *g”erH- ‘praise’ (IEW: 478)
COGN: Skt. jarate ‘sings’, Lat. gratus ‘pleasing, beloved’, Lith. giriu, girti
‘praise’
REF: GPC I: 260, KPV 213, Deshayes 2003: 94, LIV 210f.
*barro- ‘point, top’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. barr [o m], Ogam CATA-BAR
W: MW barr [m] (GPC bar) ‘top, crest’
BRET: OBret. barr, MBret. barr
CO: Co. bar
GAUL: Cuno-barrus [PN]
PIE: *b'ers- ‘point’ (IEW: 109)
COGN: Skt. bhrsti- ‘tip, point’, OHG borst
ETYM: The Celtic forms may be derived from the zero-grade *b'rso- of an
ablauting root-noun with the Nom. sg. *b"drs, Gen. sg. *b"rs-os, Acc. sg.
*b?ors-m.
REF: LEJA B-20, GPC I: 256, EIEC 439, Pedersen I: 44, Delamarre 68,
Ziegler 1994: 100.
*baski- ‘bundle’ [Noun]
W: MW beich [m] ‘load, weight, burden’ (GPC baich)
BRET: MBret. bech, MoBret. bec ’h [m and f] ‘bundle, load’
CO: Co. begh
PIE: *b"ask- ‘bundle’ (IEW: 111)
COGN: Lat. fascis ‘bundle, faggot’, perhaps Alb. bashké ‘fleece’
ETYM: Olr. basc ‘necklace’ is often related to these words, but it is -
scarcely attested, and its meaning does not agree well with the meanings of
*baski- in other Celtic languages. A Gaulish reflex of PCelt. *baski- may be
preserved in Fr. dial. basse ‘net for carrying load’ (Gamillscheg 69). The fact :
that the root *b"ask- is limited to Italic and Celtic (and, possibly, Albanian),
as well as its a-vocalism, make it probable that it was borrowed from some
non-lE language.
REF: LEJA B-21f., GPC I: 250, Deshayes 2003: 98.
*basko- ‘red’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. base [o m]
PIE: *b'as- (IEW: 105)
COGN: OHG beri ‘berry’, OE basu ‘purple’
ETYM: MIr. basc is attested only in glossaries, and DIL relates it to basc
‘necklace’ (cf. PCelt. *baski- ‘bundle’. The IE etymology is very uncertain,
relying, as it does, only on Celtic and Germanic. The a-vocalism would
imply that the word was borrowed from some NW European substrate.
*basto- 59
Kluge (s. v. Beere) doubts the connection and derives OHG beri from PIE
*h,g"”-os-, relating it to Lith. doga ‘berry’, OCS jagoda, Lat. iiva, etc.
REF: LEIA B-22, Hamp 1990a.
*basto- ‘death’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. dds [o n]
PIE: *g”eh- ‘go’ (IEW: 480)
SEE: *ba-, *ba-yo- ‘die’
ETYM: OlIr. bas is actually the verbal noun to baid ‘die’. The stem
formation of *basto- is unclear, since the suffix *-sto- is unlikely. Note that
ll the forms could also be derived from *basso- < *9"eh,-d"-to-, where *-d'-
is either the (present stem?) suffix, or part of the root cf. PCelt. *bad-1-
‘dive, drown’ (the meaning ‘die’ could have developed from ‘drown’).
Another possibility is to relate Olr. bds to PIE *(s)g”es- ‘put out, quench’
(OCS gasiti, Gr. sbénnymi etc.). We would then have to posit PIE *g”6s-to-
> PCelt. *basto-. The lengthened grade would have its parallel in Slavic.
REF: LEIA B-20, Schrijver 1995: 406, 409.
*bato- ‘death’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bath [o n] ‘death’
W: MW bad ‘pest, plague’ [f]
SEE: *ba- ‘die’, *basto- ‘death’
ETYM: Olr. bath (also baath, bath) is an archaic word, occurring besides
the more usual bds < *basto- < *g”eh2-sto- (hence the analogical length in
bath). It can be derived from the zero-grade of the same root, *g”h»-to-.
Perhaps related are OCo. badus gl. lunaticus and MoBret. bad ‘stupor,
giddiness’, but the semantic side of this connection is a problem.
REF: LEIA B-22f., GPC I: 247, Irslinger 2002: 261f., 413.
*bebru- ‘beaver’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Bibar [PN]
BRET: OBret. beuer gl. castor (?)
GAUL: Bebriacum [Toponym] ‘locus castorum’ (Tacitus), Bibracte
[Toponym]
PIE: *b'eb"ru- ‘beaver’ (IEW: 136)
COGN: Skt. babhri- ‘brown’, Av. baBra- ‘beaver’, Lat. fiber, OE beofer,
Lith. bebrus
ETYM: It is uncertain whether OBret. beuer is originally Breton, or rather
from VLat. biber, which is itself a Gaulish loanword (cf. also OFr. biévre, It.
bevero, OSp. befre).
REF: DGVB 82, Delamarre 69f., Lambert 1994: 188f.
*bedo- ‘grave, ditch’ [Noun]
W: MW bedd [m]; beddau, beddi [p]
BRET: MBret. bez [f]
60 *bego-
CO: Co. beth
GAUL: *bedo- > Fr. bief ‘canal’
CELTIB: (arkato-)bezom (K.0.7)
PIE: *b"ed’- ‘dig’ (IEW: 113f.)
COGN: Hitt. padda'-, Lat. fodio, Go. badi ‘bed’, Lith. bedi, bésti, OCS |
bosti, bodets ‘prick, stab’
ETYM: Celtib. arkatobezom is plausibly interpreted as ‘silver mine’, but, as
with most Celtiberian forms, the interpretation is not completely certain. The
same word is preserved in toponymy, e.g. in the hydronyms Le Bé, Le Bez,
etc. in France, as well as in some substrate words in French and Italian
dialects (see Delamarre 70).
REF: GPC I: 267, LP 36, Delamarre 70, Deshayes 2003: 107, Villar 1997:
906, Lambert 1994: 188, MLH V.1: 41f.
*bego- ‘break’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. do-beig, co-toibget [3p Pres.]
PIE *b'eg- ‘break’ (IEW 114f.)
COGN: Skt. bhandkti, Arm. ebek ‘broke’, Lith. bengiu ‘end’
SEE: *bekko- ‘small’
ETYM: This verb was confused in Olr. with its near-homonym, do-boing
(DIL) ‘wrests, plucks, breaks’ < PCelt. *bung-o- < *b'ungo-. PIE *b'eg-
‘break’ is also attested in MW di-fo, diuo ‘destroying’ (< *di-bogo-) and in
the Olr. compound rdth-buige ‘builder of ramparts’ (< *bogyo-). Finally,
Olr. bocht ‘poor’ can represent *boxto- < *b"og-to- from the same root.
REF: KPV 216f, McCone 1991, LIV 66f.
*bek(k)o- ‘beak, snout’
BRET: MBret. bec, MoBret. beg [m]
GAUL: beccus (Suetonius), *bekko- > Fr. bec
ETYM: This appears to be an ‘expressive’ word, comparable to Lat. bucca
‘mouth’.
REF: Lambert 1994: 188, Deshayes 2003: 98f.
*bekko- ‘small’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. bec [o]
W: MW bach, bychan
BRET: MBret. bihan
CO: Co. boghan
SEE: *beg-o- ‘break’
ETYM: These words could originally be adjectives derived from the verb
‘to break’, PIE *b'eg- (Skt. bhanakti, Arm. bekanem, TEW 114f.). The
semantic development ‘broken into pieces’ > ‘small’ is possible, and PIE
*p’eg-ko- would yield PCelt. *bekko- regularly. However, an adjective
*b"eg-ko- does not seem to be formed according to the rules of PIE word
formation.
*bel-o- 61
REF: LEIA B-24, GPC I: 246, Deshayes 2003: 109.
*bel-o- ‘strike’ [Vb]
W: MW bel [3s Pres.]; belu ‘pierce, strike’
PIE: *g”elH- ‘suffer’ (IEW: 470f.)
COGN: OE cwelan ‘suffer’, OPr. gallintwei ‘kill’, Lith. gélti ‘stab’,
perhaps Arm. kelem ‘suffer’
SEE: *bal-ni- ‘die’
ETYM: Following LIV and KPV, these forms are to be separated from PIE
*o”elh)- ‘throw’, Celt. *bal-ni-.
REF: GPC I: 271, KPV 218, LIV 185, Isaac 1996: 309.
*belyo- ‘tree’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. bile [io n] ‘large tree, tree trunk’
PIE: *b"olhsyo- ‘leaf? (IEW: 122)
COGN: Lat. folium, Gr. phyllon
SEE: *blatu- ‘flower’
ETYM: The fact that the vocalism of Olr. does not agree with the
(expected) o-grade in Gr. and Lat. presumably shows that these are parallel
formations from the root *b'elh3-. The laryngeal probably dropped before *y
in PIE (Pinault’s rule).
REF: LEIA B-SOf.
*bena, *bena ‘woman’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bé [n], ben [f], mnda [Gen s],
W: OW ben [f]
BRET: MBret. e-ben ‘other’, lit. “his wife’; OBret. ban-leu gl. lene
CO: OCo. benen gl. sponsa
GAUL: bnanom [Gen p] (Larzac)
PIE: *g”enh, ‘woman’ (IEW: 473)
COGN: Skt. jani, gna, Gr. gyné, (Cuneiform) Luv. wana-, OE cwen, OPr.
genno, ToB Sana, OCS Zena
ETYM: Olr. neuter bé is an archaic, poetic word, later replaced by ben,
which also has an irregular inflection. LEIA derives bé from a putative
proto-form *g”epes- (cf. German Kebse ‘concubine’), which is very
unconvincing. I assume that the Olr. word bé is the regular reflex of *ben <
*bena < *g”enho, while the ‘regularized’ form *bena (by analogy with the 4-
stems) yielded ben. OW ben is a hapax, and in OBret. we have ban-doiuis g).
musa, literally “woman-goddess’. Cf. also W banon [f] ‘queen, young
woman’, Gaul. PN Banofna], Banonias [Gen. sg.], which may represent
PCelt. *banona.
REF: LEIA B-23f., B-31f., GPC I: 271, DGVB 78, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 29, 32, Lambert 1994: 16, Delamarre 72f., Campanile 1974: 13,
Matasovié 2004: 83, Ahlqvist 1980, Hamp 1979, Jasanoff 1989, Wodtko et
alii 2008: 177ff.
62 *berga
*berga ‘pillage, robbery’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. berg {4 f]
W: MW beryf, bery [m] ‘bird of prey’
ETYM: In MW, the compound difer ‘treachery’ is parallel to Olr. diberg
‘raid, pillage’< PCelt. *diberga. OBret. barcot gl. caragios ‘sorcerer’ and
MoBret. barged ‘fool’ are probably also related. A connection with the root |
*bler- ‘carry’ appears plausible (for the semantics, cf. Lat. fur ‘thief’), but
the formation with the suffix *-ga is unusual.
REF: LEIA B-41, GPC I: 276, DGVB 79.
*ber-o- ‘carry, bear, bring’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. beirid; beraid [Subj.]; béraid [Fut.]; birt [Pret.]; brethae [Pret.
Pass. ]
W: MW beryt ‘flows’ [3s Pres.]; beru [Verbal Noun]
BRET: MBret. beraff ‘flow’, MoBret. berafi; ber [3s Pres. |
CO: Co. kemmeres ‘take, receive’
PIE: *b'er- ‘carry’ (IEW: 128-132)
COGN: Skt. bhdrati, Lat. fero, Gr. phérd, Go. bairan
ETYM: Co. kemmeres < *kom-bero-. Cf. also OBret. diver gl. influit, W |
beru ‘flow’. Nominal derivatives from this root include, e.g., W -fer (cf.
lleu-fer ‘light, luminary’) < PCelt. *bero-, Olr. -baire ‘bearer’ < PCelt.
*boryo- (cf. e.g. deog-baire ‘cup-bearer, drink-bearer’) and Olr. birit [i f] |
‘sow’ < *beranti < PIE *b’erntih (cf. ToB premitsa ‘pregnant’).
REF: KPV 218ff., GPC I: 273, DGVB 145, LIV 76f, Deshayes 2003: 102,
Morris Jones 1913: 79, 372f., McCone 1991: 67f.
*beru- ‘spit’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bir, biur [u nj
W: MW ber [m] ‘spear, lance, shaft, spit’
BRET: MBret. ber [m]
CO: OCo. ber gl. ueru
PIE: *g”eru- ‘spear, spit? (IEW: 479)
COGN: Lat. uerti, Umbr. berva, Av. grava- ‘staff?
OPER a oe Se ade coiath, beak td ie dees ly,
ETYM: Go. qairu ‘pole, sting’ is often compared to these Italo-Celtic —
words, but it does not belong here, since the correct reading is pairu (de —
Vaan 2008: 668, with references).
REF: LEIA B-SIf., GPC I: 272, EIEC 536., Campanile 1974: 13, |
Deshayes 2003: 102.
*beruro- ‘watercress’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. biror [o m] (DIL birar)
W: MW berwr [Collective]
BRET: OBret. beror, MBret. and MoBret. beler [m]
CO: OCo. beler
*berw-a- 63
GAUL: berula (Marcellus of Bordeaux)
SEE: *berw-a- ‘brew, cook’
ETYM: This word is unattested in Gaulish, but we have Gallo-Latin berula
> Fr. berle ‘watercress’. It is probable that the Celtic words for watercress
should be derived from *beru- ‘water, spring, well’ > Olr. bir. The
segmentation is, therefore, presumably *beru-ro-. Olr. bir is, in turn,
probably related to PCelt. *berw-a- ‘cook, brew’. For the semantic
development cf. Croat. kljuéati ‘boil’ vs. kljuc ‘well, spring’.
REF: LEIA B-52., GPC I: 275, DGVB 82, Delamarre 73, Deshayes 2003:
100, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 318, Meid 1996: 35.
*berw-a-, *berw-i- ‘brew, cook’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. berbaid; -berba [Subj.]; berbais [Pt.]
W: MW berwi, berw
BRET: MBret. bervi, birvi, biruiff, MoBret. berwii
PIE: *b"erw- ‘boil, brew’ (IEW: 132)
COGN: Lat. ferueo ‘boil’, OE bréowan
SEE: *brutu- ‘fermentation’
ETYM: This is a denominative verb, derived from *berwo- > W berw
‘stew’. Cf. also Gaul. Boruo ‘a name of Apollo as god of warm sources’, cf.
Delamarre 83; Fr. bourbe ‘mud’ may be derived from Gaul. *borwo-
(Gamillscheg 136), but the semantic connection is weak. The zero-grade of
the root is attested in Olr. bruth [o m] ‘heat’ < PCelt. *bru-to- (= ON brod
“stew, broth’).
REF: LEIA B-40f., LIV 65, EIEC 76, GPC I: 275, Delamarre 83, Deshayes
2003: 104.
*berwo- ‘stew’ [Noun]
SEE: *berw-a- ‘brew, cook’
*berxto- ‘bright, beautiful’ [Adj]
W: MW berth ‘beautiful, fine, rich’
BRET: MBret. berz, MoBret. berzh [m] ‘prosperity’
PIE: *b"er(H)g- ‘bright’ (IEW: 139)
COGN: Skt. bhrajate ‘shine’, Go. bairhts ‘bright’, OHG beraht ‘bright’,
Russ. bérest ‘elm-tree’, Alb. bardhé ‘white’
ETYM: If the IE etymology is correct, PCelt. *berxto- would seem to reflect
a form of the root without laryngeal, PIE *b"erg-to-. The accentuation of
Russ. bérest, Gen. sg. béresta may also point to a form of the root without
the laryngeal, since it presupposes a fixed accent on the root, rather than an
acute that had been lost in a mobile accentual paradigm (but cf. Derksen
2008: 37f.). The reasons why the laryngeal should drop are unclear, but de
Saussure’s rule would account for *b"orHgo- > *b"orgo- (= Alb. bardhé),
and the form of the root without the laryngeal could have been generalized
in Celtic. Otherwise, we may want to reconstruct a different PIE root,
64 *bé-sman
*b*erg"- ‘enlighten’ (ON bragr ‘poetic talent’, Skt. brahmdn- ‘priest’), cf. |
PCelt. *brixtu- ‘magical formula, incantation’.
REF: GPC I: 274, Deshayes 2003: 104, Schrijver 1995: 67.
*bé-sman ‘blow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. béimm [n n]
BRET: MBret. boemm, MoBret. boem [m]
CO: Co. bom
PIE: *b"eyH- ‘hit, strike’ (IEW: 117f.)
COGN: OCS biti ‘hit’, Lat. per-fino ‘shatter’
SEE: *bi-na- ‘hit, strike’
ETYM: In Olr. béimm is the verbal noun of the verb benaid. Its gender
cannot be established with full certainty, it might have been variable.
REF: LEIA B-27, Deshayes 2003: 118, Stiiber 1998: 63.
*béto-, *biyato- ‘food’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. biad [o n]
W: MW bwyd [m]
BRET: MBret. boet, MoBret. boued [m]
CO: OCo. buit gl. cibus vel esca
PIE: *g”eyh;- ‘live’ (IEW: 468)
COGN: Lat. wita ‘life’, Lith. gyvata
SEE: *biwo- ‘alive’
ETYM: Olt. biad is attested as a bisyllable in early sources, which implies
that the proto-form was *biwoto- < *g™ih3-wo-to- (cf. Lat. uita < *wiwoti,
Lith. gyvata), or, slightly more probably, *biyato-, with the suffix *-ato-
added to the zero-grade of the root (cf. PCelt. *riyatro- ‘torrent’ < *ri-atro-);
the Brittonic words can be derived from *béto-, ultimately form PIE
*9”eyh;-to-.
REF: LEIA B-47f., GPC I: 358, LIV 192f., Deshayes 2003: 124, Hamp
1976.
*betu- “birch’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. beithe [io m]
W: MW bedw-en [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. bezu, bezv-en [Singulative]
CO: OCo. bedewen gl. populus
GAUL: *betyo- > Pr., Cat. bez, Sp. biezo ‘birch’
PIE: *g”etu- ‘pitch’ (IEW: 480)
COGN: Skt. jdtu, OHG cuti, OE cwidu
ETYM: The formations within Celtic do not agree. The u-stem in Brit.
appears to be more archaic, since it has parallels in other IE languages.
Perhaps Olr. beithe can be from a derivative *betwiyo- if the development of
*-tw- in Goidelic is not parallel to the development of *-dw- > Olr. db (cf. |
Medb < *medwa), but cf. *k“etwores > cethir. The Gaul. source of Sp. biezo
*bibud- 65
and the related Romance words could also have been a yo-stem, because of
the palatalization of *ty > [s]. The semantic connection of this Celtic etymon
with the related words in other IE languages is possible if one assumes that
‘birch’ was originally a ‘sap tree’ (birch sap is used in the production of
glue). Lat. bittimen is also related (it is a borrowing from some Italic dialect
with *g” > 5), and Lat. betulla may be from the Gaul. equivalent of PCelt.
*betu- (Porzio Gernia 1981: 105).
REF: LEIA B-28, GPC I: 266, EIEC 65, Campanile 1974: 13, Mallory &
Adams 2006: 158.
*bibud- ‘guilty’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. bibdu [d m] ‘culprit, enemy’
W: OW bibid gl. rei
BRET: MBret. bevez ‘guilty’
PIE: *b"ewd- ‘strike’ (IEW: 112)
COGN: OE béatan ‘strike’
ETYM: The Olr. form is actually a perfect participle *bibidwot- from a
verbal root which is unattested in Celtic. OW bibid is a hapax in Welsh.
REF: LEIA B-48, GPC I: 363, DGVB 82, EIEC 549, LIV 66, Falileyev 15,
Deshayes 2003: 106.
*biko- ‘bee’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bech [o m]
W: MW begegyr, bygegyr [m] ‘drone’
GAUL: *biko- > Fr. dial. (Limousin) bec
PIE: *b’i-ko- ‘bee’ (IEW: 116)
COGN: OE béo, OCS bocela
ETYM: Lat. fuicus ‘drone’ can be derived from *b"oy-ko-, with the o-grade
of the same root, while Lith. bité ‘bee’ has a completely different suffix.
Perhaps we should reconstruct a root noun with Nom. sg. *b"dyk-s / Gen. sg.
*b"ik-os / Acc. sg. *b°oyk-m in PIE. However, since this particular word is
attested only in European languages, it is more probable that it is a loanword
from some non-IE source.
REF: LEIA B-24f., GPC I: 363, EIEC 57, de Bernardo Stempel 44, Hamp
1971.
*bi-na- ‘strike, hit’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. benaid; -bia [Subj.]; biu [1s Fut.]; bi [Pret.]; -bith [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW kymynu ‘hit, cut down’; kymyn [3s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. benaff ‘cut’
GAUL: biietutu ‘should strike’ [Impv.] (Larzac)
CELTIB: ne-bintor ‘should not be hit’ [3p Impv. Med.] (Botorrita I)
PIE: *b"eyH- ‘strike’ (IEW: 117£.)
COGN: OLat. perfines ‘you should strike’, OCS biti ‘strike’
66 *birro-
ETYM: MW kymynu is from *kom-bi-na- (the simplex verb is unattested in
Welsh). The interpretation of Celtib. nebintor is dubious, but it appears
probable that it is a verbal form with the middle ending, and the
etymological connection with the root *b"eyH- is accepted by most
specialists.
REF: LIV 72, KPV 226ff., LEIA B-32-34, McCone 1991: 11, 125, RIG ;
II.2: 251-266, Lambert 1994: 160-172, 214f., MLH V.1: 271f.
*birro- ‘short’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. berr [0], Ogam BIRI
W: MW byrr (GPC byr)
BRET: OBret. berr, MBret. berr
CO: Co. ber
GAUL: Birrus [PN], (Gallo-Latin) birrus or birrum ‘short cloak’ (e.g.
Isidore of Seville, Orig. XIX, 24, 18)
REF: LEIA B-42, GPC I: 364, DGVB 82, Lambert 1994: 188, Delamarre
76, Deshayes 2003: 103, Ziegler 1994: 100.
*bisli- ‘gall’ [Noun]
W: OW bisl, MW bystyl
BRET: OBret. bistlou gl. humores nigri, MoBret. bes¢i [f]
CO: OCo. bistel gl. fel
COGN: Lat. bilis ‘gall’
ETYM: The consonant -f- in Brittonic is epenthetic, cf. PCelt. *gésslo-
‘surety, hostage’ > W gwystl. De Vaan (2008: 72) considers the possibility
that this word was borrowed from Celtic into Italic (because of the initial
*b), but this is unlikely, since words for organs and body fluids are almost
never borrowed.
REF: DGVB 84, Campanile 1974: 14, Falileyev 16, Deshayes 2003: 105, |
Schrijver 1995: 438, Morris Jones 1913: 140.
*bisti- ‘finger’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. bissib ega [Dat. p] ‘icicle’
W: MW bys [m]
BRET: MoBret. biz, bis [m]
CO: OCo. bis, bes
PIE: *g”ist- ‘twig, finger’ IEW: 481)
COGN: ON kvistr ‘branch’, perhaps Alb. gisht ‘finger’
ETYM: MIr. bis is not well attested; it is once glossed as mér ‘finger’, and it
may have been an i-stem, or a yo-stem. IEW (481) compares also the Celto-
Germanic PN Bissula. Although almost generally accepted, the etymology
relating Alb. gisht to PCelt. *bisti and ON Avistr is doubtful, since we would
expect *g” > z in Albanian before a front vowel. Moreover, Demiraj (1997:
178f.) reconstructs an original bisyllable (*gV-isht-), which makes the
connection to the Celtic forms difficult.
*bitu- 67
REF: LEIA B- 53, GPC I: 367, Deshayes 2003: 111, Demiraj 1997: 178f.
*bitu- ‘world’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. bith [u m]
W: OW bid [m], MW byd [m]
BRET: OBret. bit, bet
CO: OCo. bit gl. mundus, bys
GAUL: Bitu-riges [Ethnonym]
PIE: *g”iH-tu- ‘life’ (IEW: 468)
COGN: Lat. uita ‘life’, OCS Ziti ‘to live’
SEE: *biwo- ‘alive’
ETYM: It is possible that the expected long *1 < *iH was shortened by
Dybo’s law, but there is no indication that this u-stem was originally
oxytone. However, the short vowel in *bitu- might also be due to the
analogy with *biwo-, where the shortening is regular by this rule (cf. Skt.
jiva-).
REF: LEIA B-54, GPC I: 360f., DGVB 84, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
288, Delamarre 76f., Falileyev 15, Campanile 1974:14.
*biwo- ‘alive’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. béo [0], Ogam BIVI-TI
W: MW byw ‘living, alive’; ‘life’ [m]
BRET: MBret. beu, MoBret. bew
CO: OCo. biu gl. uita, byw, bew
GAUL: Biuonia [PN]
PIE: *g”iHwo- ‘alive’ (IEW: 468)
COGN: Lat. uius, Skt. jivd-, Go. gius, OCS Zive, Lith. gyvas
SEE: *bitu- ‘world’
ETYM: The short *i is the result of the regular development by Dybo’s rule
(cf. Skt. j7va-).
REF: LEIA B-37, GPC I: 369, EIEC 356, Delamarre 77, Campanile 1974:
14, Deshayes 2003: 106, Schrijver 1995: 246, Ziegler 1994: 100.
*biIwV- ‘pitch’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bi [?f]
PIE: *g”iHu- ‘pitch’ (IEW: 482)
COGN: Russ. Zivica, Arm. kiv (Gen. kvoy)
ETYM: The Olr. word is too short and too poorly attested for this
etymology to have any degree of certainty. It may, in principle, represent
PCelt. *biwa or *biwi-.
REF: LEIA B-45f.
*blatu- ‘flower’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. blath [u m]
W: MW blawd [m]
68 *blawo-
BRET: MBret. bleuzff; MoBret. bleufiv [Collective] ‘flowers’
CO: OCo. blodon Co. bledzhan
PIE: *b"leh3- ‘blossom, flower’ (IEW: 122)
COGN: Lat. flés, OHG bluot
ETYM: Gaul. PN Blatuna is probably derived from the same root (Meid —
2005: 187), cf. also the toponym Blato-magus. PCelt. *blatu- presupposes
PIE *b'leh3-tu-, an abstract nominal derivative (’blossoming’), but it is also
compatible with *b"lh3-tu-, and the zero-grade of the root is expected.
REF: LEIA B-58, GPC I: 384, Deshayes 2003: 114, de Bernardo Stempel |
1999: 289, Meid 2005: 187, Sims-Williams 2006: 45.
*blawo- ‘yellow’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. bid [o]
PIE: *b"leho- (?) ‘yellow’ (IEW: 160)
COGN: Lat. flauus
ETYM: Olr. b/a matches the meaning of Lat. flauus perfectly, so they
should be connected, but the Olr. word could also be a loanword from Latin.
The Germanic words often related to these adjectives, OHG blao, Olc. blar, |
etc., all mean ‘blue’, but color terms often change their meaning. However,
the Germanic proto-form was *bléwa-, and the only way to relate it to the |
Italo-Celtic adjective for ‘yellow’ is to posit a vrddhi *b"léh,wo-, with *é
remaining uncolored by the laryngeal through Eichner’s law; such a solution
would clearly be ad hoc. One should also compare W blawr ‘grey’, which
might be the same word as MIr. Blar (name of a horse), and Scot. Gael. blar
‘horse with a white spot, white-faced horse’. All of these, if related, could
represent PIE *b"leh:ro- > PCelt. *blaro-. For a different PIE etymology of |
these words see Schrijver (1991: 147, 177, etc.).
REF: LEIA B-55, B-58, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 213, Schrijver 1991:
147, 177, 298, 301.
*bIVdV- ‘wolf, ?large predator’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bled [4 f] ‘monster, large animal, whale’
W: MW bDleidd [m] ‘wolf, hero’ (GPC blaidd)
BRET: OBret. bleid, MBret. and MoBret. bleiz [m]
CO: OCo. bleit gl. lupus
ETYM: Olr. bled could be both from *blida and from *bleda, but the
Brittonic forms appear to be from *blad-i- (with *a > ei by raising). A
derivative from the same root is Olr. blesc [4 f] ‘prostitute’ < *bled-ska, or
*blid-ska, cf. LEIA B-59. The semantic motivation is the same as in Lat.
lupa ‘prostitute’ from /upus ‘wolf? (the Olr. word might actually be a calque
of the Latin word). Quite probably, PCelt. *blVd- was borrowed from some
non-lE substrate.
REF: LEIA B-58, GPC I: 283, DGVB 85, Campanile 1974: 14, Deshayes
2003: 113.
*pleda 69
*bléda ‘year’ [Noun]
SEE: *blédani ‘year’
*blédani ‘year’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. bliadain [i f|
W: OW bloidin, MW blwydayn [f]
BRET: OBret. blid, blidan, bliden, MBret. blizen
CO: OCo. bliben
ETYM: The correspondence between Olr. and MW allows us to reconstruct
an I-stem for PCelt. However, there is also W blwydd [f], OBret. blid,
MoBret. bloaz [m], Co. bloth ‘year’, presumably from an underived *bléda,
or *blédom (note the divergence of gender within Brittonic). W blynedd and
OBret. blened point to the zero grade *blid-niyo-. I cannot make much sense
of these formations and their relationships. The etymology by Pennaod
(1986), relating PCelt. *bléd-/*blid- to OCS bléd» ‘pale’, OE blat ‘pale’,
Lith. blaivas ‘whitish’ from PIE *b"leyd- (IEW 155) is possible formally
(note that there is no laryngeal in the root, cf. Derksen 2008: 42f.). However,
the semantic connection is weak.
REF: LEIA B-59, GPC I: 291, DGVB 85f., Pennaod 1986, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 79, 85.
*bodaro- ‘deaf’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. bodar [o]
W: MW byddar ‘deaf, numb’
BRET: OBret. bodaran, MBret. bouzar
CO: OCo. bothar gi. surdus, Co. bodhar
PIE: *b’od™Hro- ‘deaf? (IEW: 112)
COGN: Skt. badhira- ‘deaf’
REF: LEIA B-64f., GPC I: 362, DGVB 87, EIEC 148., Campanile 1974:
16.
*bodiy4 ‘pleasure’ [Noun]
SEE: *bodo- ‘pleasure’
*bodo- ‘pleasure’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. buide [ia f] ‘satisfaction, pleasure, thanks’
W: MW bodd [m] ‘goodwill, satisfaction, favour, consent, pleasure’
BRET: OBret. bod-lon gl. contentus
CO: Co. both ‘good will’
ETYM: It is assumed here that W bodd is inherited directly from PCelt.
*bodo-, while Olr. buide represents a derivative *bodiya. IEW (151) relates
these words to PIE *b"ud’- ‘be awake’ (Skt. bédhati, etc.), which is possible
if one assumes PCelt. *budya > Olr. buide and *buda > W bodd, but the
meanings are quite different, and the masculine gender of the Welsh word
has to be secondary.
70 *bodwo-
REF: LEIA B-115, GPC I: 294, DGVB 87.
*bodwo- ‘crow’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. bodb [o m and 4 f] (DIL badb) ‘crow, war-goddess’
BRET: OBret. bodou gl. ardea
GAUL: Boduus [PN], Boduo-gnatus [PN]
PIE: *b"od-wo- ‘battle’ (IEW: 114)
COGN: OE beadu ‘fight, battle’
ETYM: The original meaning of the root *b"od"- is presumably ‘to pierce,
to fight’, hence *b"odwo-’ battle, fight’. The meaning ‘crow’ in Celtic must
be secondary (the crow is the bird symbolizing the carnage in battle).
REF: DGVB 88, Delamarre 81, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 215, Birkhan
1970: 502ff.
*bodyo- ‘yellow’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. buide [io]
GAUL: (?) Bodio-casses [Ethnonym], Baius [PN]
PIE: *bodyo- ‘yellow’ (IEW: 92)
COGN: Lat. badius ‘bay, chestnut brown’
ETYM: Lat. badius can be derived from *bodyos (with *o > a after labials,
as in mare < *mori), but the initial *b-, and the fact that this adjective is
limited in its distribution to Italic and Celtic, make it likely that we are
dealing with a loanword from some non-IE source.
REF: LEIA B-113, EIEC 85, Delamarre 63.
*bolgo- ‘sack, bag, stomach’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. bolg [o m] ‘bag, belly, bellow’
W: MW bol, boly, bola; boliau, byly [p]
BRET: MoBret. bolc’h ‘cosse de lin’
GAUL: *bulga (bulgas Galli sacculos scorteos appellant, P. Fest. 31.25)
PIE: *b"olg"- ‘skin bag, bolster’ (IEW: 125f.)
COGN: Av. barazi§ ‘bolster, cushion’, OE belg ‘stomach’, OPr. balsinis
‘cushion’, Croat. dial. blazina ‘pillow’
ETYM: PIE *b'elg’- ‘skin bag, bolster’ should be distinguished from
*b"elg- ‘beam’ (OHG balko), pace Derksen 2008: 54.
REF: LEIA B-66f, GPC I: 296, EIEC 45, Delamarre 94, Porzio Gernia
1981: 106.
*bondyo- ‘(arm-)ring, circlet, bracelet’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. buinne [io] ‘bracelet, sprig, stalk, torrent’
PIE: *b"end'- ‘bind’ (IEW: 127)
COGN: Skt. bandh-, Go. bindan
ETYM: It is not clear whether all of the words adduced under buinne in DIL
have the same etymology, because it is difficult to explain how all of the
pee en ee a ee
*bonu- 71
meanings developed. The IE etymology proposed here is based on the
assumption that the meaning ‘bracelet’ is the oldest one.
REF: LEIA B-115, LIV, EIEC 64, 196.
*bonu- ‘foundation, base, butt’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. bun [u m] ‘foundation, base, estuary (of a river)’
W: MW bon [m] (GPC bén)
ETYM: Gaul. toponyms such as Vindo-bona (today Vienna, Wien), Bonna
(Bonn), etc. might also be from this root (Sims-Williams 2006: 46f.).
REF: LEIA B-115f., GPC I: 298, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 249, Schrijver
1995: 36, Sims-Williams 2006: 46f.
*bosta ‘palm, fist’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bos, bas [a f]
W: OW bos, MW bos [f]
BRET: MBret. boz
PIE: *gwos-to-, *swos-d"o- ‘branch’ (IEW: 382, 480)
COGN: MHG quast ‘branch’, Alb. gjethe ‘leaf, foliage’
SEE: *buzdo- ‘penis’
ETYM: Fr. boisse ‘measure of grain, bushel’ can be derived from Gaul.
*bostia (Gamillscheg 124). Some linguists derive these Celtic words from
non-IE sources, comparing them, e.g., to Basque bost ‘five’ (allegedly from
‘the number of fingers on a palm’), but these are mere speculations, and a
good IE etymology is available. If the Basque word is related at all, it could
have been borrowed from Celtiberian. The Proto-Celtic form presupposes
PIE *gwos-to-, which should be a derivative from the same root as
*pwos-d'o-, with a different suffix (cf. OCS gvozdb ‘nail’), from which it
may be possible to derive PCelt. *buzdo- ‘penis’.
REF: LEIA B-20f., GPC I: 302, Falileyev 17, Gamillscheg 124.
*bow- ‘cow’ [Noun]
GOID: OfIr. bo [irregular f]
W: MW bu, buw [m and f]
BRET: MBret. bou-tig ‘stable’
GAUL: Bo-marus [PN]
CELTIB: bou-stom (?) ‘stable’ (Botorrita I)
PIE: *g”6w- ‘cow’ (IEW: 482)
COGN: Lat. bés, OHG chuo, Skt. gau-, ToA ko, Arm. kov
ETYM: The exact interpretation of Celtib. bou-stom is uncertain, but it is
probable that it contains the root *bow- ‘cow’. It might be formally identical
to Olr. bas {[o ?n]} ‘riches, wealth (in kine)’ < *bow-sto-. The MW form bu
is used only in counting cows; otherwise, the derivative buch is used, with
parallels in MBret. buch, Co. buch (from *bow-sko-). The attested forms
allow the reconstruction of a root-noun in PCelt., with Nom. sg. *baws, Gen.
72 *bowdi-
sg. *bow-os, Acc. sg. *bow-am (instead of PIE *g”6m which would yield
PCelt. **bam), etc.
REF: LEIA B-61, GPC I: 342, DGVB 88, LHEB 641, EIEC 98, 134,
Delamarre 79f., Jordan Coélera 1998: 14, 39, Villar 1997: 907, MLH V.1: 87.
*bowdi- ‘booty, victory’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. buaid [i n] ‘victory, gain, profit’
W: MW budd [m] ‘profit, advantage’
BRET: OBret. bud gl. bradium
GAUL: Boudi-latis, Boud-icca [PN]
ETYM: In OW, there is a compound from this root, budi-caul ‘victor,
conqueror’, exactly parallel to OBret. budicol. Germanic forms, such as
German Beute ‘booty’, Du. buit, are sometimes considered to be loanwords
from Celtic (Kluge 105), but they could also be inherited from the same root
*b"ewd-, the reflexes of which are limited to the NW Indo-European dialects
(cf. also Olc. byta ‘to deal out’).
REF: LEIA B-107, GPC I: 345, DGVB 91, Lambert 1994: 59, Delamarre
83f., Falileyev 20, Schmidt 1987: 268, Meid 2005: 188.
*bowd-ro- ‘dirty’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. buaidir [?i] ‘confusion’
W: MW budyr ‘filthy, dirty, mean’ (GPC budr)
PIE: *g”ew-d"- ‘excrement, defecate’ (IEW: 484)
COGN: Skt. guvati ‘cacat’, OE cwéad ‘dirt’
ETYM: The meaning of MIr. buaidir is not completely clear (it is
compatible with the meaning ‘confusion’). Cf. also Olr. buaidre [ia f]
‘trouble, confusion’. The meaning ‘confusion’ could have developed from
something like ‘mess’ and ‘filth’ which may be posited for Brittonic.
REF: LEIA B-108, GPC I: 344.
*bow-koli- ‘cowherd, herdsman’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. buachaill [i m]
W: MW bugeil (GPC bugail)
BRET: MBret. buguel, bugel
CO: Co. bugel
PIE: *g”ow-k”olo- ‘shepherd’ (IEW: 639)
COGN: Gr. boukélos
ETYM: As in Greek, the second labiovelar was dissimilated (*k” > *k after
*w) in Celtic. It is possible that this dissimilation occurred already in PIE.
REF: LEIA B-107, GPC I: 347, LP 44, Uhlich 2002: 417.
*bragant- ‘neck, throat’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. bragae [t f] (DIL braga)
W: MW breuant [f] (cf. OW abal-brouannou gi. gurgulionibus exsectis,
‘Adam’s apples’)
*bragno- 73
BRET: OBret. Brehant (Dincat) [PN]
CO: Co. briansen
PIE: *g”erh3- ‘swallow’ (IEW: 476)
ETYM: The Celtic forms seem to reflect *g”rh3-gnt-, where the first
morpheme is the zero-grade of the PIE root ‘to swallow, devour’ (Lat. uoro,
Gr. bibroské, etc.). But what is the suffix, or the second element of this
compound? Or is *-go- a suffix? Kluge (s. v. Kragen) compares Germ.
Kragen ‘collar, neck’ deriving it also from *g”erh3- ‘devour, swallow’ but
does not discuss the original word formation.
REF: LEIA B-76, GPC I: 321, EIEC 64, Falileyev 2.
*bragno-, *bragni- ‘rotten, faul’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. brén [0]
W: MW braen ‘putrid, corrupt’
BRET: MBret. brein ‘putrid, rotten’
PIE: *b'reHg- (IEW: 165f.)
SEE: *brag(y)o- ‘to fart’
ETYM: Although these words are sometimes derived from the same root as
Lat. marceo ‘be withered’ (PIE *merk-, IEW 739), this is unsatisfactory
from the forma! point of view, since *mrk-no- would give PCelt. *mrikno-.
REF: Schrijver 1995: 170f., GPC I: 305, Deshayes 2003: 134, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 252, 258.
*brag-(y)o- ‘fart’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. braigid; -bebraig [Pret.]
PIE: *b"reHg- (IEW: 165f.)
COGN: Lat. fragrare ‘smell’, OHG bracko ‘Spiirhund, MLG_ bracke
‘hound’
SEE: *braxsman- ‘fart’
ETYM: Another IE etymology can be found in LIV 91f, where these words
are related to PIE *b’reg- ‘break’ (cf. the English expression ‘to break the
wind’). However, the zero-grade of that root would be reflected as **barg-
in Proto-Celtic, rather than *brag-. On the other hand, PIE *bsHayé- would
regularly yield PCelt. *bragye- by Dybo’s law, so the derivation from a PIE
root ending in a laryngeal is preferable.
REF: KPV 232f, Schrijver 1995: 170f., LEIA B-77.
*brano- ‘raven’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. bran [o m], Ogam BRANI
W: MW bran [f] (GPC bran); brain [p]
BRET: OBret. mor-bran, MoBret. bran [f]
CO: Co. bran
GAUL: Brano-dunum [PN]
ETYM: A convincing IE etymology is lacking. S. Zimmer (p. c.) suggests
that a connection may exist to Russ. vordna ‘raven’, Lith. varna ‘raven’ (<
74 *brasso-
*womo-, with a secondary BSI. lengthened grade), but this is difficult from
formal point of view (the change *wr- > *br- would be irregular). I think it
better to treat PCelt. *brano- as a loanword from some unknown source.
REF: LEIA B-77, GPC I: 309, DGVB 89, Deshayes 2003: 131, Delamar
85, Ziegler 1994: 100.
*brasso- ‘great, violent’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. bras [0] ‘great, boastful, defiant’
W: MW bras ‘fat, thick’
BRET: MBret. braz, bras ‘great’
PIE: *g”roD-to-, *g”rD-to- (IEW: 485)
COGN: Lat. grossus ‘fat’
ETYM: Although this etymology is disputed, the formal and semanti
parallelism between these Celtic words and Lat. grossus is too obvious to t
dismissed lightly. If one starts from PIE *g”rD-to- > *brsso- we woul
expect PCelt. *barso- > *barro-. These words show the same ‘liqui
metathesis’ between labials and a dental cluster, as in *malsto- ‘taste
(instead of *malsto- < *mlsto-). MIr. bres ‘mighty’ might preserve the sam
root with the e-grade (*g”reD-to-). It is treated as a variant of bras in DIL
The nature of the dental stop in PIE cannot be ascertained, since the reflexe
are limited to Italic and Celtic; if W breddyn ‘nobleman, yeoman’ is fror
the same root, we should reconstruct *g*red- (for the semantic connectio:
cf. Croat. velika§ ‘nobleman’ from vélik ‘great’).
REF: LEIA B-79, GPC I: 308f., Deshayes 2003: 132, Schrijver 1995: 55.
*bratir ‘brother’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. brathir [r m]
W: MW brawt (GPC brawad) (m]; brodyr, broder, brodorion [p]
BRET: OBret. brotr, MBret. breuzr, MoBret. breur [m]
CO: OCo. broder .1. braud gl. frater
GAUL: Bratronos [PN]
PIE: *b’rehatér ‘brother’ (IEW: 163f.)
COGN: Skt. bhratar-, Lat. frater, Gr. phratér ‘member of a phratric
(brotherhood)’, Go. bropar, Lith. brolis, OCS bratre
REF: LEIA B-80f., GPC I: 311, DGVB 91, RIG II.1 L-6, Campanile 1974:
18, Deshayes 2003: 136.
*bratu- ‘judgement’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. brath [u m]
W: OW braut, MW brawd {f]; brodiau [p]
BRET: MBret. breut ‘debate, litigation, discussion’, MoBret. breud [m]
CO: Co. bres
GAUL: bratou (? in the dedicatory formula bratou dekantem, RIG G-28)
PIE: *g”rH-tu- ‘proclamation’ (IEW: 478)
COGN: Lat. gratus ‘thankful’
*bratto- 75
REF: LEIA B-80, GPC I: 311, Lambert 1994: 43, 52, Deshayes 2003: 136,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 291f., Delamarre 85f., Falileyev 18
*bratto-, *brattino- ‘mantle, cloak’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bratt [o m]
W: MW brethyn [m] ‘cloth’
BRET: OBret. brothrac gl. taxam, MBret. broz, MoBret. brozh [f] ‘skirt’
ETYM: W brat ‘cloak’ is a loanword from Irish (the final -¢ cannot be
original). Fleuriot (DGVB) believes OBret. brothrac also to be a loanword
from Olr., and adduces Ir. brothrach ‘a rich garment’. The IE etymology is a
mystery; Lane 1931 contains a very speculative proposal. The geminate *tt
means that the formation is new (old *tt > PCelt. *ss), and that this word
might be a loanword from some unknown source. A similar word is Gaul.
bracae ‘trousers, breeches’ > Fr. braies.
REF: LEIA B-81, GPC I: 320f., DGVB 91, Deshayes 2003: 143, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 351, 513, 519, Lane 1931.
*brawon- ‘quern, millstone’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. brao, bro [n f]
W: MW breuan [f]
BRET: MBret. breo
CO: OCo. brou gl. mola
PIE: *g”reH(w)on, *g"rHn- “quern’ (IEW: 447)
COGN: Skt. gravan-, Arm. erkan, Go. -qairnus, Lith. girnos [p], OCS Zorny
ETYM: Ancient British toponym Brav(o)niacum could be from the same
root (Sims-Williams 2006: 49). It is unclear whether PCelt. *brawon- is from
PIE *g”reH(w)on-, with the full grade, or from *g“rH(w)on-, with the zero
grade of the root. The loss of laryngeal is unexpected by Dybo’s law (note
the position of the accent in Skt.), but if the PIE ablaut paradigm was
*9”réH(w)on / *g”rHnés (note the zero-grade of the root in Lithuanian), then
we would have the Celtic paradigm *brawi / *barnos. However, the stem
*brawon- could have the new, analogical full grade with *-ra-, which
sometimes occurs in roots of the shape *CreC / *CrC (cf. PCelt. *drageno-).
REF: LEIA B-92, GPC I: 321, LP 12, EIEC 474, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 105, Campanile 1974: 18, Sttiber 1998: 94f.
*braxsman- ‘fart’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. broimm [n nj
W: MW bram [f]
BRET: MBret. bramm [m]
CO: Co. bram
SEE: *brag-(y)o- ‘to fart’
REF: LEIA B-95, GPC I: 308, Deshayes 2003: 131, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 412, Stiiber 1998: 52.
76 *bré-
*bré-/*bri- ‘cut, crumble’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. -bria [3s Subj.] (suppletive to broinnid)
PIE: *b'reyH- ‘cut’ (IEW: 166f.)
COGN: Lat. frio, friare ‘pulverize’, crumble’, OCS briti ‘shave’
REF: LIV 77, Schumacher 2004: 235, Campanile 1982.
*brem-o- ‘bleat, bellow, roar’ [Vb]
W: MW brefu, brefad
GAUL: Bremia, Bremenium [Toponyms]
PIE: *b'rem- ‘roar’ (IEW: 142f.)
COGN: Lat. fremo ‘utter a deep dull sound’, MHG brimmen ‘roar’
REF: GPC I: 314f., Sims-Williams 2006: 114.
*brend-o- ‘flow, spurt out’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-eprinn [3 s Pres.), do-eprannat ‘flows, gushes’ [3p Pres.]:
do-bré [3s Sub < *to-brend-s-o-; do-bibuir [3s Fut.]; bebarnatar [3p Pret.]
PIE: *b"rend“”- ‘spurt out, gush forth’ (IEW: 167f.)
COGN: Lith. bresti
ETYM: Olr. do-eprinn represents PCelt. *to-exs-brend-o-, and do-bibuir [3s
Fut.] < *to-bibrand-s-o-. MIr. bruinnid is a causative built to this root (PIE
*b'rond™eye-). The acute in Baltic does not imply a laryngeal in this root. It
is the result of metatony expected in sta-presents. Cf. also Lith. bristi ‘wade’,
3 sg. pres. brefida, Russ. bredu, bresti ‘drag oneself along’ (Derksen 2008:
61).
REF: KPV 232ff, LIV 95, LEIA B-103f., D-122, LP 347.
*brenk- ‘bring’ [Vb]
W: MW hebrwng, hebryngaf [1 s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. hambrouc, MoBret. ambroug
CO: Co. hembronk
PIE: *b"ren-k- ‘bring’ (IEW: 168)
COGN: Go. briggan, OHG bringan, perhaps ToB prank- ’take away’
ETYM: The prefixed he-, hem-, ham- in Brittonic is usually identified with
PIE *sem- ‘once’. The unusual shape of this root, combining an aspirated
and a voiceless stop, makes one think that it is a contamination of PIE *b"er-
‘carry’ (see PCelt. *ber-o-) and *honek- ‘reach’ (see PCelt. *ank-o-).
REF: GPC II: 1831.
*bresta ‘fight, combat’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol. bres [a f]
W: OW Con-bresel [PN]
BRET: MBret. brezel, bresel ‘war’, MoBret. brese/ [m]
CO: Co. bresel ‘war’
PIE: *b"res-t- ‘break’
COGN: OE berstan, OHG brestan
*brétra 77
ETYM: In Olr., there is the denominative verb brissid ‘break’ from this
root, cf. also Fr. briser ‘break’, presumably from Gaul. The derivation from
the zero-grade *b"rst- in LEIA B-86, 91 is improbable, since the syllabic *r
would give *ar before *s. Olr. -i- in brissid is due to raising.
REF: LEIA B-86, B-91, Deshayes 2003: 135.
*brétra ‘word’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. briathar [4 f]
W: MW drwydyr, brwydr ([f] ‘fight, combat’
PIE *b"rey- (IEW: 166)
ETYM: The formal parallelism of these words is too obvious for this
etymology to be dismissed, despite differences in meaning. On the semantic
connection between the Olr. and the W words, see LEIA B-88. The
development in W might have been ‘words’ > ‘conversation’ > ‘quarrel,
dispute’ > ‘fight’. On the other hand, if it is possible to derive *brétra from
the PCelt. root *bré-/*bri- ‘to cut’? (IEW 166), then the meaning observed in
Brittonic would be original, and the semantic evolution occurred in Goidelic,
cf. a similar semantic connection between MIr. scoth [8 f] ‘a word, saying’
and Mir. scoth [8 f] ‘point, edge, sharp-edged’ (presumably from the same
etymon *skuta).
REF: LEIA B-88, GPC I: 336.
*brig- ‘hill’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. bri [g f]
W: MW bre [f]
BRET: MBret. bre [m]
CO: Co. bre
GAUL: -briga [in Toponyms], Brig-antes [Ethnonym]
PIE: *b’erg”- ‘be high, hill’ (IEW: 140f.)
COGN: Av. baraz-, OHG berg
SEE: *briga ‘might, power’
ETYM: The Celtic forms can be derived from the zero-grade of the PIE root
*b"erg"., and the observed vowel alternations point to a PIE root noun (Nom.
sg. *b'érg"s, Gen. sg. *b'rg"os, Acc. sg. *b"erg"m). Celtic generalized the
stem of the oblique cases, hence the paradigm PCelt. Nom. sg. *brig-s, Gen.
*brig-os. The root noun is preserved in Olr. bri, while the Brit. and Gaul.
forms point to a derivative *briga.
REF: LEIA B-87, GPC I: 313, LP 30, LIV 63, EIEC 269, Lambert 1994: 20,
37, Delamarre 87, Deshayes 2003: 133, Sims-Williams 2006: SOff.
*brigantino- ‘chief’ [Noun]
SEE: *brigo/a ‘might, power’
*brigo/a ‘might, power’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. brig [a f]
78 *brikko-
W: MW bri [m] ‘prestige, authority’
BRET: MBret. bry ‘respect’
CO: Co. bry ‘respect, honor’
SEE: *brig- ‘hill’
ETYM: Note that the genders of W and Goidelic do not match. Maybe we
should reconstruct a PCelt. root noun *brig-s, Gen. *brig-os ‘top, peak,
authority’, from the same root as *brig- ‘hill’. In any case, reflexes of *brig-
and *briga influenced each other in the individual languages. Olr. Brigid
‘dea poetarum’ (Cormac), OW brennhin, brennin, MW brenhin ‘king’ are
from the same root; they presuppose *briganti (= Skt. brhati- ‘the high one’,
an epithet of Usas), and *brigantinos, respectively. The latter word is attested
in Gaul. as birikantin on a coin sometimes falsely attributed to Celtiberian,
because it is written in Iberian script. However, it is discovered in Southern
France, so it is presumably Gaulish (MLH V.1: XII).
REF: LEIA B-90, GPC I: 323, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 30.
*brikko- ‘speckled’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. brecc [o]
W: MW brych
BRET: MoBret. brec’h ‘variola’
CO: Co. brygh
GAUL: Briccus [PN]
PIE: *prk- ‘speckled’ (IEW: 820f.)
COGN: Skt. prsni-, Gr. perknoés
ETYM: Cf. also W brithyll ‘trout’, MoBret. brezhell ‘mackerel’, Co.
brythel, ‘mackerel’ < *brixtilo-. The initial *b- from PIE *p- is expected
before *r, cf. *gabro- ‘goat’ < *kapro-. A different etymology is proposed by
EIEC 514, relating the Celtic forms to Hitt. parkui- ‘clean’, which is
unconvincing for semantic reasons.
REF: LEIA B-82, GPC I: 338, EIEC 514.
*brisko- ‘weak, fragile’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. brisc [o]
W: W brysgar ‘vivid, busy, quick’
BRET: MBret. bresq ‘fragile’, MoBret. bresk
ETYM: It is somewhat doubtful whether W brysgar belongs here. GPC I:
340 derives it from brys-gar and compares W brys ‘haste, speed, hurry’.
PCelt. *brisko- cannot be related to Olr. brissid ‘breaks’, since this is a
denominative from *bresta (v.).
REF: LEIA B-90f., GPC I: 340, Deshayes 2003: 135, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 278.
*bristi- ‘haste’ [Noun]
W: MW drys [m] ‘hurry, haste’
BRET: MBret. bresic, brezec ‘swift’
*briti- 79
PIE: *b'ris-ti- ‘haste’
COGN: Lat. festino ‘hurry’
ETYM: Latin festindre is built on an unattested ti-stem *festis (Schrijver
1990), which, just as PCelt. *bristis, must come from PIE *p'ris-tis.
REF: GPC I: 340, Schrijver 1990, de Vaan 2008: 216.
*briti- ‘carrying, judgement’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. brith, breth
W: MW bryd [m] ‘thought, mind, intent, aim’
CO: Co. brys ‘thought’
GAUL: Britus [NP]
PIE: *b'r-ti- ‘carrying’ (IEW: 130)
COGN: Skt. bhrti-
SEE: *ber-o- ‘carry’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. brithem [n m] ‘judge’ < PCelt. *briti-mon-.
REF: LEIA B-86f., GPC I: 338, Delamarre 89, Remmer 2002-3: 188.
*briwa ‘bridge’ [Noun]
GAUL: brio gl. ponte (Endlicher’s Glossary), -briua (in toponyms, e.g.
Briuo-durum > Biare.
PIE: *b’reh,w-o- (IEW: 173)
COGN: OE brycg ‘bridge’, ON bru ‘bridge’, Croat. bfv ‘large plank’
ETYM: The Germanic and Slavic cognates point to an ablauting paradigm
in PIE, presumably with Nom. sg. *b’rdh;us (ON bru < PGerm. *brow6),
Acc. sg. *b'reh;um, Gen. sg. *b"rh,wos (Croat. bv). Celtic, to judge by the
only reflex in Gaulish, generalized the full grade from the Accusative sg. It
is possible that this word is from the same PIE root as PCelt. *brii ‘brow’
(the semantic connection would lie in the similarity of the shapes).
REF: Delamarre 90f., Sims-Williams 2006: 54f.
*brixtilo- ‘trout’ or ‘mackerel’ [Noun]
SEE: *brikko- ‘speckled’
*brixtu- ‘magical formula, incantation’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bricht [u n]
W: MW -Orith in /led-frith ‘magical charm’
BRET: OBret. brith
GAUL: brixtia (Chamaliéres)
PIE: *b"erg'- ‘enlighten (?)’
COGN: ON bragr ‘poetic talent’, Skt. brahman- ‘priest’
SEE: *berxto- ‘bright, beautiful’
ETYM: The PIE root must be reconstructed without the laryngeal,
otherwise we would expect *CrHC > CraC, PCelt. **braxtu-). Therefore, it
is doubtful whether this is the same root as *b"erHg- ‘bright’ (IEW 1339, cf.
Skt. bhrajate ‘shines’, Go. bairhts ‘bright’, etc.); we may want to compare
80 *brokko-
PCelt. *brixtu- with *berxto- ‘bright, beautiful’, which also has to be froma |
root without a laryngeal.
REF: LEIA B-89, Delamarre 90, Fleuriot 1976-7: 181, Lambert 1994: 154,
de Vaan 2002.
*brokko- ‘badger’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. brocc [0 m], Ogam BROCI
W: MW broch {m]
BRET: MoBret. broc’h [m]
CO: OCo. broch gl. taxo
GAUL: Broco-magus [PN]
ETYM: This word has no known cognates in other IE languages, and it has
all but replaced the inherited word for ‘badger’, *tasko-. It may have been
borrowed from some non-IE language into Proto-Celtic.
REF: LEIA B-94, GPC I: 330, LHEB 567, Lambert 1994: 191, Delamarre
90, Campanile 1974: 18, Deshayes 2003: 140, Ziegler 1994: 100, Sims-
Williams 2006: 56.
*brozdo- ‘point, tip’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. brot [o m] ‘goad, spike’
PIE: *b"rosd"h,o- ‘point’ (IEW: 110)
COGN: OE brord ‘point’, Lith. bruzdiklis ‘bridle’, OCS brezda ‘bit’
ETYM: MIr. brot might be from *brozdo-, but W brath [m] ‘stab, wound,
injury, sting, prick’, which is often compared, has the unexpected -a-, as well
as OCo. brath-ky gl. molossus (from *brozdo- we would expect W **broth). ;
Could these words be loanwords from Goidelic? Or should we separate these
words, and derive W brath from *b'rs-d"o- > *bars-do- (cf. *barro- ‘point,
top’), with the ‘liquid metathesis’ between labials and a dental cluster (cf.
PCelt. *mlasto-)? OE brord and the Germ. cognates are from PGerm. |
*bruz6az ‘spike, shaft’ (Orel), but the u-vocalism is secondary (G. Kroonen,
p. c.).
REF: LEIA B-98, GPC I: 310.
*brii- ‘brow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr.-bri (for-bri) [u f]
PIE: *(h3)b"rewH- ‘brow’ (IEW: 172f.)
COGN: Skt. bhra-, Gr. ophrys, OE bru, Lith. bruvis, Russ. brov'
ETYM: PCelt. *bri- is certainly related to PCelt. *abrant- ‘eyelid’ (Olr. |
abrae [nt m], MW amrant, MoBret. abrant, Co. abrans), but the exact —
nature of the relationship is unclear. A connection may also exist with the |
word for ‘bridge’, PCelt. *briwa. The word-initial *h;- in the PIE |
reconstruction can be posited only on the basis of Gr. o- in ophrys. |
REF: LEIA B-75, EIEC 188, Wodtko et alii 2008: 41ff.
*brugno- ‘sadness, pain’ [Noun]
*bruso- 81
GOID: Olt. bron [o m]
W: MW brwyn [m]
ETYM: The derivation of this Celtic word from PIE *o"rewHg"- ‘bite’
(IEW 486) is difficult, as Gr. brykhd, Lith. grduziu, OCS gryzets ‘bites’ etc.
clearly point to a laryngeal in the root, of which there is no trace in Celtic.
Perhaps we should assume PIE * g”ruHg"-né- and subsequent shortening of
the first vowel by Dybo’s law. Note, however, that W brwyn is also
compatible with PCelt. *brugino- and *brogino-, and Olr. bron can be from
*brogno- (cf. Olr. srén ‘nose’ < *srogna). Thus, one may want to connect
PCelt. *brogno-, *brogino- to PIE *b'reg- ‘break’ (Lat. frango, Go. brikan).
REF: LEIA B-96, GPC I: 336.
*bruso- ‘fragile’ [Adj]
SEE: *brustniyo- ‘faggot’
*bruson- ‘abdomen, womb’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bri [n f]
W: MW dru [m] ‘womb, belly’, bron [f] ‘breast’
BRET: OBret. bronn ‘breast’, MBret. and MoBret. bronn ‘breast, teat’ [f]
CO: Co. bron ‘breast’
PIE: *b"rews- ‘belly’ (?)(IEW: 170f.)
COGN: OE breost ‘breast’, Russ. brjtixo ‘belly, paunch’
PCelt. *bruson- is an n-stem derived from the zero grade of the PIE root
(PIE *b"rus-on-).
REF: LEIA B-100, GPC I: 334, DGVB 90, EIEC 561, Deshayes 2003: 142,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 100.
*brustniyo- ‘faggot, (bundle of) firewood’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol. brosnae [io m]
PIE: *b'rews- ‘break’ (IEW: 171)
COGN: Lat. frustum ‘fragment’
“preak’
ETYM: The correct reconstruction of the proto-form of Olr. brosnae must
contain the cluster *-stn- because *-sn- would give *-nn- in Irish, cf.
*k"resno- ‘tree’ > Olr. crann. Olr. bruid ‘breaks’ is from the same root
(PCelt. *brus-yo- < *b'rus-yo-), as well as bronnaid ‘damage, injure’
(*brus-na- < *b"rus-nehy-). W brau ‘brittle, fragile’, Co. brew, MoBret. brev,
brew ‘broken’ can represent nominal derivatives (PCelt. *bruso-). Cf. also
OFr. bruisier ‘break’ which might be from the Gaulish cognate of these
words. W bryn [m] ‘heap, mound’ might be related, but the semantic
connection is weak.
REF: LEIA B-97, GPC I: 339, Deshayes 2003: 136f.
*brutu- ‘fermentation, (boiling) heat’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bruth {u nj ‘raging, boiling heat, vehemence’
82 *bruwo-
W: MW drwd ‘hot’, OW brut gl. animus
BRET: OBret. brot ‘heat’
CO: OCo. bredion gl. coctio
PIE: *b"erw- ‘ferment, brew’ (IEW: 145)
COGN: Lat. dé-frutum ‘boiled wine’, OHG briuwan ‘brew’
SEE: *berw-a- ‘brew, cook’
ETYM: This is an abstract noun formed with the suffix *-tu- from the same |
root as *berw-a- ‘boil, cook’. The zero-grade of the root is usual in such
formations.
REF: LEIA B-106, GPC I: 334, DGVB 91, LP 38, LIV 65.
*bruwo- ‘quantity, multitude’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. bré ‘multitude, dense mass’
W: MW bryw ‘lively, strong, powerful’
ETYM: DIL (s. v.) treats bro ‘multitude, dense mass’ as the same word as
bro ‘quern’, which might be correct, in which case this etymology is simply
wrong. The vocalism of W bryw is unclear to me; it could point to PCelt. |
*bruwyo- (cf. W cyw ‘small animal’ < *kuwyo-). GPC relates this word to |
Lat. grauis ‘heavy’, which is not helpful, since the meanings are very |
divergent.
REF: LEIA B-93, GPC I: 342.
*budin4 ‘troop, host’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. buiden [4 f]
W: MW byadin [f]
BRET: OBret. bodin gi. manus
GAUL: *budina > Late Latin bodina ‘frontier’; Budenicus (Mars) |
[Theonym] (CIL XII 2973)
ETYM: These words might be related to PCelt. *bowdi- ‘booty, victory’.
REF: LEIA B-114, GPC I: 362, DGVB 87, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: |
459, Schrijver 1995: 24, Delamarre 93.
*buggo- ‘soft, tender’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. boc [o]
BRET: OBret. buc gl. putris, MBret. and MoBret. boug ‘tender’
PIE: *b’ewg"- ‘bend’ (IEW: 152)
COGN: Skt. bhujati ‘bends’, Go. biugan
ETYM: The semantic development that has to be assumed for this |
etymology to work (‘bent’ > ‘kneaded’ > ‘softened’) is quite complex. Go. |
biugan and the related Germanic words (Germ. biegen, etc.) point to the PIE
root with a word-final voiced stop (*b"ewg"-), while Skt. bhujdti must be
from PIE *b’ewg-. Note also that the geminate in Celtic is unexpected |
(positing a suffix *-go- added to the zero-grade *b"ug- would be quite ad
hoc). All of this makes this makes this etymology rather dubious.
REF: LEIA B-62, EIEC 62, LIV 68, Deshayes 2003: 125.
a elt te
*bukko- 83
*bukko- ‘goat’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. boc [o m]
W: MW bwch [m]
BRET: MBret. bouch, MoBret. bouc’h [m]
CO: OCo. boch gl. caper .1. hyrcus
PIE: *b"ugo- ‘goat, buck’ (IEW: 174)
COGN: Av. biiza-, Arm. buc ‘lamb’, Eng. buck
ETYM: Fr. bouc ‘goat, buck’ (and the derivative boucher ‘butcher’) are
reflexes of the Gaulish cognates of this PCelt. word. The Celtic forms might
be early loanwords from Germanic, since they have voiceless *-kk- (as if per
Grimm’s law). However, the geminate *kk could still be explained if one
starts from *bug-ko-, with a velar suffix, as in *bekko- ‘small’ (if from
*beg-ko-).
REF: LEIA B-62f., GPC I: 351, EIEC 98, 229, Campanile 1974: 15,
Deshayes 2003: 118.
*bundo- ‘sole of foot, base, floor’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bond [o m] (DIL bonn)
PIE: *b°u-n-d"-o- ‘bottom’ (IEW: 174)
COGN: Skt. budhna-, Lat. fundus, OHG bodam
ETYM: MLat. bonda, Fr. dial. bonnier < bunnarium ‘measure of the surface
of a field’ may be from Gaul. *bunda, cf. also Fr. bonde ‘plug (of cask),
sink’ (Gamillscheg 126).
REF: LEIA B-69, Kroonen 2006.
*bu-n-do- ‘proclaim, give notice’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ad-boind; a-t-bdis [2s Subj.]; ad-buib [3s Fut.]; at-bobuid [3s
Pret. |
BRET: OBret. dogurbonnue [3s Pres. Subj.]
PIE: *b"ewd'- ‘be awake’ (IEW: 150-152)
COGN: Skt. bdédhati ‘wakes, notices’, OE bodian ‘announce’, Gr.
peuthomai ‘give notice’
ETYM: Olr. ad-boind is from *ad-bund-o-, while the preterite at-bobuid <
*uss-bu-bud-. OBret. dogurbonnue presupposes *to-ufor-bunde-. The
meaning and etymological connection of the OBret. form dogurbonnue are
not fully ascertained, cf. KPV 237. If Olr. ad-boind is indeed from PIE
*b"ewd'. ‘be awake’, we must assume a complex evolution of meaning, as in
Gr. peuthomai and OE bodian: ‘be awake’ > ‘make oneself noticed’ > ‘give
notice’. The same PIE root may be attested in Olr. ro-bud [u and 0 m] ‘a
notice beforehand’, W rhybudd {m] ‘warning, caution’ < PCelt. *fro-bowdo-
< PIE *b"owd’o-.
REF: KPV 236f, LIV 82f, LP 347, LEIA B-69, Delamarre 81, McCone
1991: 43, Schumacher 2000: 180.
84 *bu-n-g-o-
*bu-n-g-o- ‘break’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. -boing ‘breaks, cuts, reaps’; -ba [Subj.], do-m-bibsat <
*to-bibug-s-e- [3p Fut.]; co-m-bobig [Pret.]; -bocht [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW diwung ‘attacks’ [3s Pres. ]
PIE: *b"ewg™- ‘bend’ (IEW: 152f.)
COGN: OE bigan ‘to bend’, Russ. bgat’
ETYM: MW diwung is from *di-bungo-. Attempts to relate Gaulish -bogio- '
in names like Ad-bogios, Com-bogio-marus to this Celtic etymon are |
doubtful (Meid 2005, Delamarre 81), because the root vocalism does not :
match. For the doubts about the exact form of the PIE root see PCelt.;
*buggo- ‘soft, tender’.
REF: KPV 238ff, LIV 85f, LEIA B-70ff, McCone 1991: 43.
*bunno- ‘owl, bittern’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. bonnan [o m] ‘bittern’
W: MW bua, bwn [m]
BRET: OBret. bonn gl. grus .i. auis, MoBret. bonn [m] ‘crane’
ETYM: OlIr. bonnan represents a derivative (augmentative?) *bunn-ano-. |
The IE etymology is unknown, as well as the source of the geminate *nn.
Like many bird-names, the PCelt. word for ‘bittern’ could also be a
loanword from some non-IE language.
REF: LEIA B-70, DGVB 88, Deshayes 2003: 120.
*burro- ‘inflated, swollen’ [Adj]
GOID: Mir. borr [0] |
W: MW bwrr, bwr ‘fat, strong, big’
CO: OCo. bor gl. pinguis
ETYM: One could, rather speculatively, derive PCelt. *burro- from |
*brur(r)o-, and relate it to the root *b"erw- ‘boil, ferment’ (see *brutu-).
REF: LEIA B-73, GPC I: 354, Campanile 1974: 16.
*bussu- ‘lip’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. bus
W: MW ewe-fus
BRET: MBret. gweuz, gueus, MoBret. gweus [f]
CO: OCo. gueus gl. labia
GAUL: Bussu-gnata [PN]
ETYM: MIr. bus is not well attested (it belongs to the poetic language, ;
bérla na filed). Its stem and gender are unknown. The element bussu- of |
Gaul. Bussu-gnata could also mean ‘penis’, cf. PCelt. *buzdo- ‘penis’. For |
the prefix-like gwe- in MBret. and MW cf. *wewlo- ‘lip’.
REF: LEIA B-118, Delamarre 95, Deshayes 2003: 308, Meid 2005: 128f.
*buta ‘place, dwelling, hut’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. both [a f] ‘hut’
*bu-yo- 85
W: MW bod {f] ‘dwelling, place’
BRET: OBret.Bor- (in place-names), MoBret. bod [f]
CO: Co. bod, bos
ETYM: There is a possible connection to Lith. butas ‘home, house’, OLith.
buta, Olc. bud ‘house, residence’. One could reconstruct PIE *b"uhot6- (from
the root *b"ewhy- ‘be’, cf. PCelt. *bu-yo-) and derive the Celtic form by
Dybo’s law (note that the the Lithuanian words have mobile accentuation,
implying a PIE oxytone). However, Baltic also has short *u, so a
reconstruction *b*h,uto- has also been proposed to account for it, but to me
this seems ad hoc. In light of these difficulties it may be assumed that PCelt.
*buta was borrowed from some unknown language, IE or non-IE (words for
huts and houses are often Wanderwérter).
REF: LEIA B-74, GPC I: 293, DGVB 88, Deshayes 2003: 118.
*bu-yo- ‘be, become’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. biid ‘is wont to be’ [Consuetudinal Pres.]; -bé [Subj.]; bieid, -
bia [Fut.]; boi [Pret.]; -both [Pret. Pass.]
W: OW bot (GPC bod); bez [3s Pres.]; bit [3s Pres.]; bei [Impf. Subj.]; bu
[3s Pret.]
BRET: OBret. bout; bei [3s Impf. Subj.]; boe, boue [3s Pret.]
CO: Co. bos; beth [3s Pres.]; be [3s Impf. Subj.]; bue [3s Pret.]
GAUL: biiete [2p Impv] (Inscription from Limé)
PIE: *b"ewhp- ‘be, become’ (IEW: 146-150)
COGN: Skt. bhdvati, Lat. fui ‘I was’, Lith. biti, OCS byti
SEE: *es- ‘be’
ETYM: These forms are suppletive to *es- ‘be’; Olr. biid (disyllabic) ‘is
wont to be’ and Gaul. bdiiete point to PCelt. *biye- < *b"wiye- (<
*b"uhpi(H)ye-), cf. Lat. fio ‘become, be’ (Kortlandt 2007: 136). There is
considerable disagreement about the reconstruction of the paradigm of the
Olr. and W preterite; Olr. 3 sg. boi and W bu can be from PCelt. *bowe <
PIE *b’owe (perfect without reduplication), but Olr. 1sg. -bd is a problem.
Kortlandt (2007: 125) now reconstructs the PIE root as *b'eh3u- and derives
-ba from *bdum < *b’eh3um.
REF: KPV 241-256, GPC I: 292, LP 325-331, LEIA B-46f, McCone 1991:
115-135, RIG IL.2: 269-280, Morris Jones 1913: 346-353, Kortlandt 2000,
2007: 136, Wodtko et alii 46ff.
*buzdo- ‘tail, penis’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. bot [o m] ‘penis, tail’
W: MW both [f] ‘umbo, nave, boss of shield’
GAUL: buddutton (?) ‘penis’
PIE: *gwosd"o- ‘piece of wood, sprig’ (IEW: 485)
COGN: MHG quast ‘scrub’, Alb. gjeth(e) ‘foliage’, OCS gvozdb ‘nail’
ETYM: MIr. bot comes from *buzdo- straightforwardly, but W both must
be from the corresponding feminine *buzda. Gaul. buddutton has also been
86 *qq-
interpreted as ‘kiss’ (see *bussu- ‘lip’): it boils down to the problem of how
indecent is the Gallo-Latin inscription Moni gnatha gabi buddutton imon (St.
Révérien, cf. Meid 1980: 15f.). Does it mean ‘Come, girl, give me a kiss’, of!
‘Come, girl, take my penis’? Both interpretations are possible. Cf. also Gaul.
PN Bussu-maros which is slightly more probably interpreted as ‘having 4
large penis’ than ‘big kiss’. The PIE etymology is uncertain; it presuppos
an ablauting paradigm, perhaps PIE *g”dsd"-s / *gwosd"-m / *gusd"-os (f
the lengthened grade cf. Alb. gjeth(e), with e < *6, though Demiraj 19974
187f. presupposes an umlauted variant of *gath), and that *g” > PCelt. *
in the Nom. and Acc., whereas the u-vocalism of the root is from the obliqu
cases. A paradigm *bozd- / *guzdo- would have been regularized an
thematicized into PCelt. *buzdo-.
REF: LEIA B-73, Meid 1980: 15f., Meid 1994.
D
*da- ‘give’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. -tartat ‘could give’ [3s Pres.] do-rat ‘has given’ [Perf.]
GAUL: dede [Pret.] (Orgon, etc.)
LEP: tetu (Prestino)
CELTIB: tatuz [Imp.] (?) (Botorrita I)
PIE: *deh;- ‘give’ (EW: 223ff.)
COGN: Skt. da-, Lat. do, dare, Gr. didomi, Lith. duoti, OCS dati
SEE: *danu- ‘gift’
ETYM: Olt. tartat < *tu-fro-ad-da-. On Celtib. tatuz (Botorrita I) see Eska'
1989: 142); some derive this form from the root *d"eh- ‘do’ (Lat. facio, Gr
tithémi, etc.); the root *deh3- is probably also attested in Celtib. zizonti ‘they
give’ (by assimilation from *dizonti) and taunei ‘to give’. Gaulish dede and!
Lepontic tetu might also be from PIE *d"eh,- rather than from *deh-, but:
this appears less probable. Gaul. readdas (Saint-Marcel near Argenton-sur-
Creuse) has also been analysed as *fr(o)-e-ad-da-s ‘he has given this’ |
(Schrijver 1997: 178f.), but this is just a possibility. Finally, Olr. iadaid,
-iada ‘closes’ is certainly an old compound with the prefix *efi- = PIE :
*hiepi-, cf. Gr. epi), but it is unclear whether the verbal root is *deh3- ‘give’
(as assumed by Schumacher in KPV), or *dehy- ‘do, make, put’. The latter
appears more probable from the semantic point of view.
REF: KPV 265 ff., LIV 105, Delamarre 138f., Lambert 1994: 137f, :
Lejeune 1971: 94, Prosdocimi 1984: 73, MLH V.1: 365ff.
*dago- ‘good’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. dag-
*dakro- 87
W: MW da
BRET: OBret. da-, MBret. da
CO: Co. da
GAUL: Dago-marus [PN]
ETYM: No convincing IE etymology has been proposed so far. However, it
is at least thinkable that PCelt. *dago- developed by assimilation from
*dako-, which could, in turn, be derived from PIE *dko- (with epenthetic *a
in the initial cluster of two stops, cf. *dakro- ‘tear’). The PIE root would be
as in PCelt. *dekos- ‘honor’ > Olr. dech (note that dech serves as a
suppletive superlative to maith ‘good’).
REF: Stokes 140, GPC I: 866, LEIA D-7f., DGVB 126, Delamarre 134,
Campanile 1974: 35, Deshayes 2003: 167, Meid 2005: 82.
*dakro- ‘tear’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dér [o n]
W: MW deigr [ml], deigryn [Singulative]; dagrau |p}
BRET: OBret. dacr-/on ‘full of tears’, MBret. dazrou [p], MoBret. daer [m]
CO: Co. dagrow [p]
PIE: *dhokru- ‘tear’ (IEW: 23)
COGN: Hitt. ishahru-, Skt. asru-, Gr. dakry, Lat. lacrima, OE téar, Lith.
aSara, ToB akriina [p]
ETYM: The PIE form of this word is notoriously difficult to reconstruct.
One possibility (Matasovi¢é 2004: 126) would be to posit PIE *hoekru- (or
perhaps an old heterocliton, PIE *h,ekwr / *hokwen-s) and to explain the
word initial *d- in some branches as the result of false word division with
the neuter pronoun *tod (*tod hoekru- > *to(d) dhoekru- > *dakru). The root
involved may be PIE *h)ek- ‘sharp’ (>‘bitter’ > ‘tear’). Another possibility
(Matasovic 2000) is to start from PIE *dokwr / *dkwen-s and explain the *a
in Celtic (and other branches) as epenthetic (breaking up the difficult Anlaut
*dk-), Word-initial *d- could then have been lost in some branches through
false word division (*tod dakwr- > *tod akwr), and the word could have
been reshaped as a u-stem in Celtic, Indo-Iranian, Greek, etc. (perhaps
through regular PIE metathesis of *-wr > *-ru, but cf. Lubotsky 1994a).
Needless to say, both possibilities are highly speculative.
REF: Stokes 140, LEIA D-53f., GPC I: 921, DGVB 126, LP 42, EIEC 567,
Deshayes 2003: 167, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 237, Hamp 1971,
Matasovié 2000, Matasovic 2004: 126.
*dallo- ‘blind’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. dail [0], Ogam DALI
W: MW dail
BRET: OBret. dail, MBret. dall
CO: OCo. dal gl. cecus
ETYM: Probably related are Gaul. PN Tri-dallus, Dallo (cf. Delamarre 135,
Meid 2005: 192). The IE etymology of these Celtic words is uncertain (see
88 *dal-n-
IEW 266); however, the relationship with OHG fol ‘silly’, Go. dwals
‘foolish, stupid’ seems probable, but details of the phonetic development are
difficult: PIE *d"wolno- would presumably give PCelt. **dwollo- > Olr.
**doll). Therefore, if the Germanic-Celtic etymology is correct, we should
start from PIE *d°wino-, with the zero grade of the root, which would
develop to PCelt. *dwallo- regularly, and hence to Olr. dall, MW dail, etc.
REF: LEIA D-18, GPC I: 882, DGVB 128, LP 11, Delamarre 135,
Campanile 1974: 35, Deshayes 2003: 169, Meid 2005: 192, Ziegler 1994:
101.
*dal-n- ‘come into being, turn into something’ [Vb]
W: MW deillyau (GPC deillio) ‘emanate, proceed, derive, come about,
originate’
PIE: *d"elh,- (IEW: 234)
COGN: Gr. thdllé ‘blossom’ [Vb], OE dile ‘dill’, Arm. dalar ‘green’,
perhaps Alb. dal ‘flow out, exit, grow’
SEE: *dolisko- ‘seaweed’
ETYM: Schumacher (KPV 257f.) derives the Olr. verbal noun dul [u m]
‘going’ from the same PIE root, but this is dubious on semantic grounds.
Some linguists reconstruct the PIE root as *d"elh- (e.g. KPV and LIV), but I
do not believe that the evidence warrants that reconstruction. Celtic
generalized the zero-grade of the root in *dal-n- (< *d"l-n-eh,), but the o-
grade is probably attested in *dolisko- ‘seaweed’ and *dol-V- ‘leaf’. The e-
grade seems to be attested in PGerm. *delja- (OE dile, Germ. Dill, etc.).
REF: KPV 257f., GPC I: 922, LIV 132, Wodtko et alii 2008: 83f.
*dalo- ‘share, part’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. dal [o n]
W: OW daul [m]
PIE: *deho- ‘divide’ IEW: 175f.)
COGN: Skt. dayate ‘divides’, Gr. daiomai
ETYM: OW daul is a hapax. The Celtic forms represent derivatives with the
suffix *-lo-, PIE *deh2-lo-.
REF: LEIA D-16, LIV 87, Falileyev 41.
*dam-na- ‘subdue, break a horse’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. damnaid, -damna ‘binds, subdues’
PIE: *demh,- ‘subdue, tame’ (IEW: 199f.)
COGN: Hitt. damaszi ‘press, push’, Skt. damayati ‘subdue, tame’, Lat.
domo
SEE: *damo- ‘bull’
REF: EIEC 565, LIV 99f.
*damo/a- ‘retinue’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dam [8 f]
*damo- 89
W: OW daum ‘client’, W daw [m] ‘son-in-law’ (GPC daw, dawf)
BRET: MBret. deuff, MoBret. deujiv [m] ‘son-in-law’
CO: OCo. dof gl. gener
PIE: *domo- ‘household, home’ (IEW: 198f.)
COGN: Lat. domus ‘home’, Gr. dbmos, OCS dom»
ETYM: The OW hapax daum has an alternative reading dauu (Falileyev,
41). As shown by Campanile 1974a and McCone 1992, the Celtic forms
continue PIE vrddhi built from *domo- (itself a thematicization of the
original root-noun *dom); the original meaning was ‘belonging to the
household’, whence ‘retinue’ (collectively), and the subsequent narrowing of
the meaning to ‘son-in-law’ in Brittonic. Another derivative from the same
PIE word is probably Olr. déis [i m] ‘client’, built from the PIE Genitive sg.
of the original root noun, *dems, remodelled as an i-stem (*dems-i-). Celtib.
tamai [Dat./Loc. sg.] (Botorrita I) has been connected with this set of forms,
but with little justification. In PIE, the original root-noun *ddm may have
been connected with the root *demh»- ‘build’ (Gr. déméd, Dor. neddmatos
‘newly built’), if the development was *domh2s > *dém (as assumed by
LIV).
REF: LEIA D-20, Stokes 142, GPC I: 906, LP 6, Falileyev 41, Hamp 1978,
Campanile 1974a, McCone 1992, LIV 98, Matasovié 2004: 84f., MLH V.1:
360f.
*damo-, *damato- ‘bull’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dam [o m] ‘bull, deer’
W: MW dafad [f] ‘sheep’; defaid, defeidiau [p]
BRET: MoBret. dafivad
CO: OCo. dauat gl. ouis
GAUL: Damona (?) [Theonym], Gallo-Lat. damma (> Fr. daim) ‘roe’
PIE: *dmh.o- ‘the tamed one’ (IEW: 199f.)
COGN: Skt. damya- ‘young bull to be tamed’, Alb. dem ‘bull, steer’
ETYM: The Celtic a-vocalism is best explained by starting from a proto-
form *dm-Ho-, with syllabic *m. The Brit. forms point to a derivative
*damato- (< *dmhyeto-) rather than *damo- > Olr. dam. The PIE root
*demh,- is presumably also reflected in the British tribal name Demetae (>
MW Dyfed), which can be interpreted as ‘Tamers’.
SEE: *dam-yo- ‘allow, permit, endure’, *dam-na- ‘subdue, break a horse’
REF: LEIA D-19f., GPC I: 878, EIEC 136, Campanile 1974: 36, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 43, 47.
*dam-yo- ‘allow, permit, endure’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. daimid, -daim; -dama [Subj.]; -didam [Fut.]; -damatar [3p
Pret.]; -dét [Pret. Pass. ]
W: MW goddef ‘suffer, permit’
BRET: MBret. gouzaff ‘suffer, permit’, MoBret. gouzafiv
CO: Co. godhaff ‘suffer’
90 *danu-
PIE: *demh)- ‘subdue, tame’ (IEW: 199f.)
COGN: Hitt. damaszi ‘forces, pushes’, Skt. damayati ‘forces, tames’, Lat.
domo, domare ‘to tame’
ETYM: The simplex *dam-yo- is attested only in Olr., the Brit. forms
pointing to PCelt. *ufo-dam-, cf. also Olr. fo-daim, -fodaim ‘suffer, endure’
< *ufo-dam-yo-.
SEE: *damo-, *damato- ‘bull’, *dam-na- ‘subdue, break a horse’
REF: KPV 260ff, LIV 116f., LP 357, LEIA D-10f, GPC IT: 1425, Deshayes
2003: 288, McCone 1991: 30, 159-163.
*danu- ‘gift’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dan [u m] ‘gift, bestowal, skill’
W: MW dawn [m and f]
PIE: *dehgr / *dehgn-os ‘gift’ (IEW: 225)
COGN: Lat. dénum, Gr. doron, OCS dar, Arm. tur
SEE: *da- ‘give’
REF: LEIA D-22, GPC I: 906, LIV 105, EIEC 185, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 249, 353.
*danto- ‘tooth [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dét [o n]
W: MW dant [m]
BRET: OBret. dant, MBret. and MoBret. dant
CO: OCo. dans gl. dens
PIE: *h,dont- ‘tooth’ (IEW: 289)
COGN: Lat. déns, Skt. dant-, Gr. od6én, Lith. dantis, OHG zand
ETYM: The Celtic forms preserve the zero-grade of the root (PIE *h,dnt- >
*dant-). The nature of the initial laryngeal is uncertain: if the word for
‘tooth’ is originally the part. pres.of the verb *hjed- ‘to eat’, then it was *h,-,
but many linguists reconstruct *h3-, from which Gr. o- in odon is derived
straightforwardly.
REF: Stokes 154, GPC I: 889f., DGVB 128f., EIEC 594, Deshayes 2003:
170, Campanile 1974: 35, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 432.
*darno- ‘piece, part’ [Noun]
W: MW darn [m]
BRET: MBret. darn
CO: Co. darn
GAUL: *darna > Fr. darne ‘piece, slice of fish’
PIE: *der(H)- ‘tear’ (IEW: 206ff.)
COGN: Gr. deiré ‘tear’, Lith. dial. dirti
ETYM: The Celtic words adduced here seem to be originally adjectives
from the root ‘to tear’, but the phonetic development is not completely clear.
From *drH-no- we would expect PCelt. *drano-. Invoking Dybo’s law
would not help, since this would give *drano- (cf. *sfraxto- ‘eloquent’,
*daru- 91
*frati- ‘fern’), which means that we must start from an anit-form of the PIE
root. The derivation *drno- > *darno- is then straightforward. LIV (s. v.) also
distinguishes two roots, *der- and *derH-, and both may be attested in Lith.
dirti ‘peel’ (< *der-) vs. Lith. dial. dirti ‘tear’.
REF: Stokes 147, GPC I: 896, Pedersen I: 52, LIV 104, Deshayes 2003:
172, Lambert 1994: 194.
*daru- ‘oak’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. daur, dair [u f]
W: MW dar (GPC dar) [f]; deri, deiri [p]
BRET: OBret. dar
CO: OCo. dar gl. quercus
PIE: *doru- ‘tree, wood’ (IEW: 214 ff.)
COGN: Hitt. taru, Gr. dory ‘tree, trunk, spear’, ToAB or ‘wood’, Av. dauru
SEE: *derwo- ‘firm, true’
ETYM: The Olr. i-stem dair is younger than the old u-stem daur. It was
reshaped since feminine u-stems are otherwise exceptional in Celtic. The a-
vocalism of the Celtic forms can be explained if we posit an ablauting
paradigm Nom sg. *doru / Gen. sg. *drw-os; after the regular development
*drwo- > *darwo- in the oblique cases, this shape of the root was
analogically extended to the Nominative, hence *daru.
REF: Stokes 148, GPC I: 891f., DGVB 129, EIEC 598, Campanile 1974:
35, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 237.
*dar(y)o- ‘bull’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. dairid; daraid [Subj.]; -dart [Pret.]
PIE: *d"erh3- ‘ jump, leap’ (IEW: 256)
COGN: Gr. thraské ‘leap, attack’, Skt. dhara- ‘flood, rush’
ETYM: The present stem of Olr. dairid contains the zero-grade of the PIE
root. The laryngeal was lost in the pre-vocalic position (*drh3-o0- > PCelt.
*dar-o-), or regularly before *y (Pinault’s rule).
REF: KPV 264f, LIV 146f., LP 357, LEIA D-13, EIEC 323, McCone 1991:
30, McCone 1996: 53.
*dasti- ‘heap, pile’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. daiss [71 f]
W: OW das, MW das [f and m]
BRET: OBret. desi
PIE: *deh,- ‘make, do’ (IEW: 238)
COGN: Lat. facio, Gr. tithémi, Skt. didhami, OCS deéti, Lith. déti
SEE: *datla ‘assembly, meeting’
ETYM: The Irish word is attested late, and its original stem formation is
uncertain, but it was probably an i-stem. The PCelt. word *dasti- must be
derived from the zero-grade *d"h,-sti-, cf. also the common Gaul. toponym
Condate (Fr. Condé) < *kom-dati- ‘confluence’ < *kom-d"h,-ti-.
92 *datla
REF: LEIA D-13f., DGVB 136, Falileyev 40, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
268.
*datla ‘assembly, meeting’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dal [a f] ‘meeting, encounter’; i ndail ‘near, along with’; i nddil
n- ‘towards’
W: MW dad, dadyl {m]
BRET: OBret. dad gl. concio, MoBret. dael [f] ‘dispute’
CO: OCo. datheluur gl. concionator
PIE: *d"eh,- ‘make, do’ (IEW: 237)
COGN: Lat. facio, Gr. tithémi, Skt. dadhami, OCS deéti, Lith. déti
SEE: *dasti- ‘heap, pile’
ETYM: Olr. dd/ ‘assembly’ is sometimes treated as the same etymon as ddl
‘share, part’, but this has a completely different etymology (see *dalo-). The
PIE etymology of *datla is disputed, but it may contain the root *d°ehy- ‘put
together, make’ (Lat. facio, etc.), and the suffix *-tlo-, so we may start from
PIE *dh,-tlo-.
REF: LEIA D-16f., Falileyev 40, Schrijver 1995: 80, GPC I: 870,
Delamarre 123f., DGVB 127, Deshayes 2003: 167.
*dawna ‘poem’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. duan [4 f]
PIE: *dhp-no- ‘offering’ (IEW: 176f.)
COGN: Lat. daps, Hitt. tappala- ‘person responsible for court cooking’, ON
tafn ‘sacrificial animal’
ETYM: ON fajfn is the exact correspondence of Olr. duian. The sound
development in Celtic is the same as in *kapno- > *kawno- > Olr. cuan
‘harbour’. Another, less probable etymology relates MIr. duan to PIE
*d'ewg"- ‘be useful’ (IEW 271, Gr. tykhé ‘fortune, chance’ etc.), cf. EIEC
614.
REF: LEIA D-209, EIEC 614, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 255f., Watkins
1970.
*daw-yo- ‘kindle, burn’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. doud [Verbal Noun Dat. s] ‘burning’
W: MW deifyaw (GPC deifio)
BRET: OBret. deuu, MBret. devo ‘burn’, dev ‘burned’
CO: Co. dewy,
PIE: *deh2u- ‘burn, kindle’ (IEW: 179f.)
COGN: Skt. dunoti, Gr. daid, ToB tu
ETYM: W etewyn ‘torch, firebrand’, MoBret. efew and Co. itheu go back to
*ati-daw-ino- from the same root. Cf. also PCelt. *kom-daw-to- ‘firewood’
(MIr. connad, W cynnud, MoBret. keuneud, Co. kunys).
REF: GPC I: 796, 920, EIEC 87, LIV 88, Deshayes 2003: 180.
*da-yo- 93
*da-yo- ‘ail, trouble’ [Vb]
GOID: Ol. dathair, daas [Relative]
W: MW -dawr [3s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. -deur ‘is important’ [3s Pres.]
CO: Co. -duer [3s Pres.]
ETYM: In Olr. this verb was confused with *ta- ‘be, find oneself? < PIE
*steho-, see KPV 266ff. The IE etymology of PCelt. *da-yo- is uncertain, but
a derivation from PIE *deh,- ‘bind’ (IEW 183, LIV 86, cf. Gr. déd) has been
proposed. In my opinion, the semantic connection is too weak for this
etymology to be plausible.
REF: KPV 266ff., LP 164, Morris Jones 1913: 373.
*dedmV- ‘rite, ceremony, usage’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. deidmea [Gen. s] ‘law, usage’
W: MW deuawt, defawt ‘rite, ceremony, law’; deddf [f] ‘rite, decree,
ordinance, law’
BRET: OBret. domot gl. ritum
ETYM: Some attested forms (e.g. OBret. domo?) point to PCelt. *dedmato-,
while Olr. deidmea, if it is the Gen. s. of an i-stem, must imply PCelt.
*dedmi-. Outside Celtic, a probable cognate is Gr. thesmds ‘custom’ < PIE
*d"ed"(h; )mo-.
REF: GPC f: 912, Schrijver 1995: 37.
*deg”i- ‘flame, blaze’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. daig {i f]
W: MW goddadeith [m and f] ‘big flame, blaze’ (GPC goddaith)
PIE: *d"eg”"- ‘burn’ (IEW: 240f )
COGN: Skt. dahati, Lat. febris ‘fever’, ToAB tsdk- ‘burn’, Alb. djeg ‘burn’
ETYM: The development in Olr. is straightforward, with *e > a before
palatalized g as in aig ‘ice’ < *yegi-. MW goddeith is from *ufo-dexta <
*upo-deg”-ta, cf. also W deifio ‘burn’ < PCelt. *deg”-ye-. Olr. daigen ‘firm’
may be from *deg”ino- ‘burned, baked’ (see *di-n-g-o- ‘knead, form’), but
the semantic connection is weak.
REF: GPC II: 1425, EIEC 87, LIV 115f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 64ff.,
Schrijver 1995: 140, McCone 1996: 23, 40, 111 ff.
*dekam ‘ten’ [Num]
GOID: Olr. deich [Nasalizing]
W: MW deg
BRET: OBret. dec, MBret. dek, MoBret. deg
CO: Co. dec
GAUL: decan-, decometos ‘tenth’
CELTIB: tekametam ‘tenth’ (Botorrita I)
PIE: *dekm ‘ten’ (IEW: 191)
94 *dekos
COGN: Lat. decem, Gr. déka, Skt. dasa, Go. taihun, OCS desets, Lith.
désimt, ToA sak
ETYM: For the possible derivation of Olr. deéc, deac ‘-teen’ from
*dekan-k”e ‘ten and’ see *k”enk”e ‘five’.
REF: Stokes 145, GPC I: 916, DGVB 131, EIEC 403, Delamarre 137,
Deshayes 2003: 174, MLH V.1: 373, Schrijver 1993.
*dekos ‘honor, pride’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dech [Comparative of maith *good]
PIE: *dekos ‘honor’
COGN: Lat. decus, Arm. tasanem ‘see’, Av. dasa- ‘goods, possessions’
ETYM: The indeclinable superlative dech in Olr. is best taken as the
petrified form of old neuter noun meaning ‘honor, pride’, and this meaning
is here posited for PCelt. The similarity with PCelt. *dago- ‘good’ could be
accidental, but cf. the discussion under that lemma. Originally, PIE *dekos
probably meant ‘that which is received’, cf. Gr. dékhomai, dékomai ‘take,
accept’, Skt. dasasyati ‘renders service’.
REF: LEIA D-31, EIEC 271, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 128, 241.
*delg-o- ‘hold, contain’ [Vb]
W: MW daly, dala ‘hold’ (GPC dal, dala, daly)
BRET: OBret. delgim
GAUL: delgu [1s Pres.] (Banassac)
ETYM: In Olr. there is a possible cognate in coindelg [o and 4, n and f]
‘contract, comparison’ < *kom-delgo- (cf. also W cynnal ‘maintain’); a
deverbal nominal stem (*delgo-) is probably preserved in OBret. dalg
(MoBret. dalc’h) ‘maintenance, tenure’. The connection to PIE *delh,g"o-
(Skt. dirgha-, etc.), suggested by IEW (197), appears improbable because of
the difference in meaning, but Alb. ndal ‘halt, stop’ may be related.
REF: KPV 271ff., GPC I: 881f., DGVB 134, Schrijver 1995: 142f., RIG
II.2: 152-155., LEIA C-150.
*delgo- ‘pin, needle’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. delg [o m]
W: MW dala [m] ‘sting’
CO: OCo. delc(h) gl. monile
PIE: *d"elg- ‘sting’ (IEW: 247)
COGN: Lat. falx ‘curved blade, hook, scythe’, Olc. dalkr ‘pin, dagger’,
Lith. dilgus ‘stinging, smarting’, dilgé ‘nettle’.
ETYM: A Gaulish reflex of PCelt. *delgo- may be preserved in Fr. dial. dail
‘sickle’, Pr. dalh (Gamillscheg 294). These words could be from *dalgla. de
Vaan (2008: 200) shows that Lat. falx is most probably a loanword from
some IE language of Italy.
REF: LEIA D-48, GPC I: 880, EIEC 424, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 141.
*delto- 95
*delto- ‘moist’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. delt [o m] ‘dew’
BRET: MBret. delt, MoBret. delt ‘sweaty’
PIE: *del- ‘sprinkle’ (IEW: 196)
COGN: ON tolgr ‘tallow’, Eng. tallow, Germ. Talg, Arm. tef ‘strong rain’
ETYM: The Germanic forms presuppose a velar suffix, presumably PGerm.
*talgo-, *tulgo- (ON tolgr). They have been also connected with Go. tulgus
‘firm, steadfast’ (Orel 2003: 411) and derived from PIE *dlh,g*- ‘long’? (IEW
197, cf. Skt. dirgha-, Gr. dolikhos, etc.), so the IE side of this etymology is
uncertain.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 177.
*delwa ‘form, appearance, image’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. delb [a f (later also u m)]
W: OW delu, MW delw [f]
CO: Co. del
PIE: *del- ‘carve, split’? IEW: 194ff.)
COGN: Lat. dolo ‘hew, chop into shape’, Lith. dalyti ‘divide’, Alb. dalloj
‘cut’
ETYM: MoBret. delw is a loanword from Welsh. Olr. dolb [o m] ‘magic,
illusion, appearance’ is another derivative from the same root (PCelt.
*dolwo-)
REF: Stokes 150, LEIA D-47f., GPC I: 972, EIEC 143, Falileyev 42, LHEB
387, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 216
*demi- ‘dim, dark’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. deim [i]
PIE: *d"em- ‘dim, dark’ (IEW: 148)
COGN: Eng. dim, Norw. daam, OF ris. dimme ‘darker’
ETYM: MIr. deim is not well-attested; it may be a back-formation to deime
[ia f] < *demyad ‘darkness’. This word is attested only in Germanic and
Celtic. The etymology in IEW 247f. (a connection with the PIE root
*d'emH- ‘smoke’) is doubtful on semantic grounds.
REF: LEIA D-42, Stokes 147.
*demya ‘darkness’ [Noun]
SEE: *demi- ‘dim, dark’
*déno- ‘fast’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. dian [o] gl. creber
PIE: *deyh,- ‘fly, move swiftly’ (IEW: 187)
COGN: Skt. diyati ‘fly’, Gr. diemai ‘hasten’
ETYM: The Olr. form can be regularly derived from PIE *deyhjno-.
REF: LEIA D-68, EIEC 208, LIC 91, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 252, 372.
96 *dergo-
*dergo- ‘red, blood-red’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. derg [o]
PIE: *d"erg- ‘dark’ (IEW: 251)
COGN: OE deorc ‘dark’, Lith. dargana ‘bad weather’, dérgti ‘to become
dirty’, (?) ToB tarkar ‘cloud’
ETYM: Delamarre (140) mentions the possibility that the PN An-dergus,
attested in Lusitania, is related to the same PCelt. root.
REF: LEIA D-57, Delamarre 140.
*derk- ‘see’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. -darc, a-t-chondarc [1s Pres.]; ad-chon-dairc [3s Pret. relative]
PIE: *derk- ‘glance at’ IEW: 213)
COGN: Skt. dars-, Gr. dérkomai, OE torht ‘bright, clear’, Alb. drité ‘light’
SEE: *k”is-o- ‘perceive’, *drika ‘face, appearance’
ETYM: Olr. a-t-chondarc < *ad-kom-dark-. The stem *derk-/*dark-
formed some suppletive forms to the root *k“is-o- ‘see’, cf. KPV 270. From
the same root we have OlIr. derc [o n] ‘eye, face’, MBret. derch ‘beautiful’
(PCelt. *derko-), and Olr. drech ‘face’, W drych ‘appearance’ (see PCelt.
*drika, with the zero-grade of the root). Cf. also Gaul. woderce (Larzac),
which might be 2 sg. Ipv. of *ufo-derk-o- (Lambert 1994: 167), and the PNs
Gaul. Derc-illus and Celtib. Terk-inos.
REF: KPV 270f., LEIA D-55f., LIV 122, EIEC 505, Ellis Evans 1967:
344f., MLH V.1: 378f.
*derwo- ‘firm (as an oak)’ [Adj]; ‘oak’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. derb [o] ‘sure, certain, fixed’
W: MW derwen [Singulative] ‘oak’; derw [p]
BRET: OBret. daeru, MBret. deru, derw ‘oaks’
GAUL: Dervo [Toponym]; *derwo- > OF r. dervée ‘oak wood’
PIE: *derw-o- ‘oak’ (IEW: 214f.)
SEE: *daru- ‘oak’
ETYM: The semantic development in Olr. was ‘firm as an oak’ > ‘firm,
strong’ > ‘true’, as explained by Benveniste, (1969: I, 8). Olr. derb ‘vessel’
is a feminine 4-stem, derivable from *derwa ‘made of oak-wood’, the
feminine-collective of *derwo-, cf. also MIr. drochta ‘tub, vessel’, which
may be from *druxto- < *dru-k-to- (cf. PGerm. *trugan, *trugaz ‘trough’ >
OHG trog, ON trog, PIE *dru-ko-).
REF: LEIA D-12, 54f., GPC I: 932f., EIEC 36, Deshayes 2003: 179, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 216f., Sims-Williams 2006: 69.
*déwo- ‘god’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. dia [o m]
W: OW duiu, W duw, Duw [m]
BRET: MBret. doe, MoBret. doue [m]
CO: OCo. duy, Co. dew
*dexs(i)wo- 97
GAUL: Deuo-gnata [PN], teuo-xtonio- (Vercelli)
CELTIB: Teiuo-reikis (K 6.1), DEOBRIGA [Toponym]
PIE: *deyw-o- ‘god, sky-god’ (IEW: 184f.)
COGN: Skt. deva-, Lat. deus, OPr. deiwas
REF: LEIA D-64, GPC I: 1101, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 44, Delamarre
143, Deshayes 2003: 197, Birkhan 1970: 324, Villar 1997: 900ff., Sims-
Williams 2006: 70ff., MLH V.1: 371f.
*dexs(i)wo- ‘right, south’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. dess [o]
W: MW dehau, deheu (GPC deau, de)
BRET: OBret. dehou, MBret. deho, dechou, MoBret. dehou, dehow
CO: Co. dehow, dyghow
GAUL: Dex(s)iua [Theonym]
PIE: *deks-wo- ‘right’ (IEW: 190)
COGN: Lat. dexter, Gr. deksiterds, OCS desno, Alb. djathté
ETYM: The Insular Celtic forms are derivable from *dexswo-, while the
Gaulish name Dexsiua points to *dexsiwo-, which is the expected form, in
light of the cognates in other IE languages (cf. also Gr. deksids <
*deksiwo-). The meaning ‘south’ is derived from the main principle of
orientation in the Celtic and IE tradition, by facing the rising sun (cf. also
Olr. tuath ‘left, north’ < PCelt. *towto-.
REF: Stokes 145, GPC I: 999, DGVB 133, LEIA D-61f., EIEC 458, LHEB
535, Deshayes 2003: 174, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 212, Delamarre 143,
Beekes 1994.
*di ‘from, of’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. di, de [Aspirating, +Dat.], di-
W: MW di, di-
BRET: OBret. di
PIE: *hod-eh, ‘from’ (IEW: 181 ff.)
COGN: Lat. dé
ETYM: In Olr. the long i was shortened in unstressed position, but the
length is generally preserved before consonants in compounds, cf. e.g. digal
< *di-gala ‘vengeance’. The root in this Italic and Celtic preposition could be
the same as in *h.ed-, but with a different suffix (or instrumental case-
ending) *-eh,; see *ad ‘to’.
REF: LEIA D-27, Stokes 143, GPC I: 943, EIEC 37, Falileyev 43 LEIA D-
27, GOI 504f., Delamarre 143, DGVB 136.
*di-akV- ‘lazy, lit. un-swift’ [Adj]
W: OW diauc gl. segnem, MW diawg (GPC diog)
BRET: OBret. diochi, MBret. diek, MoBret. dieg
CO: OCo, dioc gl. piger
PIE: *h,6ku- ‘swift? (IEW: 775)
98 *di-berga
COGN: Skt. asu- ‘quick’, Gr. okys ‘quick’, Lat. dcior ‘swifter’, perhaps
Croat. jastreb ‘hawk’
ETYM: The existence of this compound (with the prefix *di-) presupposes
the simplex meaning ‘swift’; parallels in other IE languages point to an u-
stem, but this cannot be demonstrated for Celtic. The PIE root is
reconstructed as *h oku- and interpreted as a vgddhi formation related to
*h,ekwo- ‘horse’, but this is quite uncertain. The accentuation of Croat.
jastreb (accentual paradigm a) and the related Slavic words points to a root
ending in a laryngeal (PIE *h,oh;ku- or *Heh3ki-), but the position of the
accent in Gr. dkys and Skt. asu- shows that the shortening of the first vowel
by Dybo’s law would be expected in Celtic.
REF: LP 6, GPC I: 1026, Falileyev 43f., Deshayes 2003: 183.
*di-berga ‘robbery, brigandage’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. diberg [4 f]
W: MW diuer (GPC difer) [m] ‘treason, betrayal’
SEE: *berga ‘pillage, robery’
ETYM: In OIr., there is also the simplex berg [a f] ‘robbery’, cf. *berga.
REF: LEIA B-41, GPC I: 980, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 314.
*di-bi-na- ‘take away’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. do-ben ‘take away’
W: MW difyn [m] ‘fragment, splinter’
SEE: *bi-na- ‘hit, strike’
REF: LEIA D-121, KPV 228, GPC I: 988.
*di-gala ‘vengeance’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. digal [a f]
W: MW dial [m]
CO: Co. dyal
SEE: *gal-n- ‘be able’
ETYM: This word is a compound of PCelt. *di- ‘from, of and *gala
(presumably the same word as *gala ‘valour, ability’, q. v.).
REF: LEIA D-79f., GPC I: 946.
*dig-ed- ‘chafer, beetle’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. dega [d]
PIE: *dig*- ‘tick’ (IEW: 187f.)
COGN: OE ficia ‘tick’, Arm. tiz ‘bug’
ETYM: Could this noun be a compound containing, as the second element,
the root *hjed- ‘eat’? In that case, the correct reconstruction would be
*d'ig’-hied-, with *d'ig’- possibly the root of Germ. Teig ‘dough’, etc. Of
course, this is mere speculation.
REF: LEIA D-38.
*dila 99
*dila ‘teat, dug’
GOID: Mir. deil [94 ?f] (DIL dela)
PIE: *deh,(y)-l- (IEW: 242)
COGN: Lat. felix ‘fruitful, happy’, OHG fila ‘nipple’
SEE: *di-na- ‘suck’
ETYM: The MIr. form dei/ is not well attested. In Cormac’s glossary we
seem to have the plural dela. It is probably the same noun as MIr. deil
‘young sow, sow aged three years’. Is may be possible to derive PCelt. *dila
from PIE *dh,i-l-, with the zero-grade, and without laryngeal metathesis, but
such a derivation seems slightly ad hoc. Another possibility is to assume
laryngeal metathesis and shortening by Dybo’s law (*dhyi-léh2- > *dihiléh2-
> *dila). Short -i- is also found in *di-na- ‘suck’ and this verb may also have
influenced other derivatives from the same root. OlIr. dil [i] ‘dear, beloved,
precious’ may be from the same root (PCelt. *dili-), but the meaning is quite
different. Perhaps the meaning ‘dear’ developed from ‘fruitful’ (cf. Lat.
felix).
REF: LEIA D-42.
*di-na- ‘suck’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. denaid, denait [3p Pres.]; did [Pret.]
W: MW dynu, denu
BRET: MBret. denaff; MoBret. denaii
CO: Co. dena
PIE: *dehyy- ‘suck’ (IEW: 241f.)
COGN: Luv. titaimi- ‘fed’, Skt. dhayati, Lat. felare, Go. daddjan, OCS
dojiti ‘suckle’, Arm. diem
SEE: *dila ‘teat’
ETYM: The PCelt. present stem *di-na- cannot be derived from *d"i-neh,-
(this would have given Olr. **dinid rather than denaid), so the suffix *-na-
was extended analogically after the large class of Celtic presents with that
suffix. The root *d'i- is the result of laryngeal metathesis (*dh,i-C- >
*d°ih,C-).
REF: KPV 273ff., LEIA D-49, GPC I: 1140, LP 36, EIEC 556, LIV 138f.,
Deshayes 2003: 178, McCone 1991: 14f.
*di-n-g-o- ‘knead, form, press’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. dingid, -ding; didis [Fut.]; dedaig [Pret.]; -decht [Pret. Pass.]
CELTIB: a/mbitinkounei ‘build’ (Botorrita I) [Inf]
PIE: *d’eyg"- ‘knead, form’ (IEW: 244f.)
COGN: Lat. fingo ‘form, shape’, OCS zid» ‘wall’, Go. daigs ‘dough’
ETYM: The connection of Celtib. a/mbitinkounei (as if from *ambi-
dingo-) with this stem is not certain (MLH V.1: 250f.); it has also been
compared to *tenk- ‘be firm’, PCelt. *tanko- “peace’; see, however, KPV
277. The Olr. adjective daigen ‘firm, fast, solid’ (occasionally spelled
daingen) is also sometimes connected with this root. The form daigen points
100 *diro-
to a proto-form *degino- (with e > a before palatalized g, as in daig ‘wall’) <
PCI. *deg”i-. This change was prior to raising and lowering, so one cannot
derive daigen from **digino- and relate it to the PIE root *d'eyg"-. It could,
however, be from *deg”ino- < PIE *d'eg”®- ‘burn, heat’ (see *deg”i-
‘flame’).
REF: LEIA D-92f., KPV 276ff., LIV 140, LP 357f, McCone 1991: 41, 46f.,
Meid 1993: 81-83, MLH V.1: 250f.
*diro- ‘proper, needed’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. dir [o] ‘proper, fitting’
W: MW dir ‘sure, certain, necessary’
ETYM: A derivation from PIE *d'eh,- ‘do make’ (Lat. facio, Gr. tithémi,
OCS déti, etc.) with the suffix *-ro- is formally straightforward and
semantically possible. The development of meaning of *d"ehjro- would have
been from ‘established’ to ‘customary, proper’ and ‘needed, necessary’. On
the other hand, if vowel lengthening before the cluster *xsL is accepted,
*diro- would also be derivable from *dixsro- < *déxsro- < *dek-sro-, cf.
PCelt. *dekos ‘honour’.
REF: LEIA D-95, GPC I: 1030.
*dis-smi- ‘something, anything, a small quantity’ [Pron]
GOID: Olr. dim gl. quippiam ‘something, anything’
W: MW dim ‘thing, any matter, aught’
SEE: (?) *dus- ‘bad’
ETYM: The Olr. word is scarcely attested (in the Ml. glosses) and it might
be a borrowing from Brit. PCelt. *dis-smi-, if this is the correct
reconstruction, could have been assimilated from *dus-smi- ‘a bad one’,
where *smi- is from PIE *sem- ‘one’ (Gr. hén, etc.).
REF: LEIA D-86, GPC I: 1018.
*dI-wed-o- ‘stop’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-ruid [3s Perf. Relative]
W: MW dywedd(u) (GPC diweddu, diwedd)
SEE: *wed-o-, *di-wedo- ‘end’
ETYM: The Olr. form do-ruid contains the perfective preverb *fro-
(*di-fro-wed-o-)
REF: KPV 656ff., GPC I: 1056.
*di-wedo- ‘end’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. diad [o n, later 4 f] (DIL dead)
W: OW diued, MW diued, diwet [m] (GPC diwedd)
BRET: OBret. dived, MBret. divez, MoBret. diwez [m]
CO: Co. deweth
PIE: *wed"- ‘lead’ (IEW: 1115f.) '
COGN: OCS vesti, vedetv, Lith. vésti, veda
sae
*di-wik-o- 101
SEE: *wed-o- ‘lead’
ETYM: This verb contains the PCelt. prefix *di- ‘from, away’, and the same
root as in *wed-o- ‘lead’.
REF: LEIA D-29, GPC I: 1056, DGVB 145, Falileyev 48, Deshayes 2003:
193.
*di-wik-o- ‘punish, avenge’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-fich, -dich
W: MW difwyn, diwyn (GPC difwyno) ‘spoil, defile, pollute, violate’; diwc
[3s Pres.] ‘improve, pay wergeld’
SEE: *wik-o- ‘fight’
REF: LEIA D-140, KPV 683ff., GPC I: 987.
*diy(w)o- ‘day’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. die (DIL dia)
W: OW did {m], MW dit, dyt, dyd(d) (GPC dydd) [mJ]; dyddiau, dieuoedd
[p]
BRET: OBret. ded, did, MBret. dez, MoBret. deiz [m]
CO: OCo. det
PIE: *diy-ew- ‘day’ IEW: 184f.)
COGN: Lat. diés, Arm. tiv
ETYM: Gaul. abbreviation D. in the Coligny Calendar may stand for *diyon
‘day’. Cf. also OBret. diu-mercer ‘Wednesday’, W heddiw ‘today’, MBret.
hizio, Co. hethew, Olr. indiu ‘today’; we probably have to reconstruct an
ablauting paradigm for PCelt. *diyéws / *diywos, but see Hamp 1974-5a.
Olr. denus {u m] ‘space of a day, period’ probably comes from *dinostu- and
preserves a trace of PIE *deyn- / *din- ‘day’ (Skt. su-dina- ‘dawning
beautifully’, OCS dons ‘day’, Lith. diena ‘day’).
REF: LEIA D-64f., GPC I: 119f., DGVB 138, LHEB 351, Deshayes 2003:
179, Falileyev 45, Hamp 1974-5a: 472-477, Schrijver 1995: 256.
*dlig-o- ‘owe, be entitled to’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. dligid, -dlig; -dlis [2s Subj.], dlicht [Pret.]
W: MW aylyu, dyly [3s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. dleout ‘must’
PIE: *d’elg"- (IEW: 271f.)
COGN: Go. dulgs ‘debt’, Russ. dd/g
ETYM: The Celtic forms reflect the zero-grade of the PIE root (*dlg"-o-).
REF: Stokes 155, GPC I: 1135, KPV 280ff., LP 358, LEIA D-107f, EIEC
123, Morris Jones 1913: 379.
*dligito- ‘duty, debt’ [Noun]
GOID: O!r. dliged [0 nj
W: MW dled, dyled, dylyed, dlyed {m and f]
SEE: *dlig-o- ‘owe’
102 *dlo-n-g-o-
ETYM: This is a derivative (with the suffix *-eto-) from the same root as
the verb *dlig-o- ‘owe’.
REF: LEIA D-107, GPC I: 1136.
*dlo-n-g-o- ‘split’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. dlongaid, -dloing ‘splits, cuts, cleaves or cuts away’; -didlastais
[3p Cond.]
PIE: *delg"- ‘hew’ (IEW: 196)
COGN: ON telgja ‘hew, cut’, Lith. dalgis ‘scythe’, OCS glodati ‘gnaw’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. dluige ‘splitting’ < *dlogyo-, without the nasal infix of
the present stem in dlongaid. OCS glodati is the result of metathesis (from
*dlogati)
REF: KPV 284f., LEIA D-108f., LIV 97, McCone 1991: 45.
*do ‘to’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. do, du [Aspirating, +Dat.]
PIE: *do, *de (IEW: 181 ff.)
COGN: OLat. en-do ‘in’, OHG zuo, OCS do ‘up to’
ETYM: This PCelt. preposition should be distinguished from the preverb
(old preposition) *to- which merged with it in Old Irish when *t > d in
pretonic syllables. Archaic Old Irish still distinguishes do- and fo-, tu- in
spelling.
REF: LEIA D-110f., EIEC 590, GOI: 506.
*doklo- ‘hair, lock of hair’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. dual [o m] ‘plait, fold, lock of hair’
PIE: *dok-lo- ‘thread, hair’ (IEW: 191)
COGN: Skt. dasda- ‘fringe’, Go. tag/ ‘a single hair’, Croat. dlaka ‘a single
hair’
ETYM: While Sanskrit points to the root *dek-, Celtic agrees well with
Germanic and Slavic (cf. the regular depalatalization in Proto-Slavic *dokla
and subsequent metathesis *dolka > Croat. dlaka).
REF: Stokes 152, LEIA D-208, EIEC 252, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 227.
*dol-V- ‘leaf’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. duilne, duille [ia f] ‘leaf, foliage’
W: MW deil, (GPC dail) [p] ‘leaves, foliage’; deilen [Singulative]
BRET: OBret. dol, MoBret. de/ [Collective] ‘leaves’
CO: OCo. delen {[Singulative] gl. folium
GAUL: pompédoula (Pseudo-Dioscorides IV, 42), read pempe-dula ‘a plant
(with five leaves)’
PIE: *d"elh,- ‘blossom’ (IEW: 234)
COGN: OE dile ‘dill’, Arm. dalar ‘green’
SEE: *dal-n- ‘come into being’
*dola 103
ETYM: The formations of these Celtic words do not match. Olr. duille
should be derived from *dolnya, while the Brittonic forms are from *dolya,
and Gaulish seems to have a reflex of *dola. In all of these cases the Celtic
forms preserve the o-grade of the PIE root in the o-grade, reconstructed here
as *dolhj- (the loss of the laryngeal in Celtic can be the result of de
Saussure’s law, *oRH > *oR).
REF: LEIA D-216f., GPC I: 879, Delamarre 146, Deshayes 2003: 176,
André 1985.
*dola ‘meadow, dale’ [Noun]
W: MW dol [f] (GPC dél)
BRET: MoBret. Do/- [mostly in Toponyms]
CO: Co. dol
PIE: *d°olhy-o- ‘valley’ (IEW: 245f.)
COGN: Go. dal, OCS dol»
ETYM: Gr. thaldmé ‘bed’, if related, shows that this root ended in *-hp.
Otherwise, the PIE noun can be reconstructed as *d"olo-.
REF: GPC I: 1073, Deshayes 2003: 194.
*dol-isko- ‘seaweed, Palmaria palmata’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. duilesc [o m]
W: MW delysc [{m] ‘fucus palmatus, edible seaweed, stuff which is cast up
by the sea’ (GPC delysg, dylysg, dylusg)
PIE: *d"elhj- ‘blossom’ (IEW: 234)
SEE: *dal-n-, *dolV- ‘leaf’
ETYM: A connection with PCelt. *dolV- ‘leaf? appears probable both in
terms of form and meaning. For the reconstruction of the PIE root see
*dal-n- ‘come into being’.
REF: KPV 257, GPC I: 928f., LEIA D-216f., D-220.
*dolwo- ‘appearance’ [Noun]
SEE: *delwa ‘form, appearance’
*dorro- ‘harsh, rough’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. dorr [o]
PIE: *der-s- (IEW: 206ff.)
COGN: Eng. tarse
ETYM: There is little doubt that Olr. dorr is from the PIE root *der- ‘tear’,
but parallels with the suffix *-s- are few, and limited to Germanic. Another
derivative from the same root in Olr. is doirr [originally 4 f] ‘anger’, which
may go back to *dorsa < *dorsehp.
REF: LEIA D-159.
*dowsant- ‘arm, hand’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. doé, doe [nt f]
104 *dragena
PIE: *dows- ‘arm, fore-arm’ (IEW: 226)
COGN: Skt. dés- ‘arm, fore-arm’, Latv. pa-duse ‘armpit’
ETYM: The word formation in Celtic is unclear. In PIE, *dows- ‘arm’ was
a root noun. The suffix *-ant- in Celtic can 1 hardly be a petrified formative of
present active participles (as in birit ‘sow’ < *b'er-nt-ihz), since there is no
corresponding verb. Could *dows-ant- be an old compound, whereby *-ant-
is the same root as in PCelt. *anto- ‘border, limit’, *antono- ‘forehead’? It is
conceivable that the meaning ‘hand’ was represented as ‘arm-limit’, ‘the end
of the arm’ (cf. Go. andeis ‘end’).
REF: LEIA D-133, EIEC 26, Thurneysen 208, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
433.
*dragena ‘sloetree, blackthorn, Prunus spinosa’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. draigen [a f]
W: MW draen, drain [m and f] ‘thornbush, brambles, briars’; draenen
[Singulative]
BRET: MBret. dren, MoBret. draen
CO: OCo. drain gl. spina
GAUL: Draganes [PN], *drageno- > Fr. dial. dren ‘raspberry’
PIE: *d'erg®- ‘sloetree, blackbush’ (IEW: 258)
COGN: OHG dirn-baum ‘cornea silva, cornel’, Gr. térkhnos ‘twig, branch’,
Russ. dial. derén ‘cornel’
ETYM: The vocalism in Celtic is difficult, since we would expect
*drig-eno- from PIE *d'rg"-eno- with the zero-grade. PCelt. *drageno- thus
probably has the secondary, analogical full grade *ra- sometimes found in
the roots of the CLeC- structure. It is based on the proportion *CeLC- /
*CaLC- vs. *CLeC- / X, where X = CLaC-. Russ.dial. derén ‘cornel’ and
the related Slavic words (Derksen 2008: 99) bear the neo-acute due to the
retraction of the stress from the final yer; they are compatible with the
reconstruction of the root without a laryngeal.
REF: Stokes 155, LEIA D-189f., GPC I: 1080, ETEC 528, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 145, 447, Delamarre 148, Campanile 1974: 40, Deshayes
2003: 201.
*drika ‘face, appearance’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. drech [4 f] ‘face, front’
W: MW arych [m] ‘spectacle, mirror, aspect’
BRET: OBret. dre(h), MBret. derch ‘aspect’, MoBret. derc’h ‘pure’
SEE: *derk-o- ‘see’
ETYM: The reflex of the velar in W drych is unexpected. However, as
MoBret. derc’h shows, there was probably also a form *derko- in Brittonic,
and *rk > W rch is regular. This might then be the source of analogical
influence on W drych. MoBret. dremm [f] ‘face’ probably reflects PCelt.
*drixsma < *drk-sm-.
i
}
‘
i
*dri-n-g-o- 105
REF: LEIA D-191, DGVB 152, GPC I: 1091, Morris Jones 1913: 76,
Deshayes 2003: 178.
*dri-n-g-o- ‘climb, advance’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. dringid, -dring; dreisi [2s Subj.]; dreblaing [Pret.]
W: MW dringo (GPC dringo, dringio, dringad)
PIE: *dreg"- (IEW: 212f., 254)
COGN: Av. draZaite ‘holds’, Gr. drdssomai, Russ. derzat’
REF: KPV 285f., GPC I: 1085, DGVB 152, LIV 126, LP 359, LEIA D-196,
McCone 1991: 47.
*dristi- ‘bramble, thornbush’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. driss [i f] gl. vepres ‘bramble, briar’
W: OW drissi [p], MW dryssi, drissi [p] (GPC drysi, drys)
BRET: OBret. drisoc gl. drumentum , MoBret. drez
CO: OCo. dreis gl. vepres
ETYM: These Celtic words were compared to Gr. drids ‘bush, coppice’, but
Schrijver (1995: 410) calls this ‘a mere possibility’. In any case, in the
absence of comparanda from other IE languages, it is difficult to reconstruct
a PIE etymon (perhaps *dris-).
REF: LEIA D-197, GPC I: 1096, Falileyev 50, Schrijver 1995: 410.
*droko- ‘wheel’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. droch [o m]
PIE: *d’rog"o- ‘wheel’ (IEW: 273)
COGN: Gr. trokhés, Arm. durgn ‘potter’s wheel’
ETYM: The Celtic form might be an independent formation from PIE
*d"reg"- ‘run’ (Gr. trékhd, etc.). It is usually interpreted as a thematic
derivative of the phords-type, but its voiceless velar is unexplained (we
would expect PCelt. *drogo-). Therefore, I think one should start from the
PIE root-noun Nom. sg. *d’rdg’s (cf. Arm. durgn < *d'rég"-) / Gen.
*d’rog"os, and Celtic simply generalized the voiceless velar realized in the
Nom. before final *-s. For a different explanation, see Hamp 1982a.
REF: LEIA D-199, LIV 135, EIEC 640, Hamp 1982a, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 45, Uhlich 2002: 416.
*druko- ‘bad’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. droch-
W: MW drwg
BRET: MBret. drouk, MoBret. droug
CO: Co. drog
GAUL: Druca, Drucco [PN]
ETYM: The IE etymology i is quite uncertain. One may want to relate PCelt.
*druko- to PIE *d'rewg"- ‘deceive’ (IEW 276, cf. Skt. drihyate ‘deceives’,
OHG bi-triugan ‘deceive’, gi-trog ‘deceit’). The semantic evolution (false,
106 *drungo-
deceitful’ > ‘bad’) is unproblematic, but the voiceless *-k- in Celtic (instead
of *-g-) is unexpected. Perhaps we must start from a PIE root-noun
*d"rowg"-s / *d'rug"-os (attested in Skt. drih- ‘deceit’, Av. drug- ‘deceit, lie,
principle of the Daeuua-world’); the root-final velar would have been
regularly devoiced before *-s in the Nom. sg., and thence it could have
spread to the oblique cases, hence thematicized PCelt. *druko-. For a similar
development cf. PCelt. *gorto- ‘enclosure, garden, pen’ < PIE *g"ord"-.
REF: LEIA D-198, GPC I: 1087, Delamarre 149, Deshayes 2003: 204.
*drungo- ‘detachment, troop’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. drong [o m]
W: MW dronn [f] ‘multitude, throng, host’ (GPC dron)
BRET: OBret. drogn gl. cetus (coetus)
SEE: *dring-o- ‘climb, advance’
ETYM: These Celtic words could be early borrowings from Germanic, as
suggested by IEW (252ff.), cf. OE dryht ‘companion’, OHG truht ‘troop’
(otherwise the -u- in the root is unexplained). The Germanic words are
related to OCS drugs ‘companion’, Lith. draiigas, etc. The nasal infix might
be due to the influence of the verb *dri-n-go- ‘advance’ (Olr. dringid etc.).
Lat. drungus ‘globus hostium’ is a loanword from Gaulish (or directly from
some Germanic source?).
REF: LEIA D-201, GPC I: 1086, Delamarre 150, DGVB 152, Birkhan
1970: 1042.
*drusli(yo)- ‘fragment’ [Noun]
W: MW aryil [m] ‘broken piece, fragment’
BRET: MBret. druill
CO: Co. dral
PIE: *d’rews- ‘grind, shatter’ (IEW: 274f.)
COGN: OE dréosan ‘rush, fall, perish’, Lith. druska ‘salt’
ETYM: If the etymology is correct, the Celtic form is built from the zero-
grade of the PIE root with the suffix *-li-.
REF: GPC I: 1095.
*driito- ‘foolish, lewd’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. driuth [o] ‘professional jester, fool’
W: MW drut (GPC drud) ‘dear, valiant, foolish, foolhardy’
GAUL: Truti-knos ‘Druti filius’ (Todi), Gallo-Latin *drudo- ‘dear’ > Fr. dru
ETYM: W drud has an unexpected u, rather than i < PCelt. *i. Maybe it
was influenced by Gallo-Latin *drudo- and its Romance reflexes, as Pokorny
thinks. The only certain correspondence seems to be ON ¢fridr ‘juggler,
fool’. It remains doubtful whether these words belong together with the
words derived from PIE *deru-/*drew- (IEW 215).
REF: LEIA D-205f., GPC I: 1086.
*druwid- 107
*druwid- ‘priest, druid’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. drui, drut [d m]
GAUL: druides [Nom. p]
ETYM: The second element of this compound is the root of the verb
*weyd- ‘see, know’ (Skt. véda, etc.). The first element is presumably PIE
*derw-, *dru- ‘oak’ which metaphorically also meant ‘strong, firm’. *dru-
wid- is therefore the priest with ‘strong insight’. The Welsh form derwydd
and OBret. dorguid gl. pithonicus are actually parallel formations.
REF: LEIA D-202f., EIEC 598, Delamarre 149.
*druxto- ‘vessel’ [Noun]
SEE: *derwo- ‘firm (as an oak)’
*dubno- ‘deep’ [Adj], ‘world’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. domain, doimin ‘deep’ [i], OIr. domun [0 m] ‘world’
W: MW dwfn ‘deep’
BRET: MBret. doun
CO: Co. down
GAUL: Dumno-rix [PN]
PIE: *d°ewb”)- ‘deep’ (IEW: 267f.)
COGN: OE déop, OCS dono ‘bottom’, ToB tapre ‘high’, Alb. det ‘sea’
ETYM: On the relationship of Olr. domun ‘world’ and domain ‘deep’ see
Uhlich 1995. The PIE root is often reconstructed as *d°ewb-, but the final
voiced stop *b is based only on Germanic evidence; note also that we would
expect OCS **dyno from PIE **d"ubno- as the result of Winter’s law. Cf.
also PCelt. *dubro- ‘dark, unclean’ which points to PIE *d°ub"- (Gr. typhios
‘blind’, etc.).
REF: Stokes 153, LEIA D-163f., GPC I: 1104, EIEC 154, Delamarre 152,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 70, Meid 2005: 141f., Uhlich 1995, Sims-
Williams 2006: 72.
*dubro- ‘dark’ [Adj]
GOID: MI. dobur [0] ‘black, unclean’
W: MW dwfr, dwr [m] (GPC dr) ‘water’
BRET: MBret. dour
CO: Co. dour
GAUL: Dubra, Uerno-dubrum [Toponym]
PIE: *d*ub"- ‘black’ (IEW: 263ff.)
COGN: Go. daufs ‘deaf, Gr. typhlos ‘blind’
SEE: *dubu- ‘black’
ETYM: Olr. has also the substantivized adjective dobur ‘water’ (DIL D-
218), which presumably developed from the syntagm ‘dark water’, or ‘deep
water’ (cf. PCelt. *dubno- ‘deep’). A similar development also occurred in
Brittonic, and (probably) Gaulish.
108 *dubu-
REF: Stokes 153, LEIA D-123, GPC I: 1103f., Delamarre 152, Deshayes
2003: 198f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 228f., Sims-Williams 2006: 72.
*dubu- ‘black’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. dub [uJ], Ogam DOVA-GNI
W: OW Dub-, W du
BRET: OBret. du, MBret. duff; MoBret. du
CO: OCo. duw gl. niger
GAUL: Dubis [Hydronym]
PIE: *d"ub"- (IEW: 264)
COGN: Gr. typhlos ‘blind’, Go. daufs
SEE: *dubro- ‘dark, unclean’
ETYM: The Gaulish forms in -i- are best derived from a feminine *dubwi
built to the stem in *-u-, cf. Olr. (Ogam) CULIDOVI < *Kiilidubwi (with
the regular development of *bw > Ogam V, see Uhlich 1989).
REF: LEIA D-210f., EEC 115, DGVB 153, LHEB 275, Delamarre 152f.,
Falileyev 51, Campanile 1974: 41, Deshayes 2003: 207, Ziegler 1994: 103.
*duk-o- ‘lead, carry’ [Vb]
W: MW adwyn (GPC dwyn, dygyd, dygu), dygaf [1 s Pres.]; dwe [3s Pres.];
duc [Pret.]
BRET: MBret. do(u)en ‘carry’
CO: Co. doen ‘take, bring, steal’
PIE: *dewk- (IEW: 220f.)
COGN: Lat. diico ‘lead’, Go. tiuhan ‘pull’
REF: KPV 286ff, LIV 124, GPC I: 1129f.
*diino- ‘fort, rampart’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. dun [o n]
W: MW din [m in Toponyms], dinas [m and f]
BRET: OBret. din gl. arx, MoBret. din [m]
CO: Co. dyn
GAUL: dunum (in Latin authors), -dunum [in PN]
PIE: *d"uHno- ‘enclosure’ (IEW: 260)
COGN: OE din ‘down, moor, height’
ETYM: Eng. town, Germ. Zaun etc. presumably represent PGerm. *tino-,
which is an old loanword from Celtic. EIEC 210, following Watkins 1990,
relates Celtic *diino- to Lat. fuinus ‘burial’ (from earlier unattested *‘burial
mound’). This is a speculation, but not inherently impossible.
REF: Stokes 150, LEIA D-222f., GPC I: 1019, EIEC 210, LHEB 318f., de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 149f., Delamarre 154f., Deshayes 2003: 187,
Birkhan 1970: 232, Watkins 1990, Sims-Williams 2006: 72ff..
*durno- ‘fist? [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dorn, dornn [o m]
*dus- 109
W: MW dwrn [m]
BRET: OBret. durn, MoBret. dourn
GAUL: Dago-durnus [PN]
ETYM: OF rt. dor, Pr. dorn ‘fist’ are presumably Gaul. loanwords. The IE
etymology of these Celtic words in IEW (203) cannot be accepted (Alb. doré
‘hand’ is from PIE *g"esr ‘hand’, Gr. kheir, etc.). Probably a loanword from
anon-lE language.
REF: Stokes 148, LEIA D-177f., GPC [: 1106, DGVB 153, Delamarre 156.
*dus- ‘bad, ill-’ [Prefixed adjective, Adverb]
GOID: Olr. do-, du- (e.g. do-chla ‘inglorious’)
W: MW @y- (e.g. in dyfydd ‘gloomy’)
PIE: *dus- ‘ill-, mis-’ (IEW: 227)
COGN: Skt. dus-, Lat. dif-ficilis ‘difficult’
ETYM: The lenition after Olr. do-, du- is due to the analogy with *so-, *su-
< PIE *h,su-. Lat. difficilis is from *dus-facilis.
REF: LEIA D-111, Zimmer 1995.
*du(s)bwuyo- ‘gloom, grief’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dubae [7io nj
W: MW dyfydd [m] (IEW: 148)
SEE: *bu-yo- ‘be’
ETYM: Cf. also Ogam DOVINIA < *du-bwinya (Uhlich 1989).
REF: LEIA D-212, GPC I: 1128, Uhlich 2002: 419.
*dusno- ‘dark, brown’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. donn [o]
W: MW dwnn (GPC dwn)
PIE: *d"ews- ‘dark’
COGN: Lat. fuscus ‘dusky’, OE dox ‘dark coloured, dusky’
ETYM: Gaulish names like Dunnius, Dunnonia might be related
(Delamarre 154). Olr. donn ‘noble’ (EW 121) is a different word. The
Celtic forms can be derived from PIE *d"us-no- (cf. *d°us-wo- > Lat. furuus
‘dusky’).
REF: LEIA D-171, GPC I: 1105, Delamarre 154.
*duxtir ‘daughter’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Der-, Dar- [elements of PN], e.g. Dar-inill; Dechtir [PN]
GAUL: duxtir (Larzac)
CELTIB: tuateros (Gen. s| (Botorrita IID
PIE: *d"ugh tér ‘daughter’ (IEW: 277)
COGN: Hieroglyphic Luv. tuwatar-, Skt. duhitdr-, Gr. thygatér, Go.
dauhtar, Lith. dukté, OCS dosti, ToB tkacer, Arm. dustr
ETYM: Olr. der [f] ‘girl? and der- in compounds and PNs (Molr. Der-
droighen) is probably the reduced form of the word for ‘daughter’ in Olr. It
110 *dwaw
may be an allegro-form of the word. The loss of *x and the development of a
in Celtiberian tuateros (also attested in Nom. pl. tuateres) is unexplained.
REF: LEIA D-53, EIEC 148, 393, Delamarre 159, de Bernardo Stempel
1997, MLH V.1: 415ff.
*dwaw ‘two’ [Num]
GOID: Olr. dau, dou, dé [m, Aspirating]; di, di [f, Aspirating]; da, da [n,
Nasalizing]
W: OW dou, MW deu (GPC dau); dwy [f]
BRET: OBret. dou, dau, MBret. dou, MoBret. dow
CO: Co. dow, dew
PIE: *dwoh, ‘two’ (IEW: 228f.)
COGN: Lat. duo, Skt. dva, Gr. dy6, OE ti, Lith. di, OCS deva, Arm. erku,
ToB wi, Alb. dy
ETYM: The feminine form of PCelt. *dwaw ‘two’ was *dwi (< PIE
*dw-ih,). This form was shortened in proclisis in Olr., but the vowel length
was preserved in the stressed position. Cf. also MIr. fo-di ‘twice’ < *(ufo-
)dwis (Lat. bis, Gr. dis < PIE *dwis).
REF: LEIA D-6, GPC I: 905, DGVB 151, EIEC 399, Falileyev 49f.,
Deshayes 2003: 200, Schrijver 1995: 331.
*dwayo- ‘slow’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. doe [io] gl. tardus ‘slow, sluggish’
PIE: *duh,- ‘far, long distance’ (IEW: 219f.)
COGN: Skt. daviyas- ‘further, more distant’, Gr. dén ‘far’ (Adv.), Lat. dii-
dum ‘some time ago’, Arm. fev ‘duration’, perhaps Hitt. t#@waz ‘from afar’
ETYM: It might also be possible to derive Olr. dée from PCelt. *dawyo- <
PIE *dowh,-yo- with the lengthened grade of the root (attested in Slavic, cf.
Croat. ddavni ‘very old, ancient’). In PIE, an ablauting paradigm must be
assumed: Nom. sg. *dwoh2-s, Acc. sg. *dweh)-m (cf. Gr. dén < *dwin),
Gen. sg. *duhy-os (cf. Lat. dii-dum).
REF: LEIA D-204, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 204, Schrijver 1991: 232.
*dwéblo- ‘double’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. diabul [o]
PIE: *dwey-plo- ‘double’ (IEW: 228ff.)
COGN: Go. tweifls, Lat. duplus
REF: LEIA D-65, GOT 139.
*dweno- ‘strong’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. de(i)n [o] ‘pure, clean, firm, strong’
PIE: *dweno- ‘good, favourable’ (IEW: 218f.)
COGN: Skt. duvas- ‘worship, offering, reverence’, OLat. duenos, Lat.
bonus ‘good’
dwi 111
ETYM: The meaning of MIr. dein is not completely clear according to DIL;
it appears to be indeclinable and occurs only in poetry. LEIA (D-49) claims
that MIr. dein can be just a variant of dian ‘swift’, but this appears less
probable because of the semantic difference. Moreover, dein appears quite
consistently spelled with short e, while ¢€ would be expected. The PIE
etymology is tentative; Mayrhofer (s. v. diuvas-) derives this word from PIE
*deh;- ‘give’ with the suffix *-w- (PIE *dhju(w)es-). Although somewhat
artificial, such a derivation might also be possible for Italic and Celtic
(*dhju-eno- > *dweno-).
REF: LEIA D-49, EJEC 650, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 454.
*dwi ‘two’ (f.) [Num]
SEE: *dwaw ‘two’
*dwis ‘twice’ [Adverb]
SEE: *dwaw ‘two’
*dwitu- ‘loss, destruction’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. dith [u ?n, m] gl. detrimentum ‘destruction’
PIE: *d"weh,- ‘die’ (IEW: 260)
COGN: OHG tauwen ‘die’, OCS daviti ‘strangle’
ETYM: Lat. fanus ‘burial’ could also be related (if from *d°uh nos), but it
has also been connected quite persuasively with Hitt. tuhhus” ‘to end’ (de
Vaan 2008: 251).
REF: LEIA D-100, EIEC 150, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 292.
*dwiyot- ‘smoke’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dé [d f]; diad [Gen. s]
PIE: *d"ewhy- ‘make smoke, fumigate’ (IEW: 261 ff.)
COGN: Lat. suffio ‘fumigate’, Lith. dial. duja ‘mist’, ToB tweye ‘dust’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. dethach [a f] ‘smoke’ < *dwit-aka. We should
probably start from PIE *d"uh,-yo-, which developed as *d"wiyo-, the
immediate proto-form of Lat. suf-fio (Kortlandt 2007: 136). In Celtic, a
dental suffix was added to this stem, hence PCelt.*dwiyot-.
REF: LEIA D-28, Kortlandt 2007: 136.
*dworda, *duro-, *dworestu- ‘door’ {N: oun]
GOID: Olr. dorus [um], Dor, Duir [Toponyms]}
W: OW dor , MW dor {f] (GPC dor), drws [m]
BRET: MBret. dor
CO: Co. dor, darat
GAUL: Augusto-durum [Toponym] (‘Forum Augusti’)
PIE: *dwor- ‘door’ (IEW: 278)
COGN: Lat. forés, Gr. thyra, ToB twere
112 *dwosyo-
ETYM: The Celtic forms are actually not easy to subsume under a single
etymon. We might be dealing with a PCelt. ablauting paradigm, Nom. sg.
*dwar, Acc. *dwor-am (from which we have the Brittonic forms and, with a
suffix, Olr. dorus, W drws < *dwor-es-tu-), Gen. sg. *dur-os (from which
we can derive Gaul. -durum and the Olr. toponyms Dor, Duir.
REF: LEIA D-173, GPC I: 1089, EIEC 98, 168, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 145, 447, Delamarre 156, Falileyev 49, Matasovié 2004: 103, 117,
Sims-Williams 2006: 75f.
*dwosyo- ‘human being’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. doé, dae [io? m]
PIE: *d"wes- ‘breathe’ (IEW: 268ff.)
COGN: Lith. disiuz, OCS dysati, Germ. Tier ‘animal’
ETYM: Middle Irish doé is attested chiefly in poetic texts. A possible
parallel in Gaul. is Dusios ‘a kind of demon, incubus’, attested in the works
of Lat. writers (e.g. Augustine). See Delamarre 158.
REF: LEIA D-14, Delamarre 158, Lindeman 1999.
E
*6- ‘this, that’ [Pron]
GOID: Olr. é, hé ‘he’; ed ‘it’
GAUL: eia ‘she’ [f] (Larzac)
PIE: *(h))ey- ‘that’
COGN: Lat. is, OHG er, Lith. jis
ETYM: The masculine form of this pronoun is unattested in Gaul. In Insular
Celtic, the feminine form (*i, or *éya) was replaced by the pronominal stem
*sih, > Olr. si ‘she’.
REF: EIEC 399, Delamarre 161.
*eburo- ‘yew’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. ibar [o m]
W: MW efwr, ewr [m] ‘cow parsnip, hog-weed’
BRET: MBret. heuor, euor, MoBret. evor [Collective]
GAUL: Eburo-dunum [Toponym]
CELTIB: ? Ebur-sunos [PN]
PIE: *h,eb'ro- ‘yew’ (IEW: 334)
COGN: Germ. Eber-esche, Alb. dial. bershe
SEE: *yewo- ‘yew’
ETYM: Cf. also Fr. bourdaine (Fr. dial. bourdaigne, OF r. borjaine) ‘alder’,
perhaps from Gaul. *eburyena (Gamillscheg 136). PCelt. *eburo- should not
*ed-o- 113
be confused with PCelt. *yewo-, as in EIEC 654. Derivation from PIE
*hjerb"- ‘dark, brown’ (Gr. orphnés, OE eorp, etc.) in IEW (334) is quite
speculative.
REF: EIEC 654, Delamarre 159f, Deshayes 2003: 224, Sims-Williams
2006: 78f., MLH V.1: 103.
*ed-o- ‘eat’? [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ithid, -ith; estair, -estar [Subj.]; isaid, -isa [Fut.]
PIE: *h,ed- ‘eat’ (IEW: 287f.) ;
COGN: Skt. ddmi, Gr. édomai, Lat. edo, Go. itan, Hitt. éd-, Lith. ésti, OCS
Jasti
ETYM: Olt. ithid has th (instead of the expected *d) perhaps because of the
analogical influence of the nominal forms derived from PCelt. *fitu- ‘food’
(> Olt. ith ‘grain’). Some linguists claim that this verb formed a ‘Narten’ (or
lengthened grade) present in Proto-Celtic, in which case the correct
reconstruction would be PCelt. *id- / *ed- (with subsequent leveling to *id- /
*id-). See the discussion in KPV 378ff. for a rather complex explanation of
the attested forms. On the other hand, a reduplicated present *h,i-h,d- (with
the generalized zero-grade of the root from the plural) would also account
for the i-vocalism without the need for positing a lengthened grade (the
future stem of Olr. is- is from the PIE desiderative *h,i-h,d-se-). The root
*hied- may also be attested in MW cyfeddach [m and f] ‘feasting,
banqueting’ < PCelt. *kom-ed-ako-.
REF: KPV 377ff., LIV 230f., GPC IV: 3821, Zimmer 2000: 275.
*efino- ‘right, correct, equal’ [Adj]
W: MW iawn [m] ‘truth, rightness’
BRET: MBret. effn, MoBret. eun ‘right, simple’
CO: Co. ewn ‘righteous, correct’
PIE: *hep-(i)no- ‘even’ (IEW: 505)
COGN: Go. ibns ‘flat, even’, OHG eban ‘equal, same’
ETYM: There are some formal difficulties with this etymology; a pre-form
*epno-, the exact match of the Germanic words, would presumably develop
as *ewno- > *owno- > W **un. Could these words be derived from PIE
*hiepi- ‘on, by’ with the suffix *-no-? The vowel *-i- could have been lost in
Germanic through syncope. The type of formation would be parallel to
PCelt. *efirom ‘behind’.
REF: VKGI: 92, GPC II: 2003, Deshayes 2003: 223, Orel 2003: 82.
*efirom ‘after, behind’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. iar [Nasalizing, +Dat.]
PIE: *hyepi-, *h,opi- ‘near, on’ (IEW: 323)
COGN: Skt. api, Arm. ev ‘and, also’, Alb. epéré ‘upper’
ETYM: PCelt. *efirom presupposes, first, a nominalized PIE *h,epi-ro-m
‘behind’, which then became a relational noun, and finally a preposition. The’
114 *ekwalo-
phonetic development was regular: *hyepiro- > *efiro- > *eyro- > *éro- >
Olr. iar. The underived preposition *efi (Gr. epi, etc.) is preserved as the
preverb of Olr. iadaid ‘closes’ < *efi-da-.
REF: GOI 516, EIEC 391, McCone 1994: 190.
*ek”alo- ‘foal’ [Noun]
SEE: *ek”o- ‘horse’
*ek”o- ‘horse’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ech [o m], Ogam EQO-DDI
W: MW ebawil ‘foal’ [m] (GPC ebol)
BRET: OBret. eb ‘horse’, ebol ‘foal’ , MBret. ebeul [m]
CO: OCo. ebol gl. pullus
GAUL: Epos [PN]
CELTIB: Ekua-laku [PN] (A.63)
PIE: *h,ekwo- ‘horse’ (IEW: 301)
COGN: Luv. assu-, Skt. dsva-, Lat. equus, Gr. hippos, OE eoh, Lith. asva
‘mare’, ToB yakwe, Arm. és
ETYM: Gaul. Equos ‘name of the ninth month’ (Coligny) might be an
archaic form (with preserved qu < *kw), but it might also be a Latin
loanword (although this possibility is seldom taken into consideration). The
Brit. forms (except OBret. eb) are from a derivative *ekwd4lo- (cf. also
Celtib. ekualaku and ekualakos, which has been interpreted as a Nom. sg. of
an adjective “belonging to ekuala’). MoBret. has also the compound ken-eb
‘pregnant, inseminated mare’.
REF: GPC I: 1156, DGVB 154, EIEC 98, 274, Delamarre 163ff.,
Campanile 1974: 41, Deshayes 2003: 209, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 43,
219, Zimmer 1987, Ziegler 1994: 103, MLH V.1: 104f.
*elV- ‘swan’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. elu, Mir. elae, ela [? f]
W: MW alarch [m and f]; eleirch, elyrch [f]
BRET: MoBret. alarc’h [m]
CO: OCo. elerhc gl. olor .1. cignus, Co. alargh
PIE: *h,el- ‘swan’ (IEW: 304)
COGN: Lat. olor
ETYM: The Brittonic forms are derivable from *elarsko- according to
Schrijver (1995: 76). W eleirch (also PN Eleirch) and OCo. elerhc are from
the feminine *elarski. The Olr. form might imply PCelt. *elon-, but the
oblique cases are not attested, so we cannot be sure if this word was
originally an n-stem. If so, the non-operation of Joseph’s rule is expected in
Olr., while its operation is regular in Brittonic. Russ. /ébed’, OHG albiz
‘swan’ show what is presumably the same root with the suffix *-b"-, which is
common with animal and bird names.
*elan(t)i 115
REF: GPC I: 74, EIEC 558, Pedersen I: 40, Campanile 1974: 41, Schrijver
1995: 76.
*elan(t)I ‘doe, hind’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. elit, ailit [i f]
W: MW elein, (GPC elain) [m and f]
GAUL: Elantia [NP]
PIE: *hyelhynihy ‘hind-elk, adult female Cervus elaphus’ (IEW: 303f.)
COGN: Gr. Hom. el/ds ‘young of the deer’, Lith. alné, OCS Jani ‘young of
the deer’, Arm. e/n ‘deer’
ETYM: The Olr. and Gaul. forms are derivable from PCelt. *elanti, while
MW elain points to *elani, with clearer parallels in other languages. Gaul.
elembiu(os) ‘tenth month of the year’ (Coligny) is often compared with these
words, and interpreted as ‘deer month’, but I find this rather dubious. If it
does belong here, Gaul. elembiu(os) contains the same suffix *_b?- seen in
Gr. élaphos ‘red deer, elk’. MIr. e// ‘herd’, if related, may be from a
collective *elna (with unexpected loss of the laryngeal as in Gr. Hom. e//ds).
REF: GPC I: 1204, EIEC 155, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 83, Delamarre
161.
*em-o- ‘take’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ar-foim ‘receive, allow’; ar-a-foima [3s Subj. Relative]; ar-foet
{Pret.]}
PIE: *h,em- ‘take’ IEW: 310)
COGN: Lat. emo ‘take’, Lith. imti ‘take’, ORuss. jati
ETYM: OIr. ar-foim is from *fare-ufo-em-e-; the simplex verb is unattested.
REF: KPV 290ff, LP 360, LIV 236, McCone 1991: 162.
*enatro- ‘entrails, bowels’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. inathar [o m]
PIE: *hy,eh;tro- ‘internal organ’
COGN: Gr. étor ‘heart’, OHG ddara ‘vein’
ETYM: The Olr. form can be derived from PIE *h,en-h,oh,tro-, with the o-
grade of the root and the prefix *hjen- ‘in’.
‘REF: EIEC 359, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 425.
*enek"o- ‘face’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. enech [o n], Ogam INEQA-GLAS [PN]
W: OW enep [m], MW wyneb
BRET: OBret. enep
CO: OCo. eneb gl. pagina
PIE: *hen-hjek"o- ‘face’ (IEW: 775ff.)
COGN: Skt. dnika-, Gr. dps, endpé ‘face’, OCS oci ‘eyes’
ETYM: This is an old compound meaning something like ‘that on which
eyes are located’, cf. Skt. dnika- < *hjeni-hjk”o-. The PCelt. form
116 *eni
presupposes *h,en-h;ek”o- > *enok"o- > *enek”o- (by vowel assimilation).
For the prefix *en- rather than *eni- in PCelt. cf. *enatro- ‘entrails, bowels’.
For a different explanation see Wodtko et alii 2008: 380 (with references).
REF: Pedersen I: 38, DGVB 160, EIEC 188, Falileyev 54, Campanile 1974:
42, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 36, 315, Hamp 1973a, 1974, Ziegler 1994:
104, Wodtko et alii 2008: 380.
*eni ‘in’ [Prep]
GOID: Olt. i [Nasalizing, +Dat. and +Acc.], Ogam JNJ-GENA ‘daughter’
W: OW in, MW yn
BRET: MBret. en
CO: Co. yn .
PIE: *(h,)eni ‘in’ (EW: 311)
COGN: Gr. éni, en, Lat. in, Go. in
ETYM: For a possible derivation of Olr. inne ‘essence, quality, middle’ [ya
f] from PCelt. *en-n-ya (an abstract based on unattested *en-no-), see
Lindeman 1999a and cf. Go. inna ‘inside’.
REF: GOI 521, EIEC 290, 395, Delamarre 163, De Bernardo Falileyev 91,
Stempel 1999: 53, Ziegler 1994: 103.
*eni-fedo- ‘position, place’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ined (DIL inad) [o m]
PIE: *(h,)eni-pedo-, from *pedo- ‘track, footprint’ (IEW: 791f.)
COGN: Hitt. pédan ‘place’, Lat. peda ‘sole’, Arm. het ‘footprint, track’
ETYM: This is a speculative etymology, since Olr. ined would be
compatible with several PCelt. proto-forms, but the semantic development
that has to be assumed is quite unproblematic (cf. Hitt. pédan ‘place’).
REF: EIEC 595.
*eni-sti ‘island’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol. inis [1 f]
W: MW ynys [f]
BRET: OBret. inis, MBret. enes
CO: Co. enys
PIE: *(h,)eni-sth2-ih,
SEE: *sta-tla ‘heel’, *si-sta- ‘stand’
ETYM: The PCelt. reconstruction is ambiguous and disputed. PCelt. *inistt
and *inesti are also possible, but only *enisti makes sense from the PIE point
of view. It is derivable from *(h,)eni-sth-ih, ‘that which stands in (the
water)’, cf. Hamp 1974. For a similar semantic development cf. Lat. insula <
*en-sala ‘that which is in the salt (sea)’. For a different opinion, see de Vaan
2008: 306; he rejects the usual derivation of insula from *en-salaé and
reckons with the possibility that this word, as well as the Celtic words for
‘island’, and Gr. nésos, are loanwords from some non-IE source.
*enter 117
REF: GPC IV: 3819, Schrijver 1995: 277, De Bernardo Stempel 1999: 84,
Hamp 1974: 192.
*enter ‘between’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. eter [Aspirating in MIr., +Acc.]
W: OW ithr, MW ythr
BRET: OBret. entr-, MBret. intre
CO: Co. yntre, ynter
GAUL: Entarabo [Theonym Dat. p]
CELTIB: entara (Botorrita I)
PIE: *hyenter ‘into, between’ (IEW: 313)
COGN: Skt. antar, Lat. inter, OHG untar(i), Alb. ndér
REF: GPC IV: 3872, GOI 510, DGVB 161, EIEC 63, Delamarre 163,
Falileyev 98, MLH V.1: 117.
*erba ‘fallow deer, roedeer’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. erp, eirp, erb [?n f] gl. dama and gl. capra ‘she-goat, doe, roe’
PIE: *h,er- ‘lamb, kid’ (IEW: 326)
COGN: Umbr. eriet- ‘ram’, Lat. ariés ‘ram’, Gr. ériphos ‘young goat, kid’
ETYM: Cf. also Scottish Gaelic earb ‘roedeer’. According to DIL, Olr. erp
could be an n-stem, but this is not certain. It is also unclear whether MIr.
ferb(b) [a f] ‘cow, hind’ is also related to this etymon. This poetic word
might have a secondary / by confusion with words where the alternation of
f- and vocalic Anlaut arises in leniting contexts. On the other hand, ferb has
been compared with Lat. weruex ‘ram, wether’, but the semantic connection
is weak.
REF: EIEC 511, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 77, Mallory & Adams 2006:
141, Wodtko et alii 2008: 233 ff.
*erb-(y)o- ‘entrust, leave (after death)’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. erbaid, -erbai ‘entrusts, commits’
GAUL: Orbius [PN]
PIE: *h,erb"- (IEW: 781f.)
COGN: Lat. orbus ‘bereft, parentless’, Gr. orphands, Go. arbja
‘inheritance’
SEE: *orbo- ‘heir’
ETYM: This etymology is not completely ascertained; Olr. orb ‘heir’ and
the nominal forms of IE cognates cited here must be from *h,orb"-, although
some would reconstruct *h;erb"- for this PIE root (see Weiss 2006).
REF: KPV 293f., Delamarre 243, Weiss 2006.
*eriro- ‘eagle’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. irar [o m] (DIL ilar)
W: MW eryr [m and f]; eryrod, eryron [p]
BRET: MBret. erer [m], er [m]
118 *erra
CO: OCo. er
PIE: *hyer- ‘eagle’ (IEW: 325f.)
COGN: Hitt. haras-, Gr. ornis ‘bird’, Lith. erélis, OCS orvlo
ETYM: It is difficult to reconcile the vocalism of the Celtic words with the
word-initial *h3, assured by Hittite. Word-initial e- in Lithuanian is due to
assimilation *are- > *ere-, but such an explanation cannot hold for Celtic, so
maybe the traditional connection with PIE *hser- is wrong after all, or these
words were transformed irregularly for tabooistic reasons. Co. er and
MoBret. er might represent underived PCelt. *ero-. Delamarre thinks that
Gaulish names in Erno- might be related, but I do not find this very
convincing (there is no other evidence for the stem *ermo- in Celtic).
REF: GPC I: 1240, EIEC 173, Delamarre 166, Deshayes 2003: 218, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 240.
*erra ‘back, hinder-part, extremity’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. err [a f]
PIE: *h,erso- ‘rear-end, buttocks’ (IEW: 340)
COGN: Hitt. arra- ‘ramp’, Gr. érros ‘backside’, OE ears ‘arse’
ETYM: I am not sure whether MIr. err ‘point, spike’ is the same word as
err ‘end, tail’ as stated by DIL (the semantic connection would be through
the meaning ‘extremity’). IE cognates point to *hjorso-. Lat. dorsum ‘back’
might also be related, if it is from *tod h,orsom, with false word division.
This word is often derived from *dé-uorsum (from uerto ‘turn’), but we
would expect *rs > Lat. rr (de Vaan 2008: 180).
REF: EIEC 88, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 60, 77, Wodtko et alii 2008:
246f.
*es- ‘be’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. is [3 s Pres. copula]; am [1 s Pres. copula]; it [3 p Pres. copula]
W: OW is, MW ys [3s Pres.]; hint [3 p Pres.]; oedd [Pret.]
BRET: OBret. is
CO: Co. os, oys
GAUL: immi [1s Pres.] (Pennes-Mirabeau)
PIE: *hjes- ‘be’ (EW: 340ff.)
COGN: Skt. dsmi, Lat. sum, esse, Gr. eimi, OCS jesmo
ETYM: The comparison of Olr. is: it with MW ys : hint shows that the
PCelt. present paradigm had ablaut (3 sg. *esti: 3 pl. *senti).
REF: KPV 295ff., LIV 241f., GPC Il: 3740, LP 317-323, RIG I.2: 332f.
*8skyo- ‘moon’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. éscae, ésca, éisce {io n, later m]
PIE: *h,eysk- ‘shine, glitter’ IEW: 16f.)
COGN: OCS iskra ‘spark’, Lith. aiskus ‘bright’, Russ. jaska “bright star’
ETYM: In Olr., this word replaced the earlier word for moon, /uan (see
*lowxsna). Its Baltic and Slavic cognates are usually derived from PIE
*esok- 119
*heysk-, but on meagre evidence. Actually, it is equally possible to
reconstruct an ablauting root *hjeysk- > PCelt. *ésk-, *hjisk- > OCS iskra,
*h,oysk- > Russ. jadska, Lith. diskus. The acute in BSI. may be the result of a
secondary BSI. vrddhi, or metatony; another possibility would be to
reconstruct the PIE root as *h,eyHsk-, but this root shape would be quite
unusual.
*esok- ‘salmon’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. e6, ev [k m]
W: MW ehawc (GPC eog) [m]
BRET: MBret. eheuc
CO: OCo. ehoc gl. isicius
GAUL: *esoks > Lat. esox (Pliny)
ETYM: The Brittonic forms were reshaped, and are derivable from *esako-
(on the analogy with the frequent formations in Celt. *-ako-). Basque izokin
‘salmon’ is ultimately a Celtic loanword rather than vice versa.
REF: GPC I: 1225, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 311, Delamarre 167,
Campanile 1974: 41.
*eti ‘yet, still, but” [Conjunction]
BRET: OBret. et-
GAUL: eti (La Graufesenque)
PIE: *hyeti ‘beyond’ (IEW: 344)
COGN: Lat. et ‘and’, Skt. ati ‘beyond, over’
ETYM: Gaul. etic ‘and’ (Chamaliéres) is from *eti-k”e.
REF: Delamarre 168, DGVB 167, Fleuriot 1976-7: 184.
*exs ‘out of, from’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. ess-, ass-, a
W: MW ech, eh
BRET: OBret. ech
GAUL: ex-
CELTIB: es, es-
PIE: *(hy)eg"s (IEW: 292f.)
COGN: Lat. ex, Gr. eks, Lith. is-, OCS iz ;
REF: GPC I: 1160, DGVB 154, GOI 507ff., Delamarre 169, O Flaithearta
1997: 658, MLH V.1: 128.
*exs-obniya ‘boldness’ [Noun]
SEE: *exs-obno- ‘fearless’
*exs-obno- ‘fearless’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. essamin, (DIL es(s)amain)
W: MW ehouyn (GPC eofn, eon)
GAUL: Exobnus
120 *extero-
SEE: *obnu- ‘fear’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. es(s)amnae [ia f] ‘boldness, confidence’ < *exsobniya.
REF: LEIA O-22, GPC I: 1225, Meid 2005: 173.
*extero- ‘without, outside’ [Prep]
GOID: OIlr. echtar
W: MW eithr, eithyr
SEE: *exs, *extos ;
REF: GPC I: 1203, GOI 391, O Flaithearta 1997.
*extos ‘except, but’ [Conjunction, Preposition]
GOID: Olr. acht
PIE: *eg"s-to- ‘out? (IEW 292f.)
COGN: Gr. ektds
SEE: *extero- ‘without’
REF: LEIA A-11.
*fales- ‘rock, stone’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ail [i and k f] ‘boulder, rock, grave-stone, basis’
PIE: *pel- ‘stone’ (IEW: 807)
COGN: OHG felis, ON fell ‘mountain’, Gr. pélla
SEE: *fallo- ‘cliff
ETYM: Gaul. Toponym Alesia, Alisia might be related, as well as the
Celtib. PN Alizos, but this latter connection is quite problematic (see Jordan
Colera 1998: 131, Delamarre 39, MLH V.1: 21). The Germanic cognates
point to PGerm. *feleza-, which probably presupposes a PIE s-stem *pelos,
Gen. sg. *peles-os. However, we might also have an earlier (neuter) root-
noun *pels, Gen. sg. *plsos, and Celtic would have generalized the stem of
the oblique cases. The development of *Cls- > *Cals- in Celtic is regular, but
we would expect *Is > *1l in PCelt., whereas Olr. ail is always written with a
single -/. Another possibility would be to assume an old i-stem *peli-s, Gen.
*ply-os, with *plyV- > PCelt. *falyV-, also a regular development. Gr. pélla
‘stone’ is a glossary word (Hesych.), so its form cannot be used as a safe
argument in reconstruction (usually *pelsa is assumed). Ultimately from the
same root is Olr. all ‘cliff? < *fallo- < *plso-.
REF: LEIA A-29f., EIEC 548, Delamarre 39, Jordan Célera 1998: 26, 131,
MLH V.1: 21.
*fallo- ‘cliff [Noun]
*fal-na- 121
GOID: OIr. all [o or un]
PIE: *pel-s- ‘stone’ (IEW: 807)
COGN: ON fjall ‘rock’
SEE: *(f)ales- ‘rock’
ETYM: Olr. all can be derived from PIE *plso- regularly; a connection with
PIE *plh\- ‘settlement, fortress’, Gr. polis, Skt. pur is precluded, since
*plh,o- would give PCelt. *falo- without the geminate (but see also *fales-
‘stone’). Skt. pdsana- ‘stone’ is probably not related (unless one accepts
Fortunatov’s law in Skt.).
REF: LEIA A-70.
*fal-na- ‘approach, drive’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ad-ella, -aidlea ‘visit, approach’; eblaid [Fut.]
W: MW el ‘goes’ [3s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. yal ‘goes’ [3s Pres. ]
CO: Co. gallas ‘went’ [3s Pret.]
PIE: *pelh- ‘approach’ (IEW: 801f.)
COGN: Lat. pello ‘strike, drive’, Gr. (Epic) pilnamai ‘approach’, Arm.
elanem ‘exit’
SEE: *ag-o- ‘drive’
ETYM: Olr. ad-ella is from the compound *ad-fal-na- (the simplex is
unattested). Olr. eblaid is the suppletive future to agid ‘drive’; MW el is the
suppletive present to mynet ‘go’ (GPC mynd)
REF: KPV 503ff., LIV 470f., LP 359f., LEIA D-119, McCone 1991: 32.
*falto- ‘joint’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ait [o n] ‘joint, articulation, state’
PIE: *pol-to- ‘fold’ (IEW: 802f.)
COGN: Gr. péplos ‘cloth (in folds)’, Alb. palé ‘fold’, OE fealdan ‘to fold’,
Croat. pldtno ‘cloth’
ETYM: PCelt. *falto- cannot be from *plto-, from which we would expect
*flito-. Could this be an early Germanic loanword (before Grimm’s law)? Or
was the stem *fal- generalized from other, unattested forms of this root?
REF: LEIA A-63, EIEC 63.
*fanss& ‘footprint’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. és [a f] (DIL éis) ‘track, trace’
PIE: *peth2- ‘spread out’ (IEW: 824f.)
COGN: Lat. pando ‘spread out, extend’, pateo “be open’, passum ‘step’, Gr.
pitnémi ‘spread out, open’
SEE: *fatama ‘palm of the hand’
ETYM: Olt. és is used mostly in prepositional phrases like ar éis ‘after’.
The Gen. sg. is probably attested only in the toponym Traig Esi,. The PCelt.
form can be derived from *pnt-teh2, which presupposes a nasal present
comparable to Lat. pando (see Hamp 1981). For the semantic connection
122 *far-na-
with the root *peth,- ‘spread out, broaden’, cf. Lat. passum ‘step’. The same
PIE root may be attested in PCelt. *fatama ‘palm of the hand’.
REF: Hamp 1981.
*far-na- ‘bestow’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ernaid, -ern; eraid, -era [Subj.]; ebraid, -ebra [Fut.]; ir [Pret.];
rathae, -rath [Pret. Pass.]
GAUL: ieuru ‘offered’ [3s Pret.] (Alise)
PIE: *perhs- ‘bestow, give’ (IEW: 817)
COGN: Skt. prnati ‘gives’, Lat. paro ‘prepare’
ETYM: Cf. Olr. perf. 3. sg. ro-ir ‘has granted’ < *pro-peporh3-e (Isaac
2007: 15, pace KPV 509f.).
REF: KPV 508ff., LIV 474f., LEIA R-19f., Delamarre 188f., Lambert 1979.
*farV- ‘prepare’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. aradu [n f] ‘preparation, disposition’
PIE: *perh;- ‘bestow’ (IEW: 818)
COGN: Lat. paro ‘furnish, prepare’
SEE: *frato-, *far-na-
ETYM: The MIr. word is a legal term, occurring only in commentaries to
Laws. It is compatible with PCelt. *faradi from PIE *perh3-d"dn, or
*perh3-d6n, but the word formation of such a proto-form is unclear (Michiel
de Vaan, p.c., compares the Lat. suffix -do, -dinis, Gr. -dén, -dnos). Also
related might be W erthy! [m] ‘abortus, prematurely born infant’, if from
PCelt. *fari-tlo-. For the development of meaning, cf. Lat. pario ‘give birth’
< *perh3- ‘bestow’. On the relationship between Lat. pario ‘give birth’ and
paro ‘prepare, furnish’ see de Vaan (2008: 447).
REF: LEIA A-83, LIV 427f,, Stiiber 1998: 116.
*fare ‘in front of [Prep]
GOID: Olt. air, ar [Aspirating, +Acc, +Dat.]
W: MW ar., er-
BRET: MBret. er-, ar
GAUL: Are-morici [Ethnonym]
CELTIB: are-korata [Toponym](A 52)
PIE: *prH(i) ‘in front of (IEW: 810-812)
COGN: Skt. pura, Gr. para, OHG furi
ETYM: LEIA A-37 relates the Celt. forms to Gr. peri, Go. faur-, Lat. per-
(PIE *peri- ‘near’), but this is less probable in light of the vocalism and the
meaning; the development *rHV > PCelt. *arV is expected. The Insular
Celtic forms are compatible with PCelt. *fari, which could be the original
form of this preposition (Loc. sg. of an old root-noun?). However, Gaul. and
Celtib. point to *fare, with the final *-e perhaps by analogy with *ande- <
*nd'e.
*fare-ber-o- 123
REF: LEIA A-37, GOI 497f., Delamarre 52, Villar 1997: 902, MLH V.1:
36f.
*fare-ber-o- ‘use’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ar-beir, -arbeir, -arbera [3 s Pres. Subj.]; -erbera [3 s Fut.]
‘use, eat, make use of”
W: OW arber ‘partake of, MW aruer ‘use’ (GPC arfer, arferu, arferyd)
SEE: *ber-o- ‘carry’
REF: KPV 220, LEIA A-85, GPC I: 193, Falileyev 10
*fare-derko- ‘visible’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. airdirc ‘well-known, obvious, famous’
W: MW ardderchawg (GPC ardderchog) ‘excellent, noble’
BRET: OBret. erderh gl. euidentis
SEE: *derk- ‘see’ .
REF: LEIA A-41.
*fare-k"enno- ‘end, extremity’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. airchenn [o nj ‘end, measure of land’
W: MW arbenn [m] ‘chief?
GAUL: arepennis ‘semiiugerum’
SEE: *k”enno- ‘head’
ETYM: GPC does not note the noun arbenn, but it has the derived adjective
arbennig. Cf. the parallel formations of W arbennig ‘principal, chief’ and
Olr. airchinnech < *arependikos.
REF: LEIA A-39, GPC I: 178.
*fare-k"et- ‘spare, have mercy on’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ar-ceissi ‘have mercy on’
W: W arbed ‘spare, save, preserve, avoid, refrain from’
CO: OCo. henbidiat g). parcus
ETYM: The Irish form presupposes a sigmatic suffix, *k“et-s-, or a
generalization of the stem of the passive preterite (*k”et-to- > PCelt.
*k"esso-). The root of this compound verb remains mysterious; it is possibly
also found in Olr. ces ‘debility, weakness’ (? from ‘pitiable state’).
REF: LEIA A-38f., GPC I: 177.
*fare-kom-wed-o- ‘prevent, wound’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ar-coat, arcdi [Pres. Subj. 3s] ‘prevent, hinder’; -airchos [Pret.
Pass. |
W: MW argyweddu ‘injure, damage’
SEE: *wed-o- ‘lead’
REF: KPV 656ff., GPC I: 202.
*fare-koro- ‘blow, shot’ [Noun]
124 *fare-kri-ni-
GOID: Olr. airchor [o m] ‘cast, shot, dart’
W: MW ergyr [m] ‘thrust, attack’
BRET: OBret. ercor gl. ictum, MoBret. ergor [m] ‘blow’
SEE: *fare-, *koro-
ETYM: Raising in MW ergyr must be due to a variant *fare-kori-, or is due
to the generalization of the pl. (*fare-kori) .
REF: LEIA C-205, GPC I: 1234, Deshayes 2003: 218.
*fare-kri-ni- ‘fear, perish’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ar-a-chrin ‘perish, pass’; -cria [Subj.]; -ciuir [Pret.]
W: MW ergrynu ‘tremble, fear’ (GPC ergryn, egryn)
SEE: *kri-ni- ‘sift, shake’
ETYM: The semantic development of Olr. ar-a-chrin, which must have
originally meant ‘shakes it’, to the attested meaning ‘perishes’ is difficult,
but such euphemistic expressions are common in Celtic, cf. PCelt. *ba-,
*ba-yo- ‘die’ < ‘go (away)’.
REF: KPV 420ff., GPC I: 1232f.
*fare-mert-o- ‘prepare’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. airmert [o n] ‘preparation, effort, taboo’
W: W armerth ‘prepare’
BRET: MBret. armerhein ‘preparation’
REF: LEIA A-47f., GPC I: 208, LP 346.
*fare-sed- ‘charioteer’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. arae [d m] (DIL ara) ‘charioteer, messenger’
ETYM: If this etymology is correct, the compound *fare-sed-s meant ‘the
one sitting next (to the warrior)’. For a different interpretation see Campanile
1989.
REF: LEIA A-84, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 168.
*fare-wed-o- ‘lead, bring to’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ar-feid (DIL ar-fet) ‘precede, take precedence of?
W: MW arvwein ‘bear, carry’ (GPC arwain, arweddu)
SEE: *wed-o- ‘lead’
REF: KPV 656ff., GPC I: 214.
*fare-wéd-yo- ‘sign’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. airde [io n] ‘sign, token, quality’
W: MW arwydd [m and f] ‘sign, mark, standard, banner’
BRET: OBret. aroued-ma gl. signaculum, MBret. argoez, MoBret. arouez
{m] ‘sign, symbol’
SEE: *wéd-o- ‘know’
REF: LEIA A-41, GPC I: 216, Deshayes 2003: 74..
*fare-xtu- 125
*fare-xtu- ‘conversation, assembly, meeting’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. airecht [u m] ‘assembly’
W: MW areith [f] ‘conversation’ (GPC araith)
BRET: MoBret. areih (Vannetais) ‘dispute’
CO: Co. areth
ETYM: I think it is possible to derive these Celtic words from the PIE root
*hoeg- ‘say’ (Lat. aio, Arm. asem, IEW 290f., LIV 228) and the PCelt. prefix
*fare-. In Celtic we would have the zero-grade of the root and the abstract-
building suffix *-tu-, i. e. *hog-tu-.
REF: LEIA A-43, GPC I: 176.
*far-sko- ‘ask, plead’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. arcaid, -airc; reiss, -ré [Subj.]; ibrais, -ibair [Fut.]; arcair
[Pret.]
W: OW erchim, MW erchi; archaf [\s Pres.]; erchis [3s Pret.]; erchit
[Impersonal]
BRET: MBret. archaff[1s Pres.], MoBret. arc hifi ’request’
CO: Co. erghi
PIE: *prek- ‘ask’ (IEW: 821f.)
COGN: Skt. prechdti, Lat. precor, posco, Go. fraihnan, OHG farscon, Lith.
pirsti ‘to arrange a marriage’, OCS prositi, ToB park-, Arm. harc‘anem
ETYM: The cluster *-ksk- in *preske was dissimilated to *prsk- (perhaps
already in PIE), hence regularly *parsk- > PCelt. *farsk-.
REF: KPV 511ff., LIV 490f., LEIA A-86, GPC I: 179, Deshayes 2003: 71,
LHEB 582, Falileyev 56, Schrijver 1995: 350.
*fasto- ‘growth’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ds [o n > m]
PIE: *peh,-s- ‘herd, protect’ (IEW: 787)
COGN: Lat. pdsco ‘feed, pasture’, Hitt. pahhaszi ‘keeps, protects’, OCS
Pasti, paseto
ETYM: Cf. the denominative verb Olr. dsaid, fasaid (with unetymological
J) ‘grows’. A difficult etymology in light of the fact that Olr. ads can go back
to a great number of PCelt. and PIE root-forms, so the possibility of chance
correspondence is significant. If the etymology proposed here is correct, we
must start from PIE *pehzs-to- ‘what is herded and fed’ > ‘growth’. Note the
absence of shortening by Dybo’s law.
REF: LEIA A-92f.
*fatama ‘palm of the hand, talon’ [Noun]
W: MW adaf [f] ‘hand, talon’
PIE: *peth2- ‘open’ (IEW: 824)
COGN: Lat. pateo ‘be open’, Gr. pitnémi ‘open, spread out’
SEE: *fanssa ‘footprint’
126 . *fatar
ETYM: If this etymology is correct, the formation of this PCelt. word
would be similar to the one in *al-amo- ‘herd, flock’. The a-vocalism in the
root is due to epenthesis, as in Lat. pateo < *pt-ehy-.
REF: GPCI: 11.
*fatar / Gen. *fatanos, *fetnos ‘wing, bird’ [Noun]
W: OW atar ‘birds’, MW adar [p]; aderyn, ederyn {Singulative]; adein [f]
- (GPC adain) ‘wing’
BRET: OBret. attanoc gl. aligeris
PIE: *potr / *ptn-os ‘wing’
COGN: Hitt. pattar, Skt. pdtra-, Gr. pteron, Lat. penna
SEE: *fet-no- ‘bird’
ETYM: PCelt. probably preserved the old PIE heterocliton which meant
‘wing’, but the meaning was changed to ‘bird’ (i. e. ‘the winged one’). Later,
but still in PCelt., a new noun stem was formed from the oblique cases
(*fetno-), which is the origin of Olr. én ‘bird’, W edn, cf. also W adain
‘wing’ < *patani. Olr. aith ‘wing’, sometimes adduced as related to this
PCelt. etymon, probably does not exist (dith ‘drying kiln’ is a different
word).
REF: LEIA A-53f., GPC I: 12, EIEC 646, Falileyev 12.
*fatir ‘father’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. athir, athair [r m]
GAUL: atrebo [Dat p] (RIG L-15)
PIE: *phytér ‘father’ (IEW: 829)
COGN: Skt. pitar-, Gr. pater, Lat. pater, ToB pacer, Go. fadar, Arm. hayr
SEE: *fatriyo- ‘paternal’
REF: LEIA A-100, EIEC100, 194, Lambert 1994: 16, McCone 1994a.
*fatna ‘drinking vessel’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. an [4 f]
PIE: *pothor / *pthonos ‘shallow dish, plate’
COGN: Hitt. pattar ‘basket made of wicker or reed’, Gr. patdné ‘plate’
ETYM: Another possibility, suggested by LEIA A-72, is to derive MIr. an
from PCelt. *fa-na, and relate it to PIE *pehs- ‘drink’ (Skt. pibati, Lat. bibo,
OCS piti, etc.), cf. PCelt. *fib-o-.
REF: LEIA A-72, EIEC 443, Matasovié 2004: 116.
*fatriyo- ‘paternal’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. aithre [io m] ‘paternal family’
W: MW edrydd [m] ‘paternal domain, abode, descent’
SEE: *fatir ‘father’
REF: LEIA A-100, GPC I: 1168, EIEC 195.
*fedo- ‘space, distance’ [Noun]
*fedon- 127
SEE: *fod- ‘foot’
*fedon- ‘birthpangs’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. idu [n f] ‘pain, birthpangs’
PIE: *ped- (?)
COGN: Go. fita [1 sg. Pres.] ‘give birth to’
ETYM: Another etymology, proposed by Schindler (1975) and repeated by
EIEC and others, is slightly less probable. It presupposes a PIE heterocliton
*hedwol/n- ‘pain, evil’ > PCelt. *edwon- (IEW 287ff., cf. Hitt. idalu- ‘evil’,
Luv. a@dduwa- ‘evil’, Gr. odyné ‘pain’, Arm. erkn ‘birthpangs’, ToB yolo
‘evil’); however, the cluster *dw would give Olr. *db (cf. fedb ‘widow’ <
*widwa), and most of the putative cognates can be explained otherwise (see
Kloekhorst, s. v. idalu-).
REF: EIEC 413, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 115, Schindler 1975,
Matasovié 2004: 123, Sttiber 1998: 118f., Lehmann 118.
*feno- ‘moor, swamp’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. en ‘water’
W: W en-wyn [m] ‘buttermilk’
GAUL: anam gl. paludem (Endlicher’s Glossary, 9)
PIE: *pen- ‘mud’ (IEW: 807f.)
COGN: Go. fani ‘mud’, OPr. pannean ‘moor, muddy field’
ETYM: MIr. en is a glossary word, but en- ‘water’ is attested as a first
member of compounds, e.g. en-glas ‘watery milk’. There is also MIr. enach
{[s n] ‘swamp’ (< *fendkos). The hydronym Enos (> Inn in Austria) is
probably from the same PCelt. form. Gaul. anam cannot be derived from
*fena by the regular vowel assimilation, since Joseph’s rule did not apply for
long *4 (cf. *bena ‘woman’ > OlIr. ben). This also applies to MIr. an [? 4 f]
‘water, urine’. The a-vocalism of these forms might point to PIE *pn-Ho-
(perhaps with the possessive suffix *-h30-), but this is clearly ad hoc. The
etymology that connects the name of the Roman province of Pannonia with
these words is possible, but rather speculative (see Meid 2005).
REF: GPC I: 1224, Delamarre 43f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 151, Meid
2005: 19.
*fendkos- ‘swamp’ [Noun]
SEE: *feno- ‘moor, swamp’
*ferika ‘concubine’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. airech [4 f]
PIE: *perikeh, ‘female servant?’
COGN: Av. pairika ‘witch’, ? Lat. Parcae ‘the Fates’
ETYM: A rather speculative etymology. MIr. airech is a legal term for a
type of concubine. PIE *perikeh, may be derived from *peri- ‘around’, so
128 *ferissa
the original meaning could have been ‘one that is around’ (A. Lubotsky,
p.c.).
REF: LEIA A-43, de Bernardo Stempel 313.
*ferissa ‘religion, belief? [Noun]
GOID: Olt. iress [4 f] ‘belief’
PIE: *peri- ‘about, before’, *d"eh,- ‘do, make, put’
ETYM: PCelt. *feri-ssa presupposes PIE *peri-dh,-teh2. EIEC derives OIr.
iress from *peri-steh,- (from the root *steh,- ‘stand’), and compares Parthian
parast ‘ardor’, but I believe the semantic connection with the root *d°ch,- is
better (cf. Skt. dhaman- ‘law’).
REF: EIEC 61.
*ferko- ‘perch’ [Noun], ‘speckled’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. erc [o m] ‘perch, salmon’, Ogam. ERCA
PIE: *perk- ‘color’, *perk-no- ‘speckled (fish)’ (IEW: 821)
COGN: Gr. perknos ‘freckled, red’, OHG ferhana ‘trout’.
ETYM: The original meaning of this substantivized adjective, ‘speckled’,
may be preserved in Ogam PN ERCA.
REF: LEIA O-28, EIEC 537, 634, EIEC 113, Ziegler 1994: 104.
*feruti ‘last year’ [Adverb]
GOID: Olr. innuraid (DIL -uraid)
PIE: *per-uti [Loc. s] ‘last year’, *wet- ‘year’ (IEW: 1175)
COGN: Skt. par-ut ‘last year’, Gr. pérysi, Arm. heru
ETYM: Olr. inn-uraid might reflect the PCelt. Accusative sg. *ferut-en,
rather than Loc./Dat. s *feruti, if McCone 1996: 101 is right. However, an
original locative sg. makes better sense in an expression of time.
REF: GOI 52, McCone 1996: 101, Kortlandt 2007: 92f.
*fésko- ‘fish’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. iasc [o m]
PIE: *pi(k)sko- ‘trout, fish’ (IEW: 796)
COGN: Lat. piscis, OE fisc
ETYM: W river-name Wysg could reflect *féska (Sims-Williams 2006: 80).
Cf. also Gaul. river-name Jsca, which would be from *fiska. The vocalism of
Olr. iasc requires that we start from PIE *pey(k)sko- (the cluster *ksk may
have been dissimilated to *sk as in *prksk- : > PCelt. *farsk- ‘ask’).
REF: EIEC 604, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 43, 523, Sims-Williams 2006:
80f.
*fesskiita ‘(leather) boot, shoe’
W: MW esgid [f]
CO: Co. eskit, eskys
PIE: *ped- ‘foot’, *skuHto- ‘hide, wrap’ (IEW: 951 ff.)
*fet-no- 129
COGN: Gr. skjtos ‘leather, hide’, Lith. kidutas ‘case, cover’, OHG hit
‘hide’
SEE: *kuti- ‘sack, scrotum’
ETYM: This word is an old compound, ‘foot-leather’, PIE *ped-skuHto-.
Celtic and Greek point to a variant of the root with s-mobile. The same root
is attested in Celtic as *kuti- ‘sack, scrotum’. Note that Dybo’s law did not
operate in this compound.
REF: GPC I: 1242, EIEC 134, Kortlandt 1981.
*fet-no- ‘bird’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. én [o, m]
W: MW edn [m]; ednod [p]
BRET: MBret. ezm, MoBret. evn [m]
CO: Co. hethen, ethen
GAUL: Emosus [Theonym]
PIE: *pet- ‘fly’ (EW: 825f.)
SEE: *fatar ‘bird’
ETYM: The thematic stem *fetno- is presumably generalized from the
oblique cases of the old heterocliton *fatar, Gen. sg. *fetnos (perhaps later
reshaped as Gen. sg. *fatanos).
REF: KPV 515, GPC I: 1166f, EIEC 646, Falileyev 12, Delamarre 168,
Deshayes 2003: 223, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 254.
*fet-o- ‘fly’ [Vb]
W: MW ehedec; ehet [3s Pres. ]
PIE: *pet- ‘fly’ (IEW: 825f.)
SEE: *fet-no- ‘bird’
ETYM: MW ehedec < *exs-fet-o-. LIV reconstructs this root as *peth-,
KPV without the laryngeal. In Celtic, there is no evidence for a laryngeal, cf.
PCelt. *fet-no- (rather than *fetano-).
REF: KPV 515, LIV 479.
*fétu- ‘(grass-)land, territory’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. iath [u n] ‘land, territory’
PIE: *peyH-tu- ‘prairy, rich grassland’ (IEW: 793)
COGN: Gr. poié ‘grass’, Lith. pieva ‘meadow’
SEE: *fiweryon- ‘earth, soil’
ETYM: The name of the Gaulish tribe Heluétii could be a compound
*felu-étyo- ‘Die Landreichen’ (see Delamarre 168). The PCelt. form is from
PIE *peyhy-tu-. The laryngeal is reconstructed on the basis of the acute in
Lithuanian, which means that this root has to be separated from *peyt-
‘feed’ (cf. *fitu- ‘food’). It is probably the same root as in PCelt. *fiweryon-
‘earth, soil’ < *piHwer-.
REF: Delamarre 168, Widmer 2004.
130 *fextu-
*fextu- ‘breast’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ucht [u n?]
PIE: *pektu- ‘breast’ EW: 792)
COGN: Lat. pectus
ETYM: In the prehistory of the Olr. word, we must assume an assimilation
*fextu- > *fuxtu-, in which case the Celtic proto-form would be parallel to
Lat. pectus. Otherwise, we might start from the o-grade in PCelt. (*foxtu-)
with the regular raising in Olr.; however, the o-grade is unexprected in a
stem in *-tu- (at least in Celtic). The etymology found in IEW (848),
deriving ucht from PIE *pup-tu- (cf. Latv. pups ‘woman’s breast’) is less
probable. ff
REF: LEIA U-14f., EIEC 518.
*fib-o- ‘drink’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ibid, -ib; ebaid, -eba [Subj.]; ibaid, -iba [Fut.]; ibis, -ib [Pret.];
ibthe, -ibed [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW ypuet; yf [3s Pres.] (GPC yfed)
BRET: MBret. euaff, yvet
CO: Co. eva, eve
GAUL: ibetis [2p Impv. or Ind.]
PIE: *peh;(y)- ‘drink’ (IEW: 839f.)
COGN: Skt. pibati, Lat. bibo, Gr. pind, OCS piti
ETYM: Cf. also Gaul. theonym Jbosus (CIL XIII 1370), which might be
from the same root. In OW, the form iben is attested (Juvencus 3). It is the 1
pl. imperfect. For the possibility that this PCelt. verb originally had
athematic i-inflexion (Kortlandt 2007: 137), cf. *ar-yo- ‘plough’.
REF: KPV 516ff., GPC III: 3751, LIV 462f., LP 373, RIG II.2: 349f., EIEC
98, 175, Delamarre 187, Falileyev 89.
*filu- ‘many’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. i/
PIE: *pelh,u- ‘much’ (IEW: 800)
COGN: Skt. purd-, OE fela ‘much’, Gr. polys ‘much’
ETYM: Celtic, together with Germanic, preserves the e-grade of this root,
while Skt. shows the zero-grade, and Greek the o-grade. The original ablaut
pattern of this adjective in PIE is disputed (Nom. sg. *pelhju-s, Acc. sg.
*polh,u-m, Gen. sg. *plh;w-os?).
REF: EIEC 3, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 92, 532ff.
*fisselo- ‘low’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. ise/ [o]
W: OW isel, MW isel
BRET: OBret. ise/ gl. imum, MBret. isel
CO: Co. yssel
SEE: *fissu-
*fissu- 131
ETYM: This is obviously an adjectival derivative from the same form of the
PIE root for ‘foot’ as PCelt. *fissu- ‘under’; it may have been influenced by
*owxselo- ‘high’.
REF: GPC II: 2033, DGVB 232, Falileyev 97.
*fissu- ‘under’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. is [+Dat.] ‘below, under’
W: OW is, MW is
BRET: OBret. is, MBret. is
PIE: *ped- ‘foot? (IEW: 790) _
COGN: Hitt. pat-, pat-, Skt. pad-, Lat. pés, Gr. pots, OE fet [p], Arm. otn
SEE: *fod-
ETYM: This Olr. form is usually derived from PIE Locative pl. of the word
for ‘foot’ (*pédsu), but the lengthened grade is unexpected. The length in
OCS pése ‘on foot’ is probably due to Winter’s law, and Alb. posh-té
‘under’ does not reflect the original *péds-, but is rather borrowed from Lat.
post (Demiraj 1997: 329f). Perhaps it is better to assume that the length
spread in Celtic from the Nom. sg. of the root-noun (cf. Lat. pés), although a
vrddhi formation*pédsV- cannot be excluded.
REF: GPC II: 2031, EIEC 208f., DGVB 230, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
31, Wodtko et alii 2008: 532.
*fitu- ‘food’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. ith [u n] ‘grain’
W: OW it
BRET: MBret. et, MoBret. ed [m]
PIE: *peytu-/*pitu- ‘food’ (IEW: 793f.)
COGN: Skt. pitu-, OCS pista ‘meal’, Lith. piétis ‘meal’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. ithe ‘eating’ < *fit-ya. The short vowel in Skt. and
Celtic, and the circumflex in Lithuanian show that there was no laryngeal in
this root. The accentuation of Croat. pitati ‘feed’ points either to a secondary
Slavic vrddhi, or to a laryngeal root in PIE (perhaps through the influence of
*piH-wo- ‘fat’ (Skt. pivas-, Gr. pidn), cf. PCelt. *fétu- ‘grassland, territory’
and *fiweryon- ‘earth, soil’.
REF: EIEC 208, Deshayes 2003: 210, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 292.
*fiweryon- ‘earth, soil’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. iriu [n f]
PIE: *piHwer-/n- ‘thick, fat’ (IEW: 793)
COGN: Skt. pivan- ‘thick, fat’, Gr. pi6n, f. pieira ‘fat, fruitful, rich’
SEE: *fétu- ‘grassland, teritory’
ETYM: The Irish (and Welsh) name of Ireland, Eriu, W Iwerddon, might
also be related, if the original meaning of this toponym was ‘fruitful, fertile’.
However, there are difficulties with this etymology, and there are alternative
ones (see Stiiber 1998: 96).
132 *flama
REF: GPC II: 2025, Schrijver 1995: 288, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 114,
Stiiber 1998: 95ff.
*flama ‘palm, hand’ [Noun]
GOID: Ofr. /am [4 f]
W: OW lau [f], MW Ilaw
BRET: OBret. lom-
CO: OCo. lof gl. manus
GAUL: Lama-tutus [PN]
PIE: *plhsmeh, ‘palm, hand’ (IEW : 73)
COGN: Lat. palma, Gr. palamé
SEE: *flaro- ‘floor’
ETYM: In OBret. /om- appears only in compounds and in PN Dreho-lom,
cf. also W T/lof- in llof-rudd ‘murderer’ (<‘having red hands’). The PIE root
is presumably the same as in *flaro- ‘floor’ and *flatro- ‘position, layer’.
REF: GPC II: 2104, DGVB 246, EIEC 255, Delamarre 195, Falileyev 100,
Campanile 1974: 73, De Bernardo Stempel 1999: 247, 532, 573.
*flano- ‘full’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. /an [o]
W: MW Ilawn
BRET: OBret. dacr-lon ‘full of tears’, MBret. and MoBret. /eun
CO: Co. luen, leun
GAUL: Uisu-lanius [PN]
PIE: *plhino- ‘full’ (IEW: 799)
COGN: Skt. purnd-, Lat. plénus, Go. fulls
ETYM: The vowel length in *flano- should somehow be analogical,
because the root vowel should have been shortened by Dybo’s law (cf. the
accent in Skt. purnd-). A source of analogy may have been PCelt. *flinu-
(Olr. Jin [u m and n] ‘full number, complement’) from the same root (PIE
*pleh,nu-, cf. Lat. plénus), cf. also the denominative verb Olr. linaid ‘fills’ <
*flin-a-.
REF: GPC II: 2112, DGVB 246, EIEC 206, 214, Delamarre 196f.,
Deshayes 2003: 461, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 388, 456.
*flaro- ‘floor’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. /ar [o n] ‘ground, surface, middle’
W: OW laur ‘floor’, MW Ilaur, llawr [m]
BRET: OBret. Jor gl. solum
CO: OCo. Jor gl. pauimentum
PIE: *pelh,- ‘flat, to spread’ (IEW: 806)
COGN: OE /lér ‘floor’, Lat. planus ‘flat, even’
SEE: *flatro- ‘position, layer’
*flatro- 133
ETYM: The closest equivalent of the Celtic forms is found in Germanic,
where OE flor is from *fldruz < *pleh2-ru-. Lat. planus perhaps points to the
existence of a PIE heteroclitic, *plehar / *pihznos ‘floor’.
REF: GPC II: 2118, DGVB 247, Falileyev 101, LHEB 287, GPC 2118,
Campanile 1974: 74.
*flatro- ‘position, (flat) layer’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. /athar [o m]
W: W llawar [m and f] ‘trousers’
BRET: MoBret. loer ‘sock’
CO: OCo. loder gl. caliga :
ETYM: If the etymology is correct, the development of meaning in
Brittonic is surprising. The PIE root is *pelhp- ‘flat, to spread’ (IEW: 806, cf.
Lat. planus ‘flat, even’), as in *flaro- ‘floor’.
REF: GPC II: 2117, Schrijver 1995: 251f., Wodtko et alii 2008: 562f.
*fléd-o- ‘succeed’ [Vb]
W: MW Ilwyddaw (GPC Ilwydd(i)o)
PIE: *pleyd- ‘attempt’
COGN: OE flitan, OHG flizan ‘attempt, try hard’
ETYM: This verbal root is not found in LIV; it is attested only in Germanic
and Celtic.
REF: GPC II: 2242, KPV 521f.
*flenstu- ‘light’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. /és [u m] ‘light, daylight’
PIE: *(s)plend- ‘shine’ (IEW: 987)
COGN: Lat. splendeo, perhaps ToAB planta- ‘rejoice’
ETYM: DIL considers /és as a borrowing from ON /jds. The Olr. reflex
should be derived from the full grade in PIE (*plend-tu-), with the
productive abstract-building suffix *-tu-; the zero-grade of the PIE root
(*plnd-tu-) would presumably yield PCelt. *flanstu- > **las.
REF: EIEC 514, LIV 530.
*fléto- ‘gray’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. liath [o]
W: MW Ilwyd
BRET: OBret. loit, MBret. loet, MoBret. loued
CO: Co. loys
GAUL: *Flétisama > Louesme [Toponym]
PIE: *pelHi- ‘gray’ (IEW: 805)
COGN: Skt. palita- ‘grey’, Lat. pallidus ‘pale’, Gr. pelitnds ‘pale, greyish’,
OHG falo ‘faded’, Lith. pilkas ‘grey’, palsas ‘pale’
ETYM: The laryngeal in this root is suggested by the acute in Lithuanian,
but cf. also Lith. palvas ‘light yellow’ (if it is from the same root). The
134 *fletro-
Celtic forms presuppose PIE *pley(H)-to-, while other languages show
reflexes of *pel(H)i-to- (Skt.), *pel(H)i-tno- (Gr.), so Schwebeablaut must
be assumed.
REF: GPC II: 2239, DGVB 246, Delamarre 200, Deshayes 2003: 476, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 372, 441.
*fletro- ‘hide, leather’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. lethar [o m]
W: MW lledr [m]
BRET: MBret. /ezr, MoBret. ler
PIE: *pel- ‘to skin’ (IEW 803f.)
COGN: Lat. pellis ‘skin’, OE fell ‘hide’, Russ. plena ‘membrane’
ETYM: The Germanic words for ‘leather’ (OHG leadar, leder) are
prehistoric loanwords from Celtic. The Celtic forms presuppose the zero-
grade of the PIE root (*pl-etro-), with the unusual form of the suffix *-etro-
(rather than *-tro-), cf. Russ. plend < *pl-en-ehp.
REF: GPC II: 2136, Mallory & Adams 2006: 181.
*fletyo- ‘shoulder, shoulder blade’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. leithe [io m]
PIE: *pleth:-yo- ‘shoulder’ (IEW: 833f.)
COGN: OCS pleste, Hitt. paltana-
SEE: *flitano- ‘broad’
ETYM: Trivially derived from the root *pleth)- ‘broad’ (cf. the Gr. name
Platon, originally ‘broad-shouldered’). The Celtic word shows a remarkable
parallelism in formation with Slavic.
REF: Mallory & Adams 2006: 180f., Wodtko et alii 2008: 565.
*flikka ‘(flat) stone’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. lecc [a f] ‘(sepulcral) plate, stone, flat slab of rock’
W: MW Ilech [f] ‘slate, slab of stone’
BRET: MoBret. lec ’h
CO: Co. lehan
GAUL: Are-lica [Toponym]
PIE: *plkeh, ‘flat surface’ (IEW: 831f.)
COGN: Gr. plaks ‘flat stone’, ON fla
REF: GPC II: 2123, Delamarre 201, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 178, S508ff.
*fli-nu- ‘flow’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. do-lin
PIE: *pleh,- ‘be full, fill’ (EW: 798f.)
COGN: Skt. prnati ‘fill’, Arm. Inum
SEE: *flanos ‘full’
ETYM: Olr. do-lin < *to-fli-nu- (the simplex is unattested). In EIEC, the
Olr. verb is related rather to PIE *leyH- ‘set in motion, pour’ (Lat. /itus
Ty ee ne ee ee
*flitano- 135
‘beach’, OCS Jiti ‘pour’, Lith. lieti, etc., IEW 664ff.), which is also a
possiblity.
REF: KPV 524f., LIV 482f., LEIA D-161, EIEC 506.
*flitano-, *flitawi [f] ‘broad’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. lethan [o]
W: MW Ilydan ‘broad’; OW Litau ‘Brittany’, W Liydaw ‘id.’
BRET: OBret. /itan, MoBret. ledan; OBret. Letau ‘Brittany’
CO: Co. ledan
GAUL: Litana (silua) [Toponym], Litaui [Theonym]
PIE: *plthgu- ‘broad’, *plthywih, ‘the broad one’ [f] (IEW: 806, 833)
COGN: Skt. prthivi- ‘earth’, Gr. Pldtaia [Toponym]
SEE: *fletyo- “shoulder, shoulder-blade’
ETYM: Celtib. litanokum is sometimes adduced as a derivative from PCelt.
*flitano-, but the meaning of this form is uncertain (most probably it is a
family name). The PIE form was *plth.u- m., *plth.wih, f. (cf. Gr. platys,
plateia). PCelt. *flitawi directly represents the feminine form, while
*flitano- is from the derived *plth-no- (cf. Hitt. paltana- ‘shoulder’).
REF: GPC II: 2251, DGVB 244, EIEC 98, Delamarre 204, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 91, 532ff., Sims-Williams 2006: 85f., MLH V.1: 225.
*flittV- ‘pap, porridge’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. fittiu [n f]
W: MW Ilith [m] ‘food, nourishment, bait’
PIE: *polt- / *pit-os ‘pap, porridge’ (IEW: 802)
COGN: Lat. puls, pultis, Gr. pdltos
ETYM: If the etymology assumed here is correct, the Celtic forms are
derived from the zero-grade of the root attested in Lat. puls. There is,
however, another possibility (see Stiiber 1998: 127). Mir. Jittiu is sometimes
spelled lichtiu, so it could also be a derivative of ligid ‘licks’, PCelt.
*lixtyon-. If so, MW J/lith would be from the participle *lixto-. On the other
hand, the agreement in meaning with Lat. is compelling, and the MIr. form
lichtiu could be due to the analogical influence of ligid.
REF: GPC II: 2188, EIEC 441, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 110, 512ff.,
Stiiber 1998: 127.
*flowdyo- ‘lead’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. /uaide [io m]
PIE: *plowd’o- ‘lead’
COGN: Lat. plumbum
ETYM: The Germanic words for ‘lead’ (OE /éad, etc.) are early borrowings
from Celtic, and Gr. mdlybdos is probably unrelated. The Italic and Celtic
words are presumably also loanwords from some unknown source. De Vaan
(2008: 474) mentions the possibility of a connection with Berber *bildtn
‘lead’.
136 *flowyo-
REF: EIEC 347, De Bernardo Stempel 1999: 468.
*flowyo-, *flowya ‘rudder’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Jui [ia f] ‘rudder, tail’
W: MW Ilyw [m] ‘rudder, tail, leader, pilot’
BRET: MoBret. lewier [m] ‘pilot’
CO: OCo. leu gl. clauus, Co. lew
PIE: *plew- ‘swim, float’
COGN: Skt. plavate, Gr. pléo, Eng. flow
ETYM: The primary meaning in Celtic seems to be ‘rudder’, originally
‘floater’, vel. sim. The meanings ‘tail’ and ‘pilot, leader’ are metaphorical
extensions.
REF: GPC II: 2287, Pedersen I: 61f., Deshayes 2003: 463, Hamp 1997.
*fod- ‘foot’ [Noun]
GAUL: ades ‘feet’ (Hesych., presumably Galatian), Gallo-Latin cant-edon
‘100 feet’ (Isidore of Seville)
PIE: *pod- ‘foot’ (IEW: 790)
COGN: Hitt. pat-, pat-, Skt. pad-, Lat. pés, Gr. pous, Arm. otn
SEE: *fissu ‘under’
ETYM: Although the reflexes are scarcely attested, the reconstruction of the
Celtic word for ‘foot’ seems reasonably certain. It is difficult to see how the
Hesychian gloss could represent anything else than the Galatian word for
‘foot’, with the regular development *pdd- > ad-. The diverging vocalism of
cant-edon presumably shows that the word had an ablauting paradigm in
PCelt. (Nom. *fad-s, Gen. *fed-os, etc.). The e-grade may be attested in MIr.
ed [o n] ‘space, distance’ < PCelt. *fedo-.
REF: Hamp 1975.
*folka ‘arable land’ [Noun]
GAUL: Gaul. *olca > Lat. olca (Gregory of Tours)
PIE: *polkeh, ‘plowed field’ (IEW: 850)
COGN: OHG felga, Russ. polosa
ETYM: Although cognates in Goidelic and Brittonic are not attested, the
absence of word-initial *p- shows that this word is inherited in Celtic, and
the PIE reconstruction is straightforward. However, this root is limited to the
NW Indo-European dialects.
REF: Delamarre 240, Oettinger 2003: 190.
*folno- ‘great, vast’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. oll
PIE: *polh,- (EW: 798ff.)
COGN: Gr. polys ‘many’
ETYM: This etymon should not be confused with *olyo- ‘whole’. Gaul.
ollon (Chamaliéres), Ollo-gnatus [PN] probably belong to that etymon. The
*fondos- 137
loss of laryngeal in PCelt. *folno- can be regular after *oR (de Saussure’s
law); the o-grade of the root is attested in Greek.
REF: LEIA O-20f., Delamarre 241.
*fondos- ‘stone’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ond [s nj
PIE: *(s)pondos ‘weight’ (IEW: 988)
COGN: Lat. pondus ‘weight’
ETYM: This is a poetic word in Olr., preserved chiefly in glossaries. If the
etymology is correct, both Lat. pondus and Olr. ond are derived from the
underlying verb *(s)pend- ‘hang’ (Lat. pendo, Russ. pjad’ ‘span’).
REF: LEIA O-23f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 143.
*forko- ‘pork, young pig’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. orc [o m]
PIE: *porko- ‘young pig, piglet? (IEW: 841)
COGN: Khot. pa'sa, Lat. porcus, Lith. parsas, Croat. prdse
ETYM: OIr. orc is a poetic word, attested chiefly in glossaries. The name of
the Orkneys is probably from the same PCelt. root.
REF: LEIA O-28, LP26, EIEC 100, 425, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 44,
Hamp 1986.
*foro- ‘edge, limit’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. or [o m]
W: MW or [f] (GPC 6r)
BRET: OBret. orion gl. oram, MoBret. or
CO: Co. or
PIE: *per- ‘pass through’ (IEW: 816f.)
COGN: Lat. portare ‘lead, carry’, Gr. poreud ‘bring, carry’, OHG faran
‘travel’
ETYM: The Celtic words for ‘edge, limit’ are thematic nouns derived from
the verbal root ‘to pass, traverse’; we should start from the thematic nomen
actionis *p6éros ‘a traversing’ which then changed its meaning to ‘limit,
boundary’, cf. also Gr. poros ‘ford, path’.
REF: LEIA O-26, GPC III: 2561, DGVB 277.
*fotlo- ‘drink, act of drinking’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. di, dol [o n]
PIE: *pehs- ‘drink’ (IEW: 840)
COGN: Lat. poculum ‘chalice’, Gr. pdsis ‘drink’
SEE: *fib-o- ‘drink’
ETYM: The vowel *o in Celtic is unexpected, as the PIE laryngeal should
have yielded *a between consonants. It is probably due to an early analogy
with the full grade (*eh3 > *6 > PCelt. *4), or to vowel assimilation (*fatlo-
138 *fowino-
> *fotlo-), or to Dybo’s law (*peh3-tl6- > *pdtl6- > *potlo-). Original *peh;-
tlo-would presumably have given Olr. **al.
REF: LEIA O-19, LIV 417f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 302.
*fowino- ‘foam, froth’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. wan
W: MW ewyn [m]
BRET: MBret. eon, MoBret. ewon [Collective]
CO: Co. ewon
ETYM: MIr. aan is attested late, so the original inflection and gender are
unknown. Though a truly convincing etymology is lacking, one could relate
these words either to PIE *pew(H)- ‘pus’ (Lat. pis, Lith. piliai), IEW 848f.,
or to *pews- ‘swell’ (Lat. pustula ‘blister, bubble’, Russ. puxnut’ ‘swell’). If
the latter comparison is correct, one should rather reconstruct PCelt.
*fows-ino-. The e-vocalism in Brittonic is the result of Umlaut (*owin >
MW ewyn, cf. W gwerin < *worina ‘troop’).
REF: LEIA U-7, GPC I: 1265, Deshayes 2003: 224.
*fowmosna ‘skin’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. wamann [a f]
PIE: *powm- ‘body hair’
COGN: Lat. pibés ‘adult’, Skt. puman- ‘man, male’, perhaps Lith. (dial.)
paustis ‘animal fur’
ETYM: Since this word is very rare in MIr. (occurring only in poetic texts
of rather late date, such as Togail Troi), this etymology is quite speculative.
REF: LEIA U-7, EIEC 469.
*fowtu- ‘fear’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. dath [u ?m] ‘horror, fear’
W: MW uihr ‘terrible’
BRET: MBret. euz, MoBret. euzh [m] ‘horror’
CO: Co. uth ‘horror’
PIE: *pew- ‘fear’ (IEW: 73)
COGN: Lat. paueo, pauor
ETYM: While other Celtic reflexes seem to come from PIE *pow-tu-, W
uthr represents *pow-tro-. Lat. paueo, pauor do not presuppose PIE
*ph,ew-, but rather *pow-, with *ow > au by Thurneysen-Havet’s law.
McCone 1992b connects these words with W ofn, MIr. omun ‘fear’ (<
*fowno-), but here a different etymology is proposed (cf. PCelt. *obno-).
REF: LEIA U-11, GPC IH: 3721, Delamarre 170, Deshayes 2003: 223, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 291, McCone 1992b.
*frasna ‘part’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. rann [4 f]
W: OW rann [f] ‘share’, MW ran, rann [f| (GPC rhan)
*frati- 139
BRET: OBret. rannou gl. partimonia, MBret. rann
CO: Co. ran
PIE: *perh3- ‘bestow’ (IEW: 817)
COGN: Lat. pars ‘part’
SEE: *far-na- ‘bestow’
ETYM: OW hapax gworenniou ‘fractions, subdivisions’ is from *ufo-
frasno- (Falileyev 73). PCelt. *ra instead of *ar from the syllabic PIE *r can
be due to the ‘liquid metathesis’ between a labial and a dental cluster (*prsn
> *farsn- > *frasn-), or to analogy with *frato-, where *&4 was shortened by
Dybo’s law. For the derivation of Lat. pars from PIE *perh;- ‘bear, provide’
see de Vaan 2008: 448.
REF: LEIA R-7, GPC HI: 3035f., DGVB 293, Falileyev 73, GPC 3035,
Schrijver 1995: 135.
*frati- ‘fern’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. raith [i f]
W: W rhedyn [p]; rhedynen [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. reden, radenenn, MoBret. raden [Collective]
CO: OCo. reden gl. filex, MoCo. redanan
GAUL: ratis (Marcellus of Bordeaux), Ratiate [Toponym] > Fr. Rézé
PIE: *perHt- ‘fern’ (IEW: 850)
COGN: Lith. papartis, Germ. Farn
ETYM: If these Celt. words are indeed connected to the PIE root *perHt-,
we must assume shortening from *frati- (? by Dybo’s law). The laryngeal is
implied by the accentuation in Lith. Germ. Farn and the related Germanic
words point to *porH-no-. Kluge (s. v. Farn) and Meid (1996: 23f.) relate
these words for ‘fern’ to PIE *ptero- ‘wing’ (Gr. pferoén) and compare Gr.
pteris ‘fern’, but this is difficult: the word for ‘wing’ shows no trace of a
laryngeal (cf. also Lith. sparnas ‘wing’, with circumflex). The connection
with Skt. parpata- ‘medicinal herb’ is disputed. This word is attested late
and shows no evidence for a laryngeal (Mayrhofer, s. v. parpata- claims that
etymology is unknown).
REF: LEIA R-4f., GPC III: 3046, Delamarre 254, Deshayes 2003: 609,
Meid 1996: 23f.
*frati- ‘fort, rampart’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. rath, raith [i an 0, m and f]
W: MW bedd-rawd [m and f] ‘cemetery’ (GPC beddrod)
BRET: MBret. bez-ret ‘cemetery’
GAUL: ratin [Acc.] (RIG L-3, Le Vieux-Poitiers), Argento-rate [Toponym]
PIE: *prehzt-i- ‘field’ IEW: 843)
COGN: Lat. pratum ‘field’
ETYM: The reconstruction here is based on the comparison with Lat.
pratum ‘field’, but this has been contested on semantic grounds (de Vaan
2008: 487). McCone (1996: 52) prefers the derivation of the Celtic forms
140 *frato-
from *horh3-ti-, from the root *h,erh;- ‘to plow’ (cf. PCelt. *ar-yo-). If this is
correct, the PCelt. form would be *rati-, and the original meaning would be
‘a dugout, a digging’.
REF: LEIA R-9, GPC I: 268, Delamarre 243, McCone 1996: 52, Sims-
Williams 2006: 98f.
*frato- “grace, virtue, good fortune’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. rath [o nj
W: OW rat [m], MW rat (GPC rhad)
BRET: OBret. Rad-(uueten) [PN]
CO: Co. ras
SEE: *far-na- ‘bestow’
ETYM: These nouns are probably related to the root of *far-na- ‘bestow’
(Olr. ernaid, etc.). Gaul. PN Su-ratus may contain the same root. The PIE
form (maybe an old passive participle meaning ‘bestowed, given’) would be
*prh3td-. This would first have yielded PCelt. *fraté-, and then *frato- by
Dybo’s law.
REF: LEIA R-8, GPC III: 2995, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 442.
*freswo- ‘strong cold’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. redd, réud [0 m] ‘hoar-frost’
W: MW rew [m] ‘frost, ice’ (GPC rhew)
BRET: MBret. re(a)u, MoBret. rew [m]
CO: OCo. reu gl. gelum, MoCo. reaw
PIE: *prews- ‘freeze’ (IEW: 846)
COGN: Skt. prusva- ‘drops of dew’, Lat. pruina ‘hoarfrost’, Go. frius
‘hoarfrost’
ETYM: The attested forms can be reconciled with PIE *prews- only if one
assumes a metathesis (*ws > *sw), but even in that case the reconstruction
of the PCelt. form remains difficult. Olr. reéd may be from a derived stem
*freswoto-.
REF: LEIA R-24f., GPC III: 3063, Deshayes 2003: 625, ETEC 287.
*frikka ‘fart’ [Noun]
W: W rhech [f]
PIE: *perd- ‘fart? (IEW: 819)
COGN: Lat. pédo, Gr. pérdiks ‘partridge’, Eng. fart, OCS prodeéti
ETYM: PCelt. *frikka arose by assimilation from *prid-ka < PIE *prd-kehp,
which shows the zero-grade of the PIE root *perd- ‘fart’.
REF; GPC III: 3042.
*frika ‘furrow’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. etarche [ia f], also etrige, eitre
W: MW rych [m and f] (GPC rhych)
BRET: OBret. rec gl. sulco, MoBret. re [Collective]
*fritu- 141
GAUL: *rika > OF r. roie, Fr. raie
PIE: *prkeh, ‘furrow’ (IEW: 821)
COGN: Lat. porca, OHG furuh ;
ETYM: MIr. etarche [ia f] is from *enter-frikya. If Lith. perSéti ‘to ache’ is
also related, we should reconstruct the PIE root *perk- ‘to dig’.
REF: GPC III: 3125, ETEC 215, Delamarre 257, Deshayes 2003: 616.
*fritu- ‘ford’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. Humar-rith [Toponym]
W: OW rit, W rhyd [m]
BRET: OBret. vit gl. uadum
CO: OCo. rid gl. vadum, Co. red
GAUL: Ritu-magus [Toponym]
PIE: *prtu- ‘ford’ (IEW: 817)
COGN: Lat. portus ‘port’, OE ford
SEE: *foro- ‘edge, limit’
REF: LEIA R-34, GPC III: 3126, Delamarre 259, Sims-Williams 2006:
103f.
*frixtu- ‘form, appearance’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. richt [u m]
W: MW rith [m] (GPC rhith) ‘species, form, aspect’
BRET: OBret. (ar)rith gl. penace .i. imago
PIE: *prep- ‘appear’ (IEW: 845)
COGN: Gr. prépd ‘appear’, Arm. erewim ‘be evident, appear’, perhaps
OHG furben ‘to clear’
ETYM: The PCelt. form presupposes PIE *prp-tu-. The zero-grade of the
root is expected.
REF: LEIA R-29, GPC III: 3080f., EIEC 25.
*friyo- ‘free’ [Adj]
W: W rhydd
BRET: OBret. rid
CO: OCo. benen rid gl. femina
PIE: *priHo- ‘dear, free’ (IEW: 844)
COGN: Skt. priyd-, Go. freis ‘free’, OCS prijati “be appealing to’
ETYM: Some Gaul. names with the element Rio- (e.g. Riotalus) might be
related to this root, rather than to *rig- ‘king’ (Delamarre 258).
REF: GPC III: 3127, EIEC 214, 358, Delamarre 258f., Benveniste 1969:
325ff.
*fro-ank-o- ‘reach’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ro-ic, -ric ‘teach’
W: MW renghi, rynghu ‘reach, satisfy, please’ (GPC rhyngu, rhangu,
rhengi); reingk [3 s pres.]
142 *fro-bowdo-
BRET: MBret. ranquout, rencout ‘must’
SEE: *ank-o-
REF: KPV 200ff., GPC III: 3139
*fro-bowdo- ‘notice, warning’ [Noun]
SEE: *bu-n-do- ‘proclaim, give notice’
*fro-gus-o- ‘choice’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. rogu [indecl. n] ‘choice’
PIE: *gews- ‘taste, enjoy’ (IEW: 399)
COGN: Skt. jésat ‘enjoy’ [3s Subj. Aor.], Lat. gusto, OHG kiosan
ETYM: There are other words derived from the root *gews- in Olr., with
different prefixes: forgu ‘choice’, digu ‘not chosen, refuse, worst’, etc., but
the simplex is not preserved.
REF: LEIA R-40.
*fromo- ‘soon’ [Adverb]
GOID: MIr. rom ‘early, too soon’
PIE: *pro-mo- ‘first, leading’
COGN: Gr. promos ‘leader’, Umbr. promom [Adverb] ‘firstly’
ETYM: Quite a speculative etymology, since there is also the possibility
that MIr. rom is from *fro-moxs, where *moxs means ‘early’ (Lat. mox, see
PCelt. *moxs).
REF: LEIA R-41f.
*frosto- ‘height, elevated land, (wooded) hill’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ros [o m] ‘wood, height’
W: MW ros [f] ‘flat and uncultivated land, moor’ (GPC rhos)
BRET: MBret. ros, MoBret. roz
CO: Co. Rose, Roose [Toponyms]
PIE: *pro-sth,o- ‘protruding’ (?) (IEW: 1005)
COGN: Skt. prastha- ‘elevated land’
ETYM: Cf. also Lat. postis ‘door-post’ < *pr-sth)-i-. The same PIE root is
attested in other compounds. Olr. iress ‘faith’ has been derived from PCelt.
*fare-sista < PIE *peri-si-steh2-, but a different etymology is proposed here
(see *ferissd). The parallelism in word formation with Skt. prastha- is
probably accidental, since that word is attested late in Skt.
REF: LEIA R-43, GPC III: 3096, Uhlich 2002: 415, Wodtko et alii 2008:
638.
*fstr-ew- ‘sneeze’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. sreod [o m] (DIL sredd)
W: MW ¢trev, ystrew [m]
BRET: MBret. strefia, strevia ‘to sneeze’
PIE: *pster- ‘sneeze’ (IEW: 847)
*ful-V- 143
COGN: Lat. sternuo, Gr. ptarnymai, Arm. p°rnem ‘sneeze’
ETYM: Cf. also MIr. srennid ‘snorts, snores’ (verbal noun sreim). Although
these words are related, their exact relationships are unclear. The Irish forms
might eventually be from an original tu-stem, with the zero-grade of the root
(PCelt. *fstri-tu-).
REF: LEIA S-185, GPC III: 3866, EIEC 133, LIV 446, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 451ff.
*ful-V- ‘beard’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ul [?]
GAUL: Ulatos [PN]
PIE: *pul- ‘body hair’ (IEW: 850)
COGN: Skt. pulaka-, Gr. pyligges [p]
ETYM: Delamarre (323) prefers to relate Gaul. Ulatos (etc.) to PCelt.
*wlati- ‘ruler’, which is also a possibility. Skt. pulaka- is attested very late
and it is uncertain whether it belongs here (see Mayrhofer s. v. pulasti-).
Rieken (1999: 377) connects Hitt. “Spattar ‘hairy part of animal’s body’ and
reconstructs the PIE root as *pew-/*pu-, but Kloekhorst (2008: 683) finds
this etymology too speculative.
REF: LEIA U-23, Delamarre 323, Mallory & Adams 2006: 177.
*fiiro- ‘fresh’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. ur [o] ‘fresh, fair, bright, green’
W: MW ir ‘verdant, green, sappy’
PIE: *puh,-ro- ‘pure, clean’ (IEW: 827)
COGN: Lat. purus, Skt. pita- ‘purified’, pdvate ‘becomes clean’, OHG
fouwen ‘to sieve, sift’
ETYM: The PIE root is presumably the same as in *pehwr ‘fire’ (Hitt.
pahhur, Gr. pyr, etc.), so the original meaning of *puh2ro- would have been
‘purified by fire’; however, many linguists doubt the connection and
reconstruct the root as *pewH- ‘purify’ (e.g. Mayrhofer, s. v. PAV’). Note,
however, that adjectives in *-ro- were usually end-stressed in PIE, so we
would expect PCelt. *ptiré- > *furo- (MIr. **ur) by Dybo’s law.
REF: LP 26, LIV 432, LEIA U-26f., EIEC 109, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
135, 138, 229.
*futro- ‘ill’ [Adj]
GOID: Mir. othar [o] ‘ill’, othar [o n, later m] ‘illness, pain’
PIE: *pewH- ‘rot, decay’ (IEW: 849)
COGN: Lat. puter ‘rotten’, Skt. puvas- ‘pus’, Gr. pyos ‘pus’, Olc. fuinn
‘rotten’
ETYM: Short *u in Celtic is presumably due to Dybo’s shortening in
pretonic position, i. e. PIE *puHtrd- > PCelt. *futro-.
REF: LEIA 0-36.
144 *fuxtaka
*fuxtaka ‘pine’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ochtach [8 f]
PIE: *pewks ‘pine’ (IEW: 828)
COGN: Gr. peuké, OHG fiuhta ‘fir’, Lith. pusis
ETYM: The Proto-Celtic form presupposes the zero-grade of the root in PIE
(*puk-, cf. Lith. pusis). The word formation is unclear (note the dental suffix
also in OHG fiuhta).
REF: LEIA O-7, EIEC 428, Wodtko et alii 2008: 554.
G”
*g”an-o- ‘strike, kill’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. gonaid, -goin; gonaid, -gona [Subj.]; gignid, gignea [Fut.];
geguin [Pret.]; gétae, -gét [Part. Pass.]
W: MW ewan ‘hit, injure’; gwant [Pret.] (GPC gwanu, gwan)
BRET: MBret. goanaff, MoBret. gwanaji ‘punish’
CO: Co. gwana ‘pierce’
PIE: *g”"en- ‘strike, slay’ (IEW: 491-493)
COGN: Hitt. kue(n)zi, Skt. han-, Gr. theind, Lat. dé-fendo ‘defend’, Lith.
ginti ‘defend, protect’, OCS gonati ‘chase’
ETYM: Celtib. PN GUANDOS has been interpreted as a derivative from
this root, but this is mere speculation. The o-vocalism in Olr. gonaid is the
result of the regular rounding after the initial *g”-, cf. the same development
in *g”ariya ‘duty’.
REF: KPV 363ff., LIV 218f., GPC II: 1572, LP 372, Deshayes 2003: 298,
EIEC 549.
*p”ariya [Noun] ‘duty’
GOID: Olr. goire [ia f] ‘filial duty’
W: MW ewared [m] ‘deliverance, relief?
BRET: MBret. gored
CO: Co. gweres ‘help’
PIE: *g”"er- ‘burn’ (IEW: 493ff.)
SEE: *ger-o-
ETYM: These words are formed with the regular Celtic reflex of the zero-
grade of the root *g”er- ‘burn’ (with the development of *-Cry- > *-Cary-).
For the development *g”a- > Olr. go- cf. *g”an-o- ‘strike’ (McCone 1996).
Cf. also W gwar ‘tame, civilized’ and Olr. gor [o] ‘pious, dutiful’, which
may be derived from thematic *g”oro- < *g”"oro-.
REF: GPC II: 1581f., McCone 1996: 41, Hamp 1996, Schrijver 1996.
*gwed-yo- 145
*g"ed-yo- ‘ask, plead, pray’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. guidid, -guid; geiss, gé [Subj.]; gigis, -gig [Fut.]; gdid [Pret.]
W: MW imguodant
GAUL: uediiumi [1s Pres.] (Chamaliéres)
PIE: *g”"ed"- ‘wish’ (IEW: 488)
COGN: Gr. pothéd ‘wish’, Go. bidjan
ETYM: MW imguodant < *ambi-g”od-o-. The Celtiberian family name
kuezontikum (Botorrita IH, [V-36) might reflect the Celtib. reflex of this root
(Villar 1997: 908). Gaul. uediiumi has also been connected to *wed- ‘bind’
(Fleuriot 1976-7); since it is a hapax, many interpretations are possible, but
‘I pray’ makes more sense than ‘I bind’ in the context of the Chamaliéres
inscription. For the possibility that this verb (and the whole Olr. BII class of
present stems) originally had athematic i-inflection see *ar-yo- ‘plough’ and
cf. Kortlandt 2007: 137.
REF: KPV 369ff., LIV 217, LP 373, EIEC 62, 98, 449, Cowgill 1980,
Lambert 1994: 150-159, RIG II.2: 550ff., Delamarre 309f., Villar 1997: 908,
Fleuriot 1976-7: 178, MLH V.1: 206f.
*g”el-o- ‘graze, eat” [Vb]
GOID: OIr. geilid, -geil; gelaid, -gela [Subj.); gilt, -gelt [Pret.]
SEE: *g”elta ‘grass’
ETYM: The reconstruction of the PIE root from which this etymon
developed is not generally agreed upon; Arm. klanem ‘swallow’, Russ.
glotat’ ‘swallow’, Lat. gluttio ‘devour’ point to PIE *glew- (IEW 365),
which might be onomatopoetic (cf. also Lat. gula ‘throat’). OE ceole, Germ.
Kehle ‘throat’ might contain the reflex of PIE *gel-, but if Olr. gelid is
related to the word for ‘grass’, the Celtic proto-form must be from the root
with initial *g”"-, since PIE *g” > PCelt. *b. However, a PIE root *g”*el-
with a comparable meaning does not seem to exist.
REF: KPV 371f., LIV 217f., LP 369, EIEC 349.
*g"elti- ‘madman, lunatic’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. geilt ‘lunatic, panic-stricken fugitive from battle’
W: MW egwyllt (GPC gwylit, gwyll) ‘wild’
BRET: OBret. gueld-enes gl. ‘insula indomita’
CO: OCo. asen guill g). onager, Co. gwyls, guyls ‘wild’
PIE: *g”*el-
COGN: Go. wilbeis ‘wild’, OHG wildi
ETYM: These words certainly do not belong to the same root as the PIE
word for ‘wool’, as claimed by IEW (1139f.). There is also no reason to
believe that Olr. geilt was borrowed from Brittonic. The Germanic parallels
are usually taken to be from PIE *wel-t-, but *g”" > Germanic *w- is also
possible (cf., e.g., OHG warm ‘warm’ < *g”ormo-, cf. Skt. gharmd- ‘heat’,
Lat. formus ‘warm’, see Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000: 1023f.).
146 *owelta
REF: GPC II: 1766f., DGVB 187, McCone 1991: 39, Morris-Jones 1931:
131.
*g”elta ‘grass’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. geilt ‘grazing’ [4, f]
W: MW ewelilt [m] ‘grass’
BRET: OBret. gueltiocion gl. ‘fenosa’
CO: Co. gwels ‘grass’
SEE: *g”el-o- ‘graze’
REF: GPC II: 1632f., KPV 372, DGVB 188, LP 28, Sims-Williams 1982:
228f.
*e”eno- ‘smile’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. gen [o n]
W: MW ewen [f] (GPC gwén)
BRET: MoBret. gwen-c’ hoarzin ‘to smile’
ETYM: According to DIL, Olr. gen was originally an u-stem, but this is
difficult in the light of the vocalism (**giun would be expected from
*g”enu). MW gwen probably represents the collective (Nom. pl. neuter)
*o”ena.
REF: GPC II: 1634., Schrijver 1995: 38, Schrijver 1999.
*g”er-o- ‘warm up, heat’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. geirid, -geir; geraid, -gera [Subj.]; girt, -gert [Pret.]
PIE: *g”"er- ‘heat’ (IEW: 493-495)
COGN: Gr. théromai, Go. brinnan ‘burn’
ETYM: MIr. guirid ‘to warm’ represents the causative from the same root,
PIE *g’"oreye- > PCelt. *g*ori- (cf. also W gori ‘brood, sit (of hen)’,
MoBret. gorifi) ‘to warm’. Nominal derivatives from this root include OIr.
gorn ‘fire’ (< *g”orno-, cf. Lat. fornus ‘oven’), and possibly goirt ‘bitter’ <
*p"orti- (if the meaning developed from ‘hot’, cf. the same range of meaning
of Eng. ho?).
REF: KPV 372f., LIV 219f., LP 369.
*e”ered- ‘animal fat, tallow’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. geir [d f]
W: MW ewer (GPC gwér) [m]
ETYM: A derivation from the root obey. ‘warm, heat’ (IEW 493, cf. Skt.
haras- ‘heat’) is possible, in principle, but there is no semantic connection. A
PCelt. stem *gere- would also be regularly derivable form a PIE compound
*6"wer-hjep- ‘beast-fat’ (cf. Lat. ferus ‘wild’, OCS zvére ‘beast’, Gr. thér
‘beast’, and Lat. ad-eps ‘suet, lard’, Hitt. apuzzi ‘animal fat, tallow’, ToB op
‘fatness’). However, this appears highly artificial.
REF: GPC II: 1642.
*gwomo- 147
*s"orno- ‘fire’ [Noun]
SEE: *g”er-o- ‘warm up, heat’
| *g”oro- ‘pious’ [Adj]
SEE: *g”ariya ‘duty’
*p"orti- ‘bitter’ [Adj]
SEE: *g”er-o- ‘warm up, heat’
*p”rensna ‘sun’ [Noun]
SEE: *g”rins- / *g“renso- ‘heat’
| *g"rensu- ‘zeal, work, practice’
- SEE: *g"rins- / *g“renso- ‘heat’
8
*s"rins- / *g”renso- ‘heat’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. gris [a f] ‘heat, glow, embers’
W: MW gwres [m] ‘heat (of the sun, fire), passion, lust’
PIE: *g™"renso- ‘warm’ (IEW: 495)
COGN: Skt. ghramsda- ‘heat of the sun’
ETYM: Olr. gris must represent a reflex of PCelt. *g”rinso-, with the
| lengthened grade (expected in the Nom. sg. of an original root noun). It
/ appears probable that Olr. grian [a f] ‘sun’ should be derived from PCelt.
F *g"rensna > Primitive Irish *g”réna (Matasovi¢ to appear). This fits well
| with the semantics of Skt. ghramsd-. The PIE root is *o"er- ‘be hot” (Gr.
| thermos etc.). Gaul. Grannos (a name of Apollo) probably also belongs here,
F cf. Delamarre 183. Finally, Olr. grés [u m] ‘handicraft, needlework, work of
| art, practice’ may represent PCelt. *g”rensu- (the development of meaning
+ would have been from ‘heat’ to ‘zeal’ and ‘work’, cf. also MIr. grésach
‘lasting, habitual’).
REF: GPC II: 1706, EIEC 263, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 260f.
G
. *gablo/a- ‘fork, forked branch’ [Noun]
} GOID: Olr. gabul [o m and 4 f]
| W: MW gaff [f]
+ BRET: OBret. gab/, MoBret. gaol [f]
§ GAUL: (Ciuitas) Gabalum (> Fr. le Gévaudon) [Toponym]
f PIE: *g"ab"lo- ‘fork, branch of tree’ (IEW: 409)
_ COGN: OE gafol, OHG gabal ‘fork’
148 *gabro-
ETYM: In OW, there is the adjective gablau ‘split open, forked’ (Falileyev
59). Lat. gabalus ‘a kind of gallows’ (occurring in Varro) might be from the
Gaulish reflex of the same word, cf. also Gallo-Latin *gabalottus ‘spear’ >
Fr. javelot, javeline (Gamillscheg 546). The only correspondences to these
Celtic words are attested in Germanic (although PGerm. *gablaz could be a
Celtic loanword). However, it appears possible that these words should be
related to PIE *g"Hb'- ‘have, hold’ (PCelt. *gab-yo-). If not, they are
probably non-IE loanwords.
REF: GPC II: 1370, DGVB 173, Pedersen I: 39, EIEC 209, Deshayes 2003:
266, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 224, 227, Delamarre 172f., Falileyev 59.
*gabro- ‘he-goat’ [Noun]; *gabra ‘she-goat’
GOID: Olr. gabor [o m] gl. caper
W: MW gauar (GPC gafr ) [f] ‘goat, she-goat’
BRET: OBret. gabr, MoBret. gaor
CO: OCo. gauar gl. capra
GAUL: Gabro-magus [Toponym] ‘Goatfield’, Gabrus [PN]
PIE: *kapr ‘he-goat’ (IEW: 529)
COGN: ON hafr ‘he-goat’, Gr. kapros ‘boar’, Lat. caper ‘buck’, perhaps
Skt. kaprth ‘penis’
ETYM: Cf. also Fr. dial. garron, Pr. gabre ‘male partridge’ < Gaul. *gabro-
(according to Gamillscheg 470). The voicing *pr > *br in PCelt. is regular,
but the initial *g-, rather than *k-, remains unaccounted for. It could be due
to assimilation in voicing (with *-b-), or the result of influence of another
word for ‘buck’, PIE *g"aydo- (Lat. haedus, Eng. goat), which is, however,
unattested in Celtic.
REF: GPC II: 1370f., LP 39, EIEC 507, Delamarre 173f., Campanile 1974:
48, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 44, Schrijver 1995: 353, 460, Sims-Williams
2006: 79f.
*gab-yo- ‘take, hold’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. gaibid, -gaib; -gaba [Subj.]; -géba [Fut.]; gabais, -gab [Pret.],
-gabad [Pret. Pass.]
W: OW ad-gabael, MW caffael ‘get, receive’, keiff [3s Pres.]; cauas [Pret.]
BRET: MBret. caffout
CO: OCo. gauael gl. prehensio
GAUL: gabi [2s Impv.] ?Gabiae [Theonym]
CELTIB: kabizeti [3s] (Botorrita I)
PIE: *g"Hb"- (IEW: 407ff.)
COGN: Lat. habeo ‘have’
ETYM: McCone (2003) argues rather persuasively that Celtib. kabizeti can
be derived from *gabiyeti, i. e. that it is a present indicative rather than
(sigmatic) desiderative formation; all certain examples of Celtib. z come
from PIE *d rather than *s, which is generally preserved in Celtib., and the
change of *(i)y > z may also be attested in PCelt. *nowyo- > Celtib.
*gala 149
nouiza. However, Wodtko (MLH V.1: 144) considers the meaning of this
form as unknown, and one would wish that there were more examples of the
change *(i)y > z in Celtiberian. de Bernardo Stempel (2006) attempts to
prove that the original meaning of PCelt. *gab- was ‘give’, rather than
‘take’, and interprets Gaul. gabi as ‘give’, and the theonym Gabiae as ‘the
Givers, Bestowers’, which seems plausible; whether this is correct or not, the
etymological equations gathered here are unaffected. For the possibility that
this PCelt. verb had an athematic i-present see Kortlandt 2007: 137 and cf.
*ar-yo- ‘plough’. The PIE reconstruction is disputed. The only certain
cognate is Lat. habeo and the related Italic words (de Vaan 2008: 277). I do
not believe that Skt. gadbhasti- ‘hand, forearm’ is related (it would have to be
from * 8 "Heb" likewise, I find it improbable that PGerm. *geban ‘give’ is
from *g"h,eb’-, although this cannot be wholly excluded. Lith. gabius
‘handy’ and Lith. gaband ‘armful of hay’ are possible cognates, but the e-
grade in Lith. gebéti ‘be able’ would then have to be secondary (a new
formation based on the frequent ablaut of a : e in other roots).
REF: KPV 318ff., LIV 195, LP 365ff., EIEC 707, Morris Jones 1913:
343ff., RIG IL.2: 330f., Lambert 1994: 123, 212, Eska 1989: 168, MLH V.1:
144.
*gala ‘valor, ability’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. gal [a f] ‘valor, fighting spirit, vapour’
W: MW gallu ‘be able’
BRET: OBret. ga/ ‘might, ability’
PIE: *gelH- ‘be able’ (IEW: 351)
COGN: Lith. galit ‘be able’
SEE: *gal-n- ‘be able’
ETYM: The Celtic form *gala can be either the regular reflex of *gela (by
Joseph’s rule), or its root shape is analogical after the present stem of the
corresponding verb, *gal-n- ‘be able’.
REF: EIEC 3, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 130, Meid 2005: 195f.
*galaro- ‘sickness, distress, pain’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. galar [o nj
W: MW galar [m] ‘grief, lament’
BRET: MBret. galar
CO: Co. glachar
PIE: *g"elH-ro- ‘evil, unhealthy’ (IEW: 411)
COGN: Hitt. kallar- ‘evil, unpleasant, unhealthy, inauspicious’, perhaps
also OE gealla ‘galled place on the skin’, Lith. Za/a ‘damage, harm’
ETYM: There is no need for positing PIE *a in this root, as in EEC; Olr.
galar is derivable from *gela-ro- by Joseph’s rule.
REF: GPC II: 1373, EIEC 43, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 130, 320, 500.
*gal-n- ‘be able’ [Vb]
150 *galw-o-
W: MW gallu; geill [3s Pres.] (GPC gallu, gallael, gallel, gallyd)
BRET: MBret. gallout, guell [3s Pres.]
CO: Co. gallos
PIE: *gelH- (IEW: 351)
COGN: Lith. galiu ‘can’, Arm. kalaw ‘found’
SEE: *gal-n- ‘be able’
ETYM: The ethnonyms Galli and Galatai, as well as Gaul. PN like Gallus,
Gallius, are probably also related to this etymon (McCone 2006 derives both
Galli and Galdtai from PCelt. *galatis). The Brittonic reflexes of this
etymon show the regular development of *g"In > *galn- > *gall- (where *-n-
is the present-stem infix). Cf. also Fr. gaillard ‘strong, vigorous’ < Gallo-
Latin *gallia ‘strength’ (Gamillscheg 461). The Centum-reflexes in Lith. and
Arm. speak against McCone’s (2006) identification of the PIE root with
+6" elhs- < green, yellow’ (Gr. khldros etc.), whereby the semantic connection
would lie in the color symbolism (‘yellow’ as the symbol of ‘bile, anger,
battle fury’.
REF: GPC II: 1377, KPV 324ff., LIV 185f., Meid 2005: 195f., McCone
2006.
*galw-o- ‘call’ [Vb]
GOID: Mir. gall (?) ‘swan’
W: MW galw [m and f] ‘call, invitation’
BRET: OBret. galu, MBret. galu
PIE: *gel- / *gol- ‘call’? (IEW: 350)
COGN: OE ceallian ‘call’, OCS glast ‘voice’, perhaps Lat. gallus ‘cock’
ETYM: MIr. gail ‘swan’ is not well attested. It is a doubtful glossary word
(Cormac Y 68). There is no need to posit PIE *a in this etymon, since all
reflexes can be derived either from PIE *gol- (Slavic, Germanic), or from
PIE *gl-C-, with the zero-grade. The Celtic reflexes presuppose *gl-wo-.
REF: GPC II: 1375, DGVB 173, EIEC 89, LEIA G-40.
*gan-d-o- ‘take place’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ro-geinn ‘takes place’
W: MW ’ genni; gannaf [Is Pres.] ‘contain, find room in’
PIE: *g"ed- ‘take, seize’ (IEW: 437f.)
COGN: Lat. prae-hendo, Gr. khandand, Alb. gjen ‘find’
SEE: *gendV- ‘wedge, block’
ETYM:: Olr. ro-geinn < *fro-gan-d-e-ti (the simplex is unattested in
Goidelic).
REF: GPC II: 1380, KPV 330, LIV 173.
*gan-yo- ‘be born’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. gainidir, gainithir, -gainedar, -genadar [Subj.]; -gignethar
[Fut.]; génair [Pret.]
W: MW geni; ganaf [1 s Pres. ]
*gansi- 151
BRET: MBret. guenell
CO: Co. genys [Part. Pass. ]
PIE: *genh)- ‘beget’ (IEW: 373ff.)
COGN: Skt. jan'-, Lat. gigno, nascor, OE cennan
SEE: *genos- ‘family, gens’
ETYM: Olr. -gainethar, -gainedar has the regular reflex of syllabic *-n-
before any consonant except a laryngeal. Two developments are possible,
either *gnh,yetor > *gnyetor (with an early loss of the laryngeal before *y by
Pinault’s law) > *ganyetor > *ganitor > gainethar, or *gnhy,yetor > *gnHitor
> *ganHitor > gainethar. Olr. gein [n n] ‘birth, conception’ is another
derivative from the same root. It presupposes PCelt. *genan < *genh;en (an
archaic-looking neuter n-stem). The root is attested in Celtiberian as the
second element of the compound PN Mezu-kenos (= Olr. Midgen).
REF: GPC II: 1380, KPV 327ff., LIV 163ff., McCone 1994: 70, MLH V.1:
251.
*gansi- ‘swan’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. géis {i f]
PIE: *g"ehons- ‘goose’ (IEW: 412) ;
COGN: Skt. hamsd-, Lat. anser, Gr. khén, OHG gans
| ETYM: The PCelt. form presupposes the stem of the oblique cases of the
} PIE noun for ‘goose’ (PIE Nom. sg. *g"ehons / Gen. sg. *g"hons-os). Skt.
hamsa- seems to presuppose *gh,ens- (from the accusative stem?).
REF: LP 24, EIEC 236, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 35, 77, 85.
*garano- ‘crane’ [Noun]
W: MW garan [f] ‘heron, crane’
BRET: MBret. garan
CO: Co. garan
GAUL: tri-garanos ‘with three cranes’ (RIG 2-1 165)
PIE: *gerhano- ‘crane’ (IEW: 383)
COGN: Gr. géranos, Eng. crane
ETYM: The vocalism is explained if we assume PIE *erh2 > *era > PCelt.
*ara by Joseph’s rule.
REF: GPC II: 1380, Pedersen I: 38, EIEC 140, Delamarre 175, Campanile
1974: 47, Deshayes 2003: 266, Matasovi¢ 2004: 86, 144.
*gargo- ‘rough’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. garg [o]
GAUL: Gargenus [NP]
PIE: *gargo- (?) ‘horror’ (IEW: 353)
COGN: OCS groza ‘horror’, Arm. karcr ‘hard’
ETYM: This is presumably an onomatopoetic, or expressive word, which
may explain the a-vocalism in the root. The parallels in other IE languages
may be accidental similarities.
152 * gari-
REF: EJEC 568, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 501, Delamarre 175.
*pari- ‘shout, call’ [Noun]
GOID: Ols. gair [i f, perhaps originally nj
W: MW gawr [f and m]; gewri, geuri, goriau [p]
GAUL: Garo-marus [PN]
PIE: *gehor- ‘shout, call’ (IEW: 352)
COGN: Gr. gérys ‘voice, call’, Lat. garrio ‘chatter’, OE cearu ‘care,
sorrow’, Khot. ysdar- ‘to sing’ [Causative]
SEE: *gar(r)man- ‘cry, shout’, *garyo- ‘call, cry’
ETYM: These Celtic forms preserve the full grade of the PIE root; the zero-
grade is preserved in *garsman- and *gari- (v.).
REF: GPC II: 1385, EIEC 89, Delamarre 176, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
66, 201.
*garrV- ‘calf of the leg, shank’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. gairr [i m or f] ‘calf of the leg’
W: MW garr [m and f] (GPC gar) ‘leg, shank, ham, thigh’
BRET: MBret. garr ‘leg’, MoBret. gar
CO: Co. gar ‘leg’
GAUL: *garra > OF r. gare ‘leg’
ETYM: Olr. gairr is poorly attested, and even the precise meaning is
uncertain. A good IE etymology is lacking. Perhaps it is possible to derive
these forms from the PIE word for ‘hand’ (PIE *g"esr > Hitt. kissar, Gr.
kheir, IEW 447). We could assume an early metathesis, PIE *g"esr > *gers-,
and the generalization of the oblique stem, *grs-, which is common in Celtic.
A thematized *grso- would yield PCelt. *garro- regularly. Another possiblity
is to assume *g"erso- > *gerro-, and then a secondary zero grade *grro-,
which would yield PCelt. *garro- regularly. The meaning ‘(calf of the) leg’
could have developed from ‘hand, arm’ via the more general ‘limb’.
REF: GPC II: 1380, Deshayes 2003: 266.
*gar(r)man- ‘cry, shout’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. gairm [n n] ‘the act of shouting, calling’
W: MW garm [f]
BRET: MBret. garm [m]
CO: Co. garm
SEE: *gari-, *garyo- ‘word, command’
ETYM: The short vowel is impossible if one starts from *gehr-smen-;
however, the development from the zero-grade of the root (*ghor-smen-) is
regular, and the zero-grade is attested in other such formations (cf.
*kanxsman-, *lanxsman-). The chronology of the developments was
probably *ghor-smn- > *garsman- > *garrman- (> *garman-).
REF: GPC II: 1383, EIEC 89, Delamarre 176, Deshayes 2003: 267, Stiiber
1998: 65, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 242.
*garwo- 153
*garwo- ‘rough, coarse’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. garb [o]
W: MW garw
BRET: MBret. garu, MoBret. garw
CO: Co. garow
ETYM: The (probably Gaulish) PN Garvo attested in Pannonia might be
related (Meid 2005: 231). Pokormy’s attribution to the root *p% ers. (IEW
445f., cf. Skt. harsate ‘is delighted’, Lat. horreo ‘to stare, fear, tremble’) is
improbable for both semantic and formal reasons (PIE *g"rswo- would yield
PCelt. *garrwo-). It is better to relate these Celtic words to PCelt. *gargo- <
PIE *ger-g-). PCelt. enw would point to the zero-grade of the root, PIE
*s"r-wo-. Both PCelt. *gargo- and *garwo- are clearly expressive
formations.
REF: GPC II: 1383, Deshayes 2003: 268, Meid 2005: 231.
*gar-yo- ‘call, cry’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. gairid, -gair; garaid, -gara [Subj.]; géraid, -géra [Fut.]; gairt, -
gart [Pret.]; grathae, -grath [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW garddu ‘groan, creak, crush, shake’
BRET: OBret. gerent gl. dicunt [3p Pres.]
PIE: *gehor- ‘call’ (IEW: 352)
COGN: Lat. garrire, Oss. zaryn /zarun ‘sing’
SEE: *gari-, *garyo- ‘word, command’
ETYM: Gaul. adgarion [Acc. sg.] (Chamaliéres) might perhaps be
translated as ‘accusatorem’ (Lejeune, Delamarre, Fleuriot), in which case it
is a cognate of Olr. ad-gair ‘summon’ (Delamarre 32, Lambert 1994: 151).
The short *a in this Celtic etymon is regular, if one starts from the zero-
grade *ghor-yo-. The full grade of the root is preserved in *gari- ‘call’.
REF: GPC II: 1381, KPV 331ff., LIV 161, LP 368f., LEIA D-116, DGVB
175, Delamarre 32, Fleuriot 1976-7.
*garyo- ‘word, command’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. gair
W: MW geir [m] (GPC gair) ‘word, speech’
BRET: MBret. guer, MoBret. ger [m]
SEE: *gari- ‘shout, call’, *gar-yo- ‘call, cry’
ETYM: Olr. gair is not well attested, so we do not know its gender and
stem formation. It is assumed here that the yo-stem is original in PCelt., but
an i-stem would be possible as well. Zero-grade *ghr-yo- must be posited
for PIE, because of the development *CHry > *Cary- in Celtic.
REF: GPC II: 1371, Deshayes 2003: 270.
*gasso- ‘sprig’ [Noun]
SEE: *gazdo- ‘withe’
154 * pawa
*gawa ‘falsehood, lie’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. gdu [4 f]
W: MW geu [m] ‘lie’, ‘false’ (GPC gaz)
BRET: MBret. gou ‘false, lie’, MoBret. gow
CO: Co. gow
ETYM: MW geu cannot be directly from *gawa; rather, it may presuppose
*suwo- (cf. creu < *kruwo-, an oblique stem of *kri- ‘blood’). This means
that we may have had a root-noun in PCelt., with the ablaut pattern *gaw- /
*suwo-. The IE etymology of these Celtic words is dubious, partly also
because several PCelt. reconstructions are possible; some derive them from
alleged PIE *gew- ‘bend, twist’ (Norw. kaa, see IEW 393), but comparison
with Lat. haud ‘not’, Skt. guhd ‘ in secret’, gihate ‘conceals’ seems more
promising, if one starts from *g*ew- (note that *gawa is most easily
explained if the root ended in a laryngeal). Finally, the PIE root could be
*s"ehou- if one wants to relate Lith. at-zilas ‘hard’, AV. zurah-
‘unrighteousness’, OCS zlib ‘bad, wicked’ (if from *8uh,-lo-, *6hou-lo-).
All in all, as Vendryés would have said, rien de siir.
REF: GPC I: 1385, DGVB 179, Deshayes 2003: 289, GOI 44, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 59.
*gayso- ‘spear’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. gae [o m]
W: MW gwaew [m and f] (GPC gwayw)
BRET: OBret. guugoiou, MBret. goa
CO: OCo. hoch-wuyu gi. venabulum
GAUL: Ario-gaisus [PN], * gaiso- > Lat. gaesum
PIE: *g*oyso- ‘spear’? (IEW: 410)
COGN: Skt. hésas- ‘weapon’, OE gar ‘spear’
ETYM: Since the Celtic words for ‘spear’ imply a proto-form with *ay
rather than *oy, PCelt. » Bayso- may be a loanword from Germanic, cf.
Delamarre 174. PIE *g"oyso- ‘spear’ is probably derived from the root
*s"eys- ‘wound’ (Skt. hindsti ‘wounds’, with the nasal infix in the present
stem). Another possibility is to compare Skt. heti- ‘missile’, Av. zaéna-
‘weapon’ and derive PIE *g"oy-so- from the root *g"ey- ‘to impel” (IEW
424).
REF: GPC II: 1606, DGVB 204, EIEC 537, Delamarre 174, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 314.
*gaysseto- ‘mane, hair of beasts’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. gaisid
PIE: *g"ayt-s- ‘mane, animal hair’ (IEW: 410)
COGN: Gr. khaité, Av. gaésu- ‘curly-haired’
ETYM: Ml. gaisid is poorly attested, so this etymology, as well as the
formation of the PCelt. word, remain purely conjectural. Lat. caesariés ‘long
*gazdo- 155
hair, plume’ (and the name Caesar?) could be related only under the
assumption that it is an early loanword from Celtic (Michiel de Vaan, p. c.).
REF: Mallory & Adams 2006: 177.
*gazdo- ‘withe’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. gat [o m] ‘withe, osier’
PIE: *g"asd"- / *g"ast- ‘shaft? (IEW: 412f.)
COGN: Lat. hasta “spear-shaft, lance’, Go. gazds ‘goad’
ETYM: Olr. gass ‘sprig’ might represent another reflex of the same PIE
root, *g"asto- (> PCelt. *gasto-). The a-vocalism points to the possibility that
this is a loanword from some non-IE language. I do not believe that Olr.
gataid ‘steals’ belongs together with these words (IEW 412). It is rather a
denominative verb from gait (earlier goif) ‘theft, taking away’, which may
be from PCelt. *gozdi- (through assimilation in voicing) < PIE *g"osti-
‘host, guest’ (OCS gosto, Go. gasts, Lat. hostis, IEW 453). The variant gait
could have arisen to avoid homonymy with got ‘stammering, lisping’. Cf.
also Olr. gataige ‘thief < *gozd-agyo-. It is generally thought that Lep.
Uvamo-kozis (Prestino) contains PCelt. *gostis < PIE *g"ostis ‘guest’ (OCS
gosto, Go. gasts, etc.).
REF: LP 26, Schrijver 1991: 134.
*edesi ‘yesterday’ [Adverb]
GOID: Olr. in-dé
W: MW doe, ddoe
BRET: MBret. dech, MoBret. dec ’h
CO: OCo. doy gl. heri, Co. de
PIE: *d"g"(y)es(i)- ‘yesterday’ (IEW: 41)
COGN: Skt. hyds, Gr. khthés, Lat. heri, OHG gesterén, Alb. dje
ETYM: The reconstructed PIE adverb eghgh (y)es(i) is a petrified Loc. sg. of
some old root-noun (? *d"g"(y)ds) which meant ‘the preceding day’ vel. sim.
There are considerable differences between the reflexes in individual IE
languages (for a thorough discussion, see Isaac 2007: 75ff.). Note also the
possibility that the original form was actualy *g"-dyes-, where *g°- is a
demonstrative particle, and *dyes- a derivative of the root *dey- ‘day’ (Lat.
diés, etc.), cf. Schindler 1977. For the development of the initial *gd- in
Celtic cf. *gdon- ‘earth, place’ and *gdonyo- ‘human, person’.
REF: GPC I: 1070, EIEC 654, Campanile 1974: 40, Deshayes 2003: 173f.,
Isaac 2007: 75ff.
*gdon- ‘earth, place’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dui [n f] ‘place, spot’
PIE: *d’eg"dm ‘earth’ (IEW: 414f.)
COGN: Hitt. tékan, Skt. ksa, ksdm-, Lat. humus, OCS zemlja, Alb. dhe, ToB
kem
156 *gdonyo-
ETYM: The word-initial cluster *gd- may have been simplified to *d-
already in PCelt. (McCone 1996: 48), cf. PCelt. *gdesi (*xdesi- ‘yesterday’)
and *gdonyo- ‘human, person’.
REF: LEIA D-206, EIEC 174, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 28.
*gdonyo- ‘human, person’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. duine [io m]; doini [p]
W: MW ayn [m and f]
BRET: OBret. don, den, MBret. den
CO: OCo. den gl. homo
GAUL: -xtonio (Vercelli)
PIE: *dg"om-yo- ‘human, earthling’ (IEW: 414)
COGN: Lat. homo, Go. guma
SEE: *gdon- ‘earth’
ETYM: The Gaulish form -xtonio (in the compound form teuoxtonio)
should be read -gdonio (the alphabet of Vercelli does not distinguish
between voiced and voiceless stops, cf. Delamarre 176). Olr. Nom. pl. doini
is from a suppletive stem (attested also as Nom. sg. doin, doén in poetry).
REF: LEIA D-136, D-217f., DGVB 149, GPC I: 1140, EIEC 174, 366,
Delamarre 176, Campanile 1974: 36, McCone 1996: 49.
*gelo- ‘yellow, white’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. gel [o] ‘white, fair, shining’
W: MW gell ‘yellow’
BRET: MBret. gell ‘brown’
PIE: *g"elhs- ‘yellow, green’ (IEW: 429f.)
COGN: Lat. heluus ‘honey yellow’, Gr. khidrds ‘pale green’, Skt. hari-
‘green’, OCS zelenv ‘green’, OE geolu ‘yellow’
ETYM: Since PCeit. *lw should be reflected as Olr. /b (cf. delb < *delwa
‘form, appearance’), it is difficult to reconstruct *gelwo- to agree with Lat.
heluus and OE geolu < *g*elh3(i)wo-. PCelt. *gelawo- < *g’elh;wo- is
excluded since we would expect this to develop to *galawo- by Joseph’s
rule, so PCelt. *gelo- can reflect a simple thematic *g"elh3o-. Another
possibility is to assume that *w was lost before *o, but retained before *4 in
*delwa, in which case *gelwo- > MW gel/ would be regular (with // < *lw).
REF: EIEC 654, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 46.
*gelu- ‘leech’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. gil
W: MW gel [f and m] (GPC gelau, gele, gél]
BRET: MBret. gélaouen
CO: OCo. ghel gl. sanguissuga
PIE: *gelu- ‘leech’ (IEW: 365)
COGN: Skt. jalika-, jalayuka- ‘leech’
*gem-eno- 157
ETYM: A very doubtful etymology, amounting to a mere possibility. The
Irish word is rather poorly attested, mostly in glossaries, and Skt. jaluka-,
jalayuka-, besides also being attested late, is connected by Mayrhofer to
jarayu- ‘old snake skin’ (Mayrhofer, s. v. jarayu-), which is in turn derived
from the root JAR ‘get old’ (Skt. jarati, etc.).
REF: GPC II: 1389, EJEC 349.
*gem-eno-, *gemelo- ‘chain, shackle’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. gemel [o and 4, m and f]
W: MW gefyn [m]
PIE: *gem- ‘hold’
COGN: Gr. (Hom.) génto ‘he took’, Latv. gimti ‘seize’, Russ. Zat’, Zmu [1 s
Pres.] ‘squeeze’
ETYM: The PCelt. word cannot be reconstructed precisely, since the
suffixes in Goidelic and Brittonic do not agree. It is also unclear whether
{and how) MIr. gébend [m and f] ‘fetter, bond’ is related to these words (a
borrowing from Brittonic?). Cf. also Olr. gemen, geimen ‘hide, skin’, which
corresponds to MW gefyn, but is semantically quite distant. The PIE
etymology is purely conjectural, since the meanings do not agree well.
REF: GPC II: 1386.
*genan- ‘birth’ [Noun]
SEE: *gan-yo- “be born’, *genos- ‘family’
*gendV- ‘wedge, block, lump’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. geind (DIL genn) [d f] ‘wedge, block’
W: W gaing ‘chisel, wedge’
BRET: OBret. genn, MBret. guenn, MoBret. genn
CO: Co. gen
PIE: *g"ed- ‘take, seize’ (IEW: 473f.)
COGN: Lat. prae-hendo, Gr. khandano
SEE: *gan-d-o- ‘take place’
ETYM: Since the Olr. word is a consonant stem, it is difficult to reconstruct
the PCelt. inflection class. Perhaps this word was an i-stem in PCelt.
(*gendi-), which later became a d-stem in Goidelic.
REF: GPC II: 1371, Deshayes 2003: 270
| = *geneta ‘girl’ [Noun]
~ W: W geneth [f]
GAUL: geneta, genata, gnata
PIE: *genh,- ‘bear, engender, generate’ (IEW: 373ff.)
COGN: Lat. -genitus in primo-genitus ‘first born’
SEE: *genos- ‘family’
+ ETYM: W geneth points to a geminate *genetta; this PCelt. noun is derived
, with the suffix *-eto- (cf. Osc. genetai ‘daughter’ [Dat. sg.]. Olr. ingen [8 f]
158 *genos-
‘daughter’ < *eni-gena (Ogam JNIJGENA) is another formation from the
same root, cf. also Gaul. (Larzac) andognam ‘born inside (the family)’ and
PN Andegenus. Olr. PN Sogen (Ogam Gen. SOGINIJ) is presumably from
*su-genh,o- ‘well-born’ (Skt. sujana-).
REF: GPC II: 1393, LIV 163, Delamarre 177, Uhlich 2002: 422.
*genos- ‘family, gens’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Fo-gan [PN], Ogam JNI-GENA ‘daughter’
W: OW Mor-gen [PN]
BRET: OBret. gen gl. ethnicus, MoBret. genel ‘generate’
GAUL: Ad-genus, Cintu-genus [PN]
PIE: *genh,-os ‘family, clan, descendants’ (IEW: 373ff.)
COGN: Skt. janas-, Gr. génos, Lat. one
SEE: *gan-yo- ‘be born’
REF: DGVB 174, Delamarre 177f., ‘Deahayes 2003: 270, Ellis Evans 1967:
204, Ziegler 1994: 103.
*genu- ‘jaw’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. gin [u m] ‘mouth’
W: MW gen [f] ‘cheek’ (GPC gén)
BRET: OBret. gen gl. maxilla, MBret. guen, MoBret. gen [f] ‘cheek’
CO: OCo. genau
PIE: *genu- ‘jaw’ (IEW: 381)
COGN: Skt. hanu-, Gr. génys, Lat. gena ‘cheek’, OE cinn, ToA sanwem
[Dual] ‘jaws’
ETYM: The Gaulish name of Genéve, Genaua, is usually derived from the
same etymon. The original meaning would have been ‘mouth (of a river)’,
from the old dual.
REF: GPC II: 1391, DGVB 174, Deshayes 2003: 270, EIEC 322, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 95, Lambert 1994: 37.
*gessi ‘taboo, prohibition’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. geis [77 f]
PIE: *g"ed- ‘seize, take’ (IEW: 437f.)
COGN: Lat. prae-hendo, Gr. khandano
SEE: *gan-d-o- ‘take place’
ETYM: The MIr. word can be derived regularly from *g"ed-ti-h, but the
semantic development (’taking’ > ‘prohibition, taboo’) is somewhat difficult,
see Hamp 1981. Moreover, it is by no means certain that the original
formation was an i-stem. If an 4-stem is original in Irish, we might
reconstruct PCelt. *gissa (> Olr. *gess by lowering), and derive this word
from PIE *g*id’-teh) ‘what is desired’ (cf. PIE *g "eyd"- > Lith. geidzin
‘desire’, OCS Zodati ‘wait’, IEW 426). The same root is probably attested in
PCelt. * ‘gestlo- ‘surety, pledge, hostage’.
REF: Hamp 1981.
*géstlo- 159
*géstlo- ‘surety, pledge, hostage’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. giall [o m] ‘hostage’
W: MW ewystyl, gwystl [m and f] ‘pledge, surety, hostage’
BRET: OBret. guistl gl. obses, MBret. goest], MoBret. gouestl [m]
CO: OCo. guistel gl. obses
GAUL: Con-geistlus [PN]
PIE: *g*eyd"- ‘desire, wait for’ (IEW: 426)
COGN: Lith. geidziu ‘desire’, OCS Zedati ‘wait’
ETYM: W gwystl and other Brittonic words probably have an epenthetic -t-
(before *1), cf. Schrijver 1995: 404f. Olc. gis/ ‘hostage’, Germ. Geisel, etc.
are old loanwords from Celtic. The IE etymology of these Celtic words is
somewhat weak on the semantic side. Could ‘hostage’ be interpreted as ‘one
who is waiting (to be released)’?
REF: GPC II: 1789, DGVB 204, LP 23, Deshayes 2003: 282, LIV 175,
Schrijver 1995: 405, Campanile 1974: 59.
*gexdo/a- ‘goose’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. géd [o m]
W: MW guit (GPC gwyda) [f]
BRET: MBret. gwaz [f]
CO: OCo. guit gl. auca, Co. goth
ETYM: Presumably an onomatopoetic word, there is probably no
connection to PIE *g"eh»-ns ‘goose’ (cf. PCelt. *gansi- ‘swan’).
REF: GPC II: 1753, Deshayes 2003: 301, Lockwood 1981.
*glaxsma ‘cry, shout’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. glam [4 f] ‘outcry, clamour, satire’
PIE: *gla-g"- ‘cry, shout’ (IEW: 350f.)
COGN: Skt. garh-, OHG klaga, Germ. klagen
ETYM: The comparison with OHG 4laga allows the reconstruction of the
PIE root as above; a different vocalization (Schwebeablaut?) must be
assumed for Sanskrit. This is quite clearly an onomatopoetic root, so the
correspondences in Germ. and Skt. could be accidental.
REF: Mayrhofer I: 475f.
*glan-n-d-o- ‘show’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. as-gleinn ‘examines’
PIE: *g"lend"- ‘show, shine’ (IEW: 431)
COGN: Russ. gljadét’ ‘watch’, Latv. dial. gledni [Ipv.] ‘search!’, perhaps
Alb. gjas ‘I am similar’
ETYM: Olr. as-gleinn < *eks-gland-o- (the simplex is unattested). OBret.
golent gl. prex (MBret. goulen) might be from *ufo-glenda, a derivative
from the same root, cf. Olr. fo-gliunn gl. disco.
REF: KPV 334ff., LIV 200, DGVB 178.
160 *glano-
*glano- ‘clean, clear’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. glan [0], Ogam GLANNANI
W: MW glan (GPC gldn)
BRET: OBret. glan, MBret. glan
CO: Co. glan
GAUL: Glanis [Hydronym], (Matrebo) Glaneikabo [Theonym]
ETYM: Pokorny’ s derivation of these words from the root for * green,
yellow’ (*g"elhs-, IEW 429, cf. *gel(w)o-) is formally difficult (2 *g"lh3nd- >
*91and-, then *glano- by Dybo’s law) and semantically not quite convincing
(? ‘yellow’ > ‘bright’ > ‘clear, clean’).
REF: GPC II: 1400, Delamarre 180, Lambert 1994: 37, DGVB 176,
Deshayes 2003: 272, Ziegler 1994: 210.
*plasto- ‘green, blue’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. glas [o]
W: OW glas, MW glas
BRET: MBret. glas
CO: OCo. glesin gl. sandix
GAUL: glastum ‘Isatis tinctoria’ (Pliny)
ETYM: For the apparent preservation of *-st- in Gaul., cf. Schriyver 1995:
402. In principle, these forms could represent PIE *° thy- st6- > Soa 2
*glasto- (by Dybo’ s shortening). The PIE root would have been *g *elhy-
‘yellow, green’ (IEW 429ff.), as in *gel(w)o-. Cf. also MHG glasta ‘shine’,
which may reflect a prehistoric borrowing from Celtic (if it is related at all).
REF: GPC II: 1401, Delamarre 180, Falileyev 61, Campanile 1974: 49,
Deshayes 2003: 273, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 271, Schrijver 1995: 402.
*glendos- ‘valley, shore’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. glend [s n] (DIL glenn)
W: MW gilynn (GPC glyn) [m] ‘glen, valley’
BRET: MBret. g/ann ‘shore’
CO: Co. glan
PIE: *glend- ‘shore’ (7)
COGN: MLG kilint, ‘shore’ ON klettr ‘rock’
ETYM: Clearly limited to Celtic and Germanic, this word could have been
borrowed from some non-IE language of NW Europe.
REF: GPC II: 1414, Pedersen I: 38, Deshayes 2003: 272.
*gli-na- ‘glue’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. glenaid, -glen; glieid, -glia [Subj.]; giulaid, -giulai [Fut.]; giuil
[Pret.]
W: MW elynu
BRET: MBret. englenaff ‘stick’
CO: Co. glena
*glomro- 161
PIE: *gleyH- (IEW: 362)
COGN: OHG kilenan ‘smear’, Lith. dial. gleju ‘smear’
ETYM: MBret. englenaff < *en-gli-na- (the simplex verb is unattested in
Breton).
REF: GPC II: 1414, KPV 337ff., LIV 190, LP 369, LEIA D-148.
*glomro- ‘bridle-bit, muzzle’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. glomar [0 m]
PIE: *glem- ‘ball-shaped mass (?)(IEW: 359f.)
COGN: OHG klamma ‘trap, gorge’, OE clam(m) ‘tie, fetters’, perhaps Lat.
glomus ‘ball-shaped mass’
ETYM: This is a dubious etymology chiefly because there is a considerable
difference in meaning between OlIr. g/lomar and its putative cognates in Lat.
and Germanic. The meaning ‘bridle-bit’ could have developed from ‘gag’
and this, in turn, from ‘ball-shaped mass’ (cf. Lat. glomus).
REF: de Vaan 2008: 265.
*glowo- ‘charcoal’
W: MW gio [m]
BRET: MBret. glou, glaou, MoBret. glow [Collective]
CO: Co. glow
PIE: *g"lewH- ‘burning’ (IEW: 433)
COGN: OE gloéwan ‘glow’, MHG glau ‘clever, intelligent’
ETYM: The relationship (if there is any) of these Brittonic words to MIr.
gual ‘coal’ is unclear.
REF: GPC II: 1407, Deshayes 2003: 276..
*gloydo- ‘glue, lime’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. gilded (DIL gilded)
W: MW glud [m]
BRET: MBret. g/ut, MoBret. glud
CO: OCo. glut gl. gluten, MoCo. gliis
SEE: *gli-na- ‘glue’
ETYM: The gender and stem-formation of MIr. gilded are uncertain. It is
possible that the Brit. words were actually borrowed from Lat. gluten
(Haarmann 1970: 122). Cf. also Fr. glaise ‘clay’ which may be from Gaul.
*sléssa < *gleyd-ta (Gamillscheg 480).
REF: GPC II: 1412, Deshayes 2003: 276.
*gloywo-, *gléwi- ‘liquid, clear’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. gié ‘clear, evident’
W: OW gloiu [m] gl. liquidum, MW giloyw, gloew
BRET: OBret. gloeu
PIE: *6"leyho- ‘shine’ (IEW: 432)
COGN: Gr. khliaind ‘warm’, ON gija ‘sparkle’, MHG glimen ‘to shine’
162 * oliinos-
ETYM: Olr. g/é (rather than **glée) points to PCelt. *gléwi- (rather than
*sloywo-), but British forms are more easily derived from *gloywo-. W
gledd ‘face of the earth, turf’ could go back to PCelt. *gliya, but the
semantic connection is weak. The same can be said for the IE cognates of
this PCelt. etymon; another possibility would be to take ‘liquid’ as the
original meaning and compare Gr. g/oids ‘glutinous substance’, Russ. dial.
glév ‘slime, mould’ < PIE *gloh;iwo- (Derksen 2008: 163).
REF: GPC II: 1411, LHEB 325f., Falileyev 62.
*gliimos- ‘knee’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. glun [s n]
W: MW pen-lin, pen-glin [m and f|
BRET: MBret. penn-glin
CO: OCo. penclin gl. genu
PIE: *gonu ‘knee’ (IEW: 380f.)
COGN: Skt. janu-, Gr. gony, Lat. genit
ETYM: The transformation of PIE *gonu- into PCelt. *gniinos > Olr. gliun
is difficult to understand, but the etymology is beyond doubt. Long *i might
reflect the old dual ending in *-uh,, and the cluster *gl- arose from *gn- in
the zero-grade of the PIE root (the same change occurred, independently, in
Albanian, cf. Alb. gju ‘knee’ < *glun-). The first element of the compound
attested in the Brit. languages is the word for ‘head’ (*k”enno-). Probably
*k”enno-gniinos referred originally to knee-caps only (cf. the parallelism
with the Eng. compound knee-cap).
REF: GPC III: 2747, EIEC 336, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 144ff.,
Campanile 1974: 86.
*pnasto- ‘custom, usage’ [Noun]
SEE: *gnato- ‘known, usual’
*pnato- ‘known, usual’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. gnath [o]
W: MW gnawt (GPC gnawd)
BRET: OBret. gnot ‘usual’
PIE: *genhs- ‘know’ (IEW: 373ff.)
COGN: Gr. gignosko, Lat. co-gndsco, OCS znati, Lith. Zinoti
ETYM: Certain Gaulish compounds with -gnatos can be understood both as
‘known’ < *gnh3tos and as ‘born’ < *gnh,tos, see Delamarre 181f. Next to
adjectives in *-to- we also find nouns in *-sto- from this root (a productive
pattern in Celtic, see Greene 1965): Olr. gnds [a f] ‘custom, usage,
intercourse’, W gnaws (GPC naws) < PCelt. *gnasto- < *gnhysto- (cf. Go.
kund vs. kunst).
REF: GPC II: 1415, EIEC 337, Delamarre 181f., de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 337, 440, Greene 1965.
*snimu- ‘work, action’
GOID: OIr. gnim [u m]
W: OW guor-gnim ‘great toil, exertion’
BRET: OBret. im-guo-gnim
SEE: *gn-iyo- ‘beget, create’
ETYM: OlIr, gnim serves as the verbal noun to gniid (see *gni-yo-). PCelt.
*gnimu- can be from PIE *gneh;-mo-, with the (secondary) full grade of the
root ‘to beget’ (*genh,-), or, perhaps, from *gneye-mu- (see *gn-iyo-).
REF: Falileyev 73.
*gni-na- ‘recognize’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ad-gnin, -géna [Fut.]; ad-gén-sa [3s Pret. relative]
W: MW atnabot; atwaen [3s Pres.] (GPC adwaen)
CO: Co. aswonvos; aswon [3s Pres.]
PIE: *genh;- ‘know’ (IEW: 373ff.)
SEE: *gn-iyo- ‘beget, create’
ETYM: Olr. ad-gnin < *ati-gni-na-. MW atwaen < *ati-ufo-gni-, Co.
aswonvos; aswon [3s Pres.] < *ati-ufo-gni-. Gaul. gniiou (Chateaubleau) is
probably 1 sg. Pres. of the verb ‘to know, recognize’. In principle, it can be
derived from PCelt. *gniyi < PIE *gnéh3-yo- (by Eichner’s law, which is not
universally accepted). But it could also be related to PCelt. *gn-iyo- ‘beget,
make’.
REF: GPC I: 28, Delamarre 182.
*gn-iyo- ‘beget, create, do’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. gniid, -gni ‘do’; gneith, -gné [Subj.]; génaid, -géna [Fut.];
génais [Pret.]
PIE: *genh)- ‘beget’ (IEW: 373-375)
COGN: Lat. gigno, Skt. janati ‘begets’
ETYM: Olr. -gni is somewhat problematic, because of its long i. If it is
derived directly from *gniyeti, then we have to explain why we have short i,
e.g., in biid ‘is wont to be’ < *bwiyeti. We know that *treyes ‘3’ yields Olr.
tri (at least when used substantively; as an attribute, it is proclitic, hence
shortened to tri). Therefore, (do-)gni can be from *gneyeti (with the early
loss of laryngeal, originally before *y, or from an anit-form of the root, as in
Lat. gens). On the other hand, disyllabic biid ‘is wont to be’ can be from
*biyeti < *b°uyeti, or from *b'w-iyeti (cf. Lat. fio). The same form is
attested in Gaul. biiete (Inscription from Limé) < *b"uHyete or *b"wiyete. It
appears that PCelt. *i remains syllabic before glides followed by a vowel, cf.
PCelt. *biwato- > Olr. biad ‘food’ (disyliabic). In any case, Olr. biid must be
from PCelt. *b(w)iyeti, while -gni can be from *gneyeti. This can be the old
causative formation (with the suffix *-eye-) built from the zero grade of the
root. The meaning of Olr. -gni ‘do, make’ is actually fully compatible with
the originally causative formation of this verb, but why was the root in the
zero-grade, rather than in the expected o-grade? On the other hand, it is also
164 *goban-
possible to derive -gni from PCelt. *gniyeti < PIE *gneh,yeti (thus McCone
1991: 33) because we know that PCeit. *sniyeti (< PIE *sneh,yeti) yields
Olr. sniid, -sni ‘spin, weave’. However, I find this explanation inherently
improbable because the alleged proto-form *gnehyyeti lacks any parallels in
Celtic or elsewhere. More similar is the present stem of *to-sl-iyo-‘earn’ <
*sihi-yo- from the root *selh,- (see the discussion s. v. *to-sl-1yo-).
REF: KPV 339ff., LIV 163ff., LEIA D-149, McCone 1991: 33.
*goban- ‘smith’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. gobae [n m]
W: MW gof [m]
BRET: MBret. gof(f), MoBret. gov
CO: OCo. gof gl. faber
GAUL: Gobano [PN], Cobanno [Theonym, Dat.] gobedbi [Dat p] (Alise)
ETYM: Cf. also OBret. gobail gl. officina = MW geueil, Co. gofail. Gaul.
gobedbi may represent a further derivative, PCelt. *gob-et- (for the type of
formation cf. *kenget- ‘warrior’). The IE etymology is unknown. A
comparison with Lat. faber ‘craftsman, artisan’ has been proposed long ago
(Mac Bain 1911: 200, revived by BlaZek 2006). It is possible if one starts
from PIE *g’*ob"- or *g"wob'- (with *o > a after labials in Latin, as in mare
‘sea’ < *mori), but faber is usually connected with Arm. darbin ‘smith’ <
*d"Hb"-ro-.
REF: GPC II: 1428, DGVB 177, Delamarre 182, Campanile 1974: 50,
Deshayes 2003: 288, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:100, 109, 119, Schrijver
1995: 182, Stiiber 1998: 172, BlaZek 2006.
*gobbo- ‘muzzle, snout, beak’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. gop [o m]
GAUL: *gobbo- > OFr. gobel, gobet ‘bit’, Fr. gober ‘swallow’
PIE: *goph;0- ‘eat, masticate (of animals)’ (IEW: 382)
COGN: OE ceafl ‘jaw, jowl’, Russ. zobat’ ‘masticate’
ETYM: The geminate *-bb- in Celtic is typical of expressive words. The
PIE reconstruction proposed here avoids positing PIE *b (there were no
roots with two voiced stops in PIE) . However, without the doubtful
Germanic cognates, the Celtic and Slavic words could well go back to PIE
*gob-.
REF: EIEC 175, Delamarre 182, Gamillscheg 483, Picoche 1992: 241.
*gorto- ‘fence, enclosure, pen’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. gort [o m, perhaps originally n] ‘field’
W: W garth [m] ‘field, pen’
BRET: OBret. -(o)rth ‘pen’, MBret. garz, MoBret. garzh [f]
GAUL: *gortia > Gorze [Toponym], Fr. dial. (Limousin) gorso ‘fence’
PIE: *g*drd"-s, Gen. *g"rd"-os ‘enclosure, garden, pen’ (IEW: 444)
*gowlo- 165
COGN: Skt. grhd- ‘house’, Lat. hortus ‘garden’, Gr. khortos, OHG garto
‘garden’, Russ. gorod ‘town’, Alb. gardh ‘hedge’
ETYM: In MW garth also means ‘mountain ridge, hill, woodland’, but GPC
treats this as a different word. The development of *o > a in Brittonic is as in
MW ewallt ‘hair’ < *gwollt (PCelt. *wolto-). Celtib. korta, kortika are
sometimes related to this etymon, but with little justification (the meaning of
these words is unknown). For the compound *lubi-gorto- ‘herb garden’ cf.
PCelt. *lubi/a- ‘herb, plant’. On the IE side of this etymology, the voiceless
om seen in Celtic, Greek and Latin is best explained if one assumes that
d's (in the Nominative) was assimilated to *-ts, from which *-t- was then
extrapolated to other case-forms (with generalized o-grade from the
Accusative (*g"ord'-m), see Matasovié 2004: 99, 137. It should be noted,
however, that the lengthened grade of the original root noun is not preserved
anywhere. For a possibly similar development, cf. PCelt. *druko- ‘bad’.
REF: GPC II: 1383, Deshayes 2003: 268, EIEC 199, LP 47, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 441, Delamarre 183, Matasovi¢ 2004: 99, 137, MLH V.1:
197f.
*gowlo- ‘charcoal’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. giial [o m and 4 f]
PIE: *gwel(H)- ‘burn, glow’ (IEW: 399)
COGN: Skt. jvald- ‘flame, coal’, OE col ‘glowing piece of wood’, ON ko/
‘coal’, perhaps ToB Soliye ‘hearth’.
SEE: *glowo- ‘charcoal’
ETYM: The PCelt. reconstruction of this etymon is uncertain, and it is
difficult to reconcile it with PIE *gwelH-. The Germanic forms point to the
zero-grade *gulo- > PGerm. *kulan (Orel 2003: 223). One would have to
assume ‘Schwebeablaut’, which is improbable. Skt. jva/d- is from the root
the primary meaning of which is ‘burn’, cf. jvalati ‘burns’ (Mayrhofer, s. v.
jval-), and the connection with ‘coal’ is not obvious. Starting from PCelt.
*gwol- would imply that the reflexes of PIE *g” and *gw were distinct in
PCelt., which can hardly have been the case (*g”olo- as well as *gwolo-
would give PCelt. **bolo-). Maybe we should simply assume that PCelt.
*slow-lo- was dissimilated to *gowlo- in Goidelic, cf. W glo, MBret. glow
‘coal’ from < PCelt. *glowo-. Skt. jvald- and the Germanic words for ‘coal’
would then be from a different root.
REF: EIEC 87, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 224.
*gowrya ‘animal hair’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. guaire ‘(animal hair), bristles’
PIE: *gowr (Gen. *gun-os) ‘animal hair’ (IEW: 357)
COGN: Av. gaona- ‘hair’, Lith. gaurai ‘body hair’, Norw. kaure ‘frizzy
strand of wool’
166 *gozdi-
ETYM: The stem formation and gender of MiIr. guiaire are unclear, as this
word is attested mostly in glossaries. Russ. giéinja ‘cloak’ and the related
Slavic words are probably loanwords from Iranian.
REF: EIEC 252, Mallory and Adams 2006: 177.
*gozdi- ‘theft’ [Noun]
SEE: *gazdo- ‘withe’
*pragni- ‘awful’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. grain [f] ‘awfulness, horror’
W: MW graen ‘dire, awful, sad’
ETYM: An expressive word that has been connected to similar words in
other IE languages, e.g. OCS groza ‘horror’, Gr. gorgos ‘grim, fierce’ (IEW
353). Cf. also PCelt. *gargo- ‘horror’.
REF: GPC II: 1521.
*srando-, *grendo- ‘beard’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. grend [4 f]
W: MW grann [m] ‘chin, beard, cheek’ (GPC gran)
BRET: MBret. grann ‘eyebrow’
GAUL: , grenno- ‘moustache, beard’ > Pr. gren ‘moustache’
PIE: *g"ren- ‘moustache’ (IEW: 440)
COGN: OE granu, OHG grana
ETYM: The semantic development of MBret. grann ‘eyebrow’ is unclear (?
‘beard’ > ‘any hair on the face’ > ‘eyebrow’). The attested forms point to
two different ablaut grades in PCelt. Should we reconstruct an ablauting
paradigm *grends / *grand-os? The name of the Gaulish equivalent of
Apollo, Grannos, is sometimes related to this set of forms, but he is actually
never portrayed with a beard (see Delamarre 183). If the etymology is
correct, the Celtic words are derived from the PIE root *g"ren- / *g"m- with
a dental suffix (? *-d'-). The related Germanic words can be from PIE
*s"rono-, with the o-grade. Alb. krénd ‘bushwood’, Croat. grdna ‘branch’
and the related Slavic words are probably not derived from this root.
REF: GPC II: 1524, Delamarre 183.
*grano- ‘grain’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. gran [o n]
W: MW grawz [p], gronyn [Singulative m]
BRET: MBret. greun [m]
CO: OCo. gronen gl. granum
PIE: *grHno- ‘grain’ (IEW: 390f.)
COGN: Lat. granum, OHG korn, Lith. Zirnis ‘pea’
ETYM: If the PIE word for ‘grain’ is derived from the root *gerh,- ‘ripen,
age’ (IEW 390, EIEC 236, cf. Skt. jdrati ‘gets old’, Gr. géron ‘old man’,
etc.), then the correct reconstruction is *grhono-. In any case, the meaning
* grawa 167
‘grain’ is found only in the European branches of IE, so it is probably a
semantic innovation.
REF: GPC II: 1526, EIEC 236, Campanile 1974: 52, Deshayes 2003: 291,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 254 Schriyver 1995: 183, 189, 211, McCone
1996: 52, Oettinger 2003: 184.
*grawa ‘gravel, pebbles’ [Noun]
W: MW gro ‘coarse mixture of pebbles and sand deposited in a river-bed’
[Collective]
BRET: MoBret. groa, gro [f] ‘sand’
CO: Co. grow ‘sand’
GAUL: , growa > OF r. groe ‘pebble’
PIE: *g"reh,w- ‘grind’ (IEW: 460f.)
COGN: Lith. gristi ‘grind (barley), grujodas ‘frost, frozen street dirt’, Croat.
gruda ‘lump’, ON grautr ‘porridge’
SEE: *griyano- ‘gravel’
ETYM: PCelt. *grawa is regularly derived from PIE *g"roh;weh. The same
root is presumably attested in PCelt. *griyano- ‘gravel’. Balto- “Slavic and
Germanic show the same root with the dental suffix (*g° roh,w-do-,
*o"ruhdo-).
REF: GPC II: 1533, Deshayes 2003: 293.
*pgregi- ‘herd’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. graig [i n] ‘horses (collective)’
W: MW gre [f]
BRET: MBret. gre [f]
CO: Co. gre
PIE: *greg- ‘herd’ (IEW: 382f.)
COGN: Lat. grex, Gr. gargara ‘crowd’
ETYM: Cf. also Olt. grafand [& f, perhaps originally o n] ‘horse-race’ <
*grego-swendna. The PIE root is presumably *ger- (or *hpger-) ‘gather’. W
gre ‘herd, stud’ [m], MoBret. gre and Co. gre are usually considered to be
loanwords from Lat. grex, but it is also possible that they are inherited.
REF: GPC II: 1527, Deshayes 2003: 290, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 503,
EIEC 217, Schrijver 1995: 60, 69, 140.
*gremmen- ‘seizure, grasp’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. greimm [n n later m] ‘seizure, hold, grasp, profit, advantage,
sway’
PIE: *g"reb(hy)- ‘seize, grasp’ (IEW: 455)
COGN: Skt. grabh-* seize’, grbhnati [3s Pres.] Lith. grébiu, grébti ‘snatch’,
OCS grabiti ‘seize’
ETYM: PCelt. *gremmen- presupposes PIE *greb™(h2)-(s)men-. For the
sound development cf. *braxsman- ‘fart’. The reconstruction of *h, in this
root is not certain, and an alternative possibility is to reconstruct PIE
168 *gri-n-d-o-
*g"reb"-, but then the Balto-Slavic words must have the vowel length as a
result of Balto-Slavic vrddhi, rather than of Winter’s law.
REF: LIV 179.
*gri-n-d-o- ‘follow, drive’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-greinn
W: MW grynnyaw ‘push, press, thrust’; gryn [3s Pres.] (GPC grynio,
grynnu)
PIE: *g"reyd*- (IEW: 456f.)
COGN: Go. grid ‘step’, OCS gresti ‘tread, step, go”
ETYM: Olr. do-greinn is from *to-grend-o-. The simplex is unattested in
Goidelic.
REF: GPC II: 1541, KPV 353ff., LIV 203.
*priyano- ‘gravel’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. grian [o m or n] ‘sand, gravel’
W: MW graean [Collective] ‘gravel, coarse sand’
BRET: MoBret. groan, grouan [Collective] ‘gravel’
PIE: *g"reh,(w)- ‘grind’ (IEW: 460f.)
COGN: MHG grien ‘sandy river-bank’, ON grjot ‘sand, gravel’
SEE: *grawa ‘gravel, pebbles’
ETYM: This word is probably from the same root as its near-synonym,
PCelt. *grawa ‘gravel, pebbles’, but its development is not quite clear.
peatinie from PIE *g"reh;wyo- we might derive PCelt. *griyyo-, *griyo-,
hence *griy-ano- with a different suffix. However, this derivation is not quite
satisfactory.
REF: GPC II: 1521, Deshayes 2003: 293.
*growdos- ‘cheek’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. griad {s n, later m and f]
W: OW grudou [p], MW grudd [f and m]
CO: OCo. grud gl. maxilla
PIE: *g"rowd’- (IEW: 462)
COGN: OE gréada ‘breast’
ETYM: The evidence that griiad was an s-stem is not absolutely certain, so
the PCelt. reconstruction is purely conjectural. On the IE side, one may also
want to connect the Slavic words from ‘breast’ (Russ. grud’, ‘OPol. gredzi),
which may be from nasalized *g'ru-n-d-. The semantic side of this
etymology is rather weak (*g"rowdo- would presumably have denoted
‘round body parts’).
REF: GPC II: 1536, Falileyev 63, Campanile 1974: 53.
*gulbV-, *gulbino- ‘beak’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. gulba [n f] ‘beak, jaw’, gulban [o m] ‘beak, sting’
W: OW gilbin [m and f] ‘point’, MW gylfin ‘beak’
*gurmo- 169
BRET: OBret. golbin, golbinoc gl. ac rostratam; MBret. golff, MoBret. golv
‘without tail’
CO: OCo. geluin gl. rostrum
GAUL: *gulbia > Lat. gulbia (Isidore of Seville)
ETYM: Cf. also Brit. Re-gulbium (name of a promontory). A persuasive IE
etymology has been proposed. A connection with Gr. glapho ‘scrape up, dig’
(< PIE *glb"-, IEW 367) is improbable, since if does not explain PCelt. *u.
This PCelt. etymon was probably borrowed from some non-IE language.
REF: GPC II: 1794, DGVB 178, Delamarre 184, Campanile 1974: 48,
Falileyev 61, Deshayes 2003: 278, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 118, 459.
*surmo- ‘dun, dark’ [Adj]
GOID: MI. gorm [o] ‘blue’
W: MW ewrm (GPC gwrm, gwrwm)
BRET: OBret. Uurm-haelon [PN] ‘with brown brows’
ETYM: There do not seem to be any cognates in other IE languages, so this
adjective was probably borrowed from some non-IE source.
REF: GPC II: 1711, LP 33, Schrijver 1995: 348.
*gus-o- ‘choose’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-goa; do-gega [3s Fut. relative]; do-roigu [3s Pret. relative]
PIE: *gews- ‘choose, taste’ (IEW: 399f.)
COGN: Skt. jus- ‘enjoy’, Gr. geiomai, Go. kiusan, Alb. desha ‘loved’
SEE: *gustu- ‘excellence, force’
ETYM: Olr. do-goa < *to-gus-o-; the simplex is unattested.
REF: KPV 356ff., LEIA D-149, EIEC 566.
*gustu- ‘excellence, force’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. guss [um], Ogam CUNA-GUSSOS
W: OW Gur-gust [PN], W gwst [f and m]; gystion [p] ‘pain, endurance,
patience, difficulty’
GAUL: gussou [Dat. s] ‘? force’ (Lezoux)
PIE: *gus-tu- ‘choose, taste’ (IEW: 399f.)
COGN: Lat. gustus ‘tasting’, OE cost ‘choice, excellence’
SEE: *gus-o- ‘choose’
ETYM: For the apparent preservation of *st in British, see Schrijver 1995:
412. The semantic developent was from ‘choice’ to ‘excellence’ and ‘force’,
cf. *gus-o- ‘choose’.
REF: GPC Il: 1742f., EIEC 566, Delamarre 184, Lambert 1994: 146f., de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 290, Hamp 1986, Schrijver 1995: 412f., Ziegler
1994: 107.
*gutu- ‘voice’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. guth [u m]
170 * gyemo-
GAUL: gutu-ater ‘name of a priest’, perhaps ‘father of invocations’ (CIL
XIII 1577)
PIE: *g"ewH- ‘call, invoke’ (IEW: 413)
COGN: Skt. hdvate ‘call’, OE god ‘god’, OCS zevati ‘call’, ToB kuwa-
‘call, invite’
ETYM: The short vowel of Olr. guth, if it is to be derived from +6 °H-tu-,
should be attributed to shortening in pretonic position (Dybo’s law), cf.
Kortlandt 1981. The appurtenance of the Germanic words for ‘god’ to this
root is disputed (they are often connected with Skt. juhdti, Gr. khéd “pour (a
libation)’, etc.).
REF: EIEC 89, Delamarre 184f., Kortlandt 1981.
*gyemo- ‘winter’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. gam, gem (DIL gaim), Ogam GAMI-CUNAS
W: OW gaem, MW gayaf, gaeaf [m]
BRET: OBret. guoiam, MBret. gouaff, MoBret. gouafiv [m]
CO: OCo. goyf gl. hyemps
GAUL: Giamoni[-] ‘name of the 7th month’ (Coligny), Giamos [PN]
PIE: *g"yem- ‘winter’ (IEW: 425f.)
COGN: Gr. kheimon, Lat. hiems, OCS zima, Arm. jiwn ‘snow’, Alb. dimér
ETYM: The reconstruction of PCelt. *gyemo- is based on the assumption
(Schrijver) that *gye- > *gya- in British and Gaulish. However, cf. Fr. givre,
Pr. gibre, giure, Cat. gebre ‘hoarfrost’, which may be from Gaul. *gewro- <
*gem(e)ro- (Gamillscheg 480).
REF: GPC II: 1368, LHEB 359, DGVB 196, Delamarre 178, Falileyev 60,
Campanile 51f., Deshayes 2003: 280, Schrijver 1995: 108ff., Matasovi¢
2004: 123, Ziegler 1994: 105.
*gyo- ‘sinew’ [Noun]
W: MW gieu [p] ‘sinews’, giewyn [Singulative] (GPC giau)
CO: OCo. goiven gl. nervus, Co. gyew
PIE: *g”yo- ‘sinew’ (IEW: 469)
COGN: Skt. jya, Gr. bids “bowstring’
ETYM: The word-initial *g- (instead of **b) presupposes an early
delabialization of *g” before *y in Celtic, see McCone 1996: 42.
REF: GPC II: 1397, McCone 1996: 42.
*i- ‘go’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. etha [Part. Pass.]
*i- 171
PIE: *hyey- ‘go’ (IEW: 295)
COGN: Skt. éti ‘goes’, Lat. eo, ire, OCS iti
ETYM: Olr. etha presupposes *ityo- and serves as the suppletive passive
participle to Olr. téit ‘go’. Hence the derived verb ethaid ‘goes’. IEW (295)
compares also ethar [o m] ‘ferry-boat’, which is possible (PCelt. *i-tro- ?,
with the same suffix as *aratro- ‘plough’).
REF: LEIA T-61, Wodtko et alii 2008: 222.
*j- ‘it? [Demonstrative Pronoun]
SEE: *6-
*j-n-d-o- ‘light up’ [Vb]
W: MW ennynnu (GPC ennyn)
PIE: *h,eyd’- ‘burn’ (IEW: 11f.)
COGN: Skt. édhate ‘shines’, inddhé ‘lights up’, Gr. aithd ‘burn’
ETYM: MW ennynnu < *ande-indo- (the simplex verb is unattested). The
present stem of this verb in Celtic is formed with the nasal infix and the
zero-grade of the root (PIE *hpi-n-d'-).
REF: GPC I: 1218, KPV 374f., LIV 230.
*1kka, *yekka ‘cure, treatment, salvation’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ice [a f]
W: MW iach ‘healthy’
BRET: OBret. iac gl. suspite, MBret. yach, MoBret. yac’h ‘healthy’
CO: OCo. iach gl. sanus, MCo. yagh
GAUL: Iaccus [PN]
ETYM: Maybe the vocalism of Olr. icc can be explained if one starts with a
reduplicated *yiyekka. Since this Olr. word is actually the verbal noun of the
verb iccaid ‘heal’, one might assume an original reduplicated present
*yi-yekk-o- from which *yiyekka was abstracted (for *yek- > *yak- cf. Olr.
aig, W ia ‘ice’ < *yegi-, cf. also W ias ‘boiling’ < *yestu-). These Celtic
words are usually connected to Gr. dkos ‘cure, medicine’, but the phonetic
development assumed by this etymology is difficult. Perhaps dkos is from a
psilotic dialect (cf. Myc. aketirijai /akestriai/, but also jaketere ‘healers’ (?).
If this is the case, it could be derived from Pre-Greek *yakos < PIE *yhoko-,
but this would be difficult to square with PCelt. *yekko-.
REF: GPC II: 1994, EIEC 262, DGVB 217, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
579, Delamarre 185, Campanile 1974: 67, Deshayes 2003: 760. nésos
*ik"ori- ‘roe, spawn’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. iuchair [Collective]
PIE: *yék"r ‘liver’ (IEW: 504)
COGN: Skt. ydkrt, Gr. hépar, Lat. iecur, Lith. dial. jéknos, Arm. leard
ETYM: In Early Molr. iuchair is inflected as a dental stem, but it appears
that it was originally an i-stem. The semantic development from ‘liver’ to
172 *imbeto-
‘roe’ has its exact parallel in Slavic (cf. Russ. ikrd ‘roe, caviar’). In both
Slavic and Celtic the original static ablaut pattern (*yék“r / *yek”n-s) was
replaced by a dynamic one (*yek“r / *ik”n-os). Celtic seems to have
generalized the zero-grade of the oblique cases and the suffix *-or- from the
Nom./Acc. sg.
REF: Wodtko et alii 2008: 392.
*imbeto- ‘great quantity’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. imbed [o n] ‘large quantity, abundance of wealth’
W: OW immet
GAUL: Imbetius, Imbetus [PN]
ETYM: According to Falileyev (91), the reading and meaning of OW immet
are not certain. The IE etymology is unknown; the word seems to be formed
with the suffix *-et-o- (cf., e.g., *kenget- ‘warrior’), but what is the root? A
connection might exist with Lat. pinguis ‘fat, greasy’, which may go back to
PIE *peng™u- /*png”o-, but in that case the etymology relating pinguis and
Skt. pivan- ‘fat, swollen’ (de Vaan 2008: 466) must be discarded. A further
cognate might be Hitt. panku-‘all, entire’, although this is usually connected
to Skt. bahu- ‘many’ (Kloekhorst 2008, s. v.). The correct PCelt.
reconstruction would be *fembeto- and word-initial i- < *e- would be the
result of secondary development before nasals. Of course, this is all very
specularive.
REF: Delamarre 189, Falileyev 91.
*isarno- / *Iisarno- ‘iron’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. iarn(n) [o n, later m]
W: MW haearn [m}
BRET: OBret. hoiarn, MBret. houarnn, MoBret. houarn [m]
CO: OCo. hoern, Co. hérn
GAUL: Jsarnus [PN]
ETYM: This Celtic word was borrowed into Germanic in prehistoric times
(cf. Go. eisarn, Eng. iron, etc.), cf. Birkhan 1970: 128f. PGerm. *isarna-
implies that the Celtic source had long *1-. For a possible PIE etymology see
Cowgill 1987: 68 (from PIE *h,éshr-no- > PCelt. *isarno- ‘bloody’ > ‘red’
‘iron’, cf. Hitt. eshar ‘blood’). However, the long grade *€ is unexpected (a
nominal derivative with vrddhi?). Another possibility is the connection to
PIE *(H)ishoro- ‘strong, holy, having supernatural powers’ (Gr. hierds,. Skt.
isira-). In the latter case, the correct reconstruction is PCelt. *isarno-.
REF: GPC II: 1801, EIEC 314, DGVB 213, Delamarre 192, Deshayes 2003:
336, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 136ff., 256f., Birkhan 1970: 128f.
Campanile 1974: 64., Benveniste 1956.
*isk-a- ‘look for lice’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. escaid [Verbal Noun] ‘searching for lice’
PIE: *hyeys-sk- ‘seek’ (IEW: 16)
*iwo- 173
COGN: Skt. ichdti ‘seeks’, OHG eisca ‘question’, OCS iskati ‘seek’, Lith.
ieSkoti ‘ask’
ETYM: The semantic development in Celtic is from ‘seek’ to ‘seek lice’ (cf.
Latv. iéskdt ‘look for lice’. However, the PCelt. reconstruction is uncertain
since only the verbal noun escaid is attested in Irish.
REF: LEIA A-51, LIV 231, Hamp 1974.
*iwo- ‘shaft, yew’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. e6 [0 ?m] ‘stem, shaft, yew-tree’
W: MW yw [p] ‘yew, yew-wood’; ywen [Singulative]
BRET: OBret. Caer ’n Iuguinen [Toponym], MBret. ivin, iuin, MoBret.
iwin [Collective]
CO: OCo. hiuin gl. taxus
PIE: *hjeyw- ew: Taxus baccata’ (IEW: 297)
COGN: Hitt. °Se(y)an- ‘yew’, OE iw, Lith. ievad ‘bird-cherry’, Russ. iva
‘willow’, perhaps Gr. da ‘service-tree’
ETYM: These forms should not be confused with PCelt. *eburo- ‘ivy’, as in
EJEC. The Gaulish word for yew-tree is unattested, so far as I know, but it is
the source of Fr. if (from *iwo-). The form ivos (Coligny) is of unknown
meaning, pace Lambert 1994. In PIE we seem to have an original u-stem,
with Nom. sg. *hjeyu- / Gen. sg. *hjiw-os, which was thematicized
independently in different languages. Celtic preserves the stem of the
oblique cases. For the phonetic development cf. PCelt. *biwo- ‘alive’ > Olr.
béo, W byw. The acute in Balto-Slavic, implied by the accentual paradigm a,
(cf. Russ. Gen. sg. ivy) is unexpected. It may be due to the secondary Balto-
Slavic vrddhi, which is common in nominal derivation and bears the acute
(in contradistinction to the inherited lengthened PIE grade formations, which
bear the circumflex, cf. Matasovié 2008a: 130ff.). Note, however, that
Derksen (2008: 216) reconstructs the PIE root as *hjeyH- and does not
mention the connection with the Celtic words.
REF: GPC III: 3872, Deshayes 2003: 347, EIEC 654, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 215, Delamarre 159f., Gamillscheg 533.
K”
*k"ak"o- ‘everyone’ [Pron]
GOID: Olr. cach
W: OW paup, MW pawb
BRET: OBret. pop, MBret. pep
CO: Co. pup, pop, pep
PIE: *k”o-h3k”o- (IEW: 645)
174 *kwal-na-
COGN: OCS kak ‘qualis’
SEE: *k”és ‘who’
ETYM: Unstressed forms of this word serve as adjectival pronouns meaning
‘every’ (Olr. cach, cech, MW pob). The PIE form *k™o-h3k"o- is a
compound consisting of the interrogative pronoun stem (*k”o-) and the stem
of the word for ‘eye’ (*h3ek”- > Lat. oculus etc.). The original meaning
could have been ‘whatever the eye (sees)’. Another possibility would be to
reconstruct a reduplicated *k”eh)-k“o- (cf. long @ in Lat. qudlis). As Michiel
de Vaan points out to me (p.c.) reduplicated interrogatives often yield
indefinite pronouns (cf. Lat. guisquis).
REF: LEIA C-3, GPC III: 2703, EIEC 457, Falileyev 128.
*k”al-na- ‘go around’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. imm-cella ‘surrounds’
W: MW pallu ‘die, perish, be destroyed, run out, fail’; palla [3s Pres.]
PIE: *k”elh,- ‘turn’ (IEW: 639f.)
COGN: Skt. cdrati ‘moves, goes’, Lat. colo ‘inhabit, take care of, cultivate’
ETYM: Olr. imm-cella < *ambi-k“al-na- (the simplex verb is unattested in
Goidelic). The reconstruction of the meaning of PCelt. *k”al-na- is tentative,
since the reflexes underwent significant semantic changes, and the simplex
verb is unattested. Celtic preserved the zero-grade of the PIE root
(*k"1-neh,-, with analogical replacement of PIE *-neh)- > PCelt. *-ni- with
the productive suffix *-na-).
REF: KPV 427ff., LIV 386-388, LEIA C-61, GPC III: 2676.
*k"antyo- ‘flat hill’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. céite [io and ia, m and f] ‘hill, eminence, open space, assembly’
W: MW pant ‘valley’
BRET: OBret. pantet gl. imminet, MBret. pant [m]
CO: Co. pans ‘valley’
PIE: *kwem-t- ‘hill’
COGN: Lat. cumulus ‘hill’, OE hwamm ‘projection’, Olc. hvammr ‘small
angular valley’
ETYM: The alternation between an io- and an ia-stem in MIr. probably
shows that this word is a substantivized adjective; the original meaning
could have been ‘protruding’ vel. sim. The reading and the meaning of
OBret. pantet are uncertain (another possible reading is Lat. pandit). The IE
etymology is very problematic. Lat. cumulus can also be derived from
*kumos, which is in turn from *kuh,mo- ‘heap’ (cf. Gr. kyma ‘wave,
sprout’), perhaps with *i > uw by Dybo’s law (de Vaan 2008: 152f.).
REF: LEIA C-58, DGVB 280, Deshayes 2003: 556, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 273.
*k”ana ‘where from’ [Particle]
GOID: OIr. can
*kwaryo- 175
W: OW pan, MW pan
BRET: MBret. pe-ban
REF: LEIA C-29f., Falileyev 127.
*k”aryo- ‘cauldron’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. coire [io m]
W: MW peir [m] (GPC pair)
BRET: MoBret. per [m]
CO: OCo. per gl. lebes
PIE: *k“eru- ‘cauldron’ (IEW: 642)
COGN: Skt. caru- ‘cauldron, vase’, Russ. ara, OE hwer
ETYM: Pr. pairol ‘jar’ is from the Gaulish reflex of this PCelt. word. The
yo-stem in Celtic must be secondary, since all other evidence points to a u-
stem, PIE *k”eru-s; PCelt. *k”ar- could have been generalized from the
zero-grade *k”rw-, or the u-stem was replaced early by an i-stem *k”eri-s /
*k”ry-os, from the oblique cases of which we have PCelt. *k”aryo-. Russ.
cara, if related, must represent a Slavic vrddhi formation (rather than the
inherited PIE lengthened grade of the root).
REF: LEIA C-153, GPC II: 2669, EIEC 443, Deshayes 2003: 572,
Matasovié 2004: 114.
*k”aso- ‘cough’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. casachtach [a f] (DIL cosachtach) ‘the act of coughing’
W: W pas [m] ‘whooping cough’
BRET: OBret. pas gl. catarrus, MBret. pas, paz
CO: Co. pas,MoCo. paz
PIE: *k”ehys-t- ‘cough’ (IEW: 649)
COGN: Skt. kas- ‘cough’, OHG huosto, Lith. kosti, Russ. kagelj
ETYM: The Celtic forms are from the zero-grade *k”hyst- of this originally
onomatopoetic root. The laryngeal is assured by the acute in Lithuanian and
Slavic.
REF: LEIA C-215, GPC III: 2696f., DGVB 281, Hamp 1980.
*k"ati- ‘chaff, husks’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. caith [i f] gl. furfur
PIE: *(s)kweh,t- ‘agitate’ (IEW: 632)
COGN: Lat. quatio ‘agitate, disturb, shake’, OHG scutten ‘to shake’.
ETYM: If this etymology is correct, the Olr. form would have to be derived
from PIE *k“ohyti-, with the o-grade. Lith. kusti ‘to recover’ cannot be
related if there was a laryngeal in this root. However, the reconstructed PIE
root shape is highly unusual.
REF: LEIA C-23, EIEC 113.
*-k"e ‘and’ [Conjunction]
GOID: Olr. -ch
176 *kwef-
GAUL: eti-c (La Graufesenque)
LEP: -pe (in Sapsutai:pe)
CELTIB: -kue
PIE: *-k”e ‘and’ (IEW: 635)
COGN: Lat. -que, Gr. -te, Skt. ca
REF: LEIA C-89, Solinas 1995: 375, Jordan Colera 1998: 17, 103, 149,
MLH V.1: 206, Solinas 1995: 375.
*k"ef- ‘pant, breathe’ [Vb]
W: W peuo ‘roar, breathe’
PIE: *kwep- ‘breathe, pant’ (IEW: 596)
COGN: Lith. kvepiu ‘breathe’
ETYM: This is not a very strong etymology, since the primary meaning of
W peuo, peuaf (according to GPC) is ‘bellow, roar’, and only secondarily
‘pant, breathe’. The Welsh verb is attested late, only in the 16th century.
Moreover, other putative JE cognates in IEW (apart from Lith. kvepiu and
the related Baltic forms) can be easily dismissed.
REF: GPC III: 2790, Fowkes 1945, LIV 336.
*k"ello- ‘far’ [Adj]
W: MW pell
BRET: MBret. pell
CO: Co. pell
PIE: *k"el- (?) ‘turn’ (IEW: 640)
COGN: Gr. téle ‘far’, pdlai ‘long time ago’
ETYM: A rather speculative etymology, relying, as it does, just on the
parallel between Greek and Brittonic. Skt. ciram ‘long time ago’ adduced
by IEW (641) is not related (Mayrhofer, s. v.). The geminate *ll in Brittonic
could be from a number of sources, e.g. *ly, or *ls, and it is impossible to
decide which is the most probable of them.
REF: GPC III: 2723, Deshayes 566.
*k"end-s-o- ‘suffer’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. césaid, -césa; césais [Pret.]
PIE: *k”end"- ‘suffer, be pressed’ (IEW: 641)
COGN: Gr. paskho, Lith. kentu
ETYM: Since the large majority of weak a-verbs are denominative,
Bammesberger (1974-5) suggests that Olr. céssaid is built to an unattested
noun *céss < *k”ensa ‘suffering’. A proto-form *k”enssa or *k”anssa < PIE
*k"nd"-tehy is equally possible (cf. PCelt. *fanssa ‘footprint’ > Olr. és).
REF: LEIA C-79f., LIV 349, Bammesberger 1974-5.
*k”enk"e ‘five’ [Num]
GOID: Olr. cdic
W: OW pimp, MW pymp (GPC pump, pum, pym(p))
*kwenkweto- 177
BRET: OBret. pemp, MBret. and MoBret. pemp
CO: Co. pymp
GAUL: pempe-
PIE: *penk“e ‘5’ (IEW: 808)
COGN: Skt. pdfica, Gr. pénte, Lat. quinque, Go. fimf, Lith. penki, OCS pete,
Alb. pesé
ETYM: The ordinal *k”enk”eto- can be reconstructed on the basis of OW
pimphet, Gaul. pinpetos (La Graufesenque), MBret. pempet and Olr. cdiced.
Olr. deac, deéc ‘ten’ is often derived from *dwé-penk”om, with the loss of -
p- rather than the assimilation with the following *k”, but doubts have been
raised on the possibility of this derivation (Cowgill 1970: 145, Schrijver
1993). The form *dwé-penk”om looks quite artificial, and the sound
development that has to be assumed is difficult. However, Cowgill’s
suggestion that deéc is from the Gen. sg. *dekan-os through metathesis
(*deankos > deéc) is hardly more persuasive. A derivation from PCelt.
*dekan-k”e ‘ten and’ with the apocope of final *-e (*dekank”e > *dekank >
*deank > deéc) is possible if one accepts the dissimilatory loss of the first
velar stop (Schrijver 1993).
REF: LEIA C-142f., D-36, GPC III: 2928f., DGVB 283, EIEC 98, 100,
401, Delamarre 248, Falileyev 131, Deshayes 2003: 567, Schrijver 1995: 27,
349, Schrijver 1993.
*k”enk"eto- ‘fifth’ [Num]
SEE: *k“enk"e ‘five’
*k"enno- ‘head’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cenn [o n > m], Ogam CUNA-CENNI
W: OW penn [m], MW penn, (GPC pen)
BRET: OBret. penn, pen, MoBret. penn [m]
CO: OCo. pen gi. capud, MCo. pen
GAUL: pennon (Clermont-Ferrand, RIG L-136), Penno-ouindos [PN]
ETYM: MIr. spelling cend (rather than cenn) is late, and does not prove a
pre-form *k”endo-. Ogam PN CUNA-CENNI (Gen. sg.) has the perfect
match in Gaul. Cunopennus ‘Dog-head’. Olr. conn [o m] ‘chief? is
sometimes derived from the same root (see PCelt. *k”ondos). If that is so,
the ablaut shows that these words are inherited rather than borrowed from
some substratum, but all attempts to identify a PIE root have proven futile.
REF: LEJA C-66, GPC III: 2726f., DGVB 283, LP 45, Delamarre 249,
Falileyev 129, Campanile 1974: 86, Deshayes 2003: 567, Ziegler 1994: 111,
Sims-Williams 2006: 98.
*k”éno- ‘long’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. cian [o]
PIE: *k”eyH- ‘rest’? (IEW: 638)
COGN: Go. hweila ‘period, time’, OCS po-citi ‘rest’, Lat. quiés ‘rest’
178 *kwer-
ETYM: Celtic presupposes PIE *k“eyH-no-. Different IE languages show
different extensions of this root. The suffix *-no- occurs only in Celtic.
REF: LEIA C-94f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 252.
*k”er- ‘make, cause’ [Vb]
W: MW peri ‘cause, create, make’; paraf, peraf [1s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. paras [3s Pret.]
PIE: *k"er- ‘do, make’ (IEW: 641f.)
COGN: Skt. krnoti ‘does’, OCS cars ‘magic’, Lith. keriz ‘enchant’
SEE: *k”ritu-
ETYM: The present stem formation of this PCelt. verbal root cannot be
reconstructed.
REF: GPC III: 2685.
*k”erxt- ‘bush’ (?) [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ceirt ‘apple-tree, letter g in Ogam’
W: MW perth ‘bush, hedge, thicket’ [f]
CO: Co. Pen-berth [Toponym]
PIE: *perk”u- ‘oak’ (IEW: 822)
COGN: Lat. quercus, OE furh ‘fir’
ETYM: Since MIr. ceirt is known only from glossaries and as the name of
the Ogam letter Q, this etymology is not very strong. Even so, at least the
derivation of W perth from PIE *perk”-t- may be regular: first *p...k”
assimilated to *k”...k”, then *k” > *x before *t, and finally initial *k” > p in
Brittonic. The ancient name of the Ardennes, Hercynia (silva), Herkynios
(drymos) is usually derived from PIE *perk”-unyo- > PCelt. *ferkunyo-,
Gaul. *erkunyo- (cp. Go. fairguni ‘mountain’). If this etymology is correct,
it shows that the regular assimilation of *p”...*k” to *k...*k” occurred after
the delabialization of *k” before *u.
REF: LEIA C-56, GPC III: 2780, Lambert 1994: 37.
*k”és ‘who’ [Pron]
GOID: Olr. cia
W: OW pui, MW pwy
BRET: OBret. pou, MBret. piou
CO: Co. pyw
PIE: *k“e/o-y- ‘who, what’ (IEW: 635)
COGN: Lat. quis ‘who’, Hitt. kuis, Gr. tis ‘who’, Skt. kim ‘what’
SEE: *k”id ‘what’
ETYM: MBret. piou, Co. pyw are results of metathesis (*wy > yw). PCelt.
*k"é- preserves the full grade, PIE *k“ey-. This shape of the root of the
interrogative pronoun is probably older than *k“o- (Skt. kas, OCS kv-to
‘who’), which is parallel to the demonstrative pronoun stem *so-, *to-.
Celtic unexpectedly has the full grade of the root *k”i- (but cf. also Gr.
*kwesla 179
Doric adverb pei ‘where’). The creation of the full grade stem *k”ey- may be
a secondary development within Celtic, but cf. Lat. qui < *k”oy.
REF: LEIA C-91f., GPC II: 2946, EIEC 456, Falileyev 134, GPC 2946f.
*k"ésla ‘mind, spirit, reason’ [Noun]
GOID: OF. ciall [4 f]
W: OW puil [m and f], MW pwyll
BRET: MBret. poel/, MoBret. pouell [m] ‘connection, reason’
CO: OCo. gur-bull-oc gl. insanus, MoCo. poll
PIE: *k“eys- ‘perceive’ (IEW: 637)
SEE: *ad-k"is-o- ‘see’
ETYM: The correct morphological segmentation is probably *kwés-sli, 1. e.
the suffix is *-slo-/*-sla.
REF: LEIA C-94, GPC III: 2948f., Falileyev 134, Deshayes 2003: 593,
Schrijver 1995: 224.
*k”etwores ‘four’ [Num]
GOID: Olt. ceth(a)ir [m]; cetheoir [f]
W: OW petguar, MW pedwar [ml]; pedeir [f]
BRET: OBret. petguar, MBret. peuar; peder [f], MoBret. pewar
CO: Co. peswar; pedyr {f]
GAUL: petuar[ios] [Ordinal]; Petru-corii [Ethnonym] = ‘Périgord’
PIE: *k”etwores ‘4’ (IEW: 642)
COGN: Skt. catvaras, Lat. quattuor, Gr. téttares, Go. fidwor, Lith. keturi,
OCS cetyre, ToA stwar, Arm. cork’
REF: LEIA C-87, GPC III: 2710f., DGVB 284, LP 3, 44, EIEC 97f., LHEB
397, Falileyev 120, Delamarre 250, Deshayes 2003: 575.
*k"ezdi- ‘piece, portion’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cuit [i f]
W: OW ped, MW peth ‘thing’ [m and f]
BRET: MBret. pez, MoBret. pezh [m]
CO: Co. peth, pyth
ETYM: Medieval Latin petia terrae ‘piece of land’ is from the lost Gaulish
*pettia (cf. also Fr. piéce ‘piece’, etc.). PCelt. *k”ezdi- does not seem to
have any cognates in other IE languages, so it may have been borrowed from
some non-IE source.
REF: LEIA C-280f., GPC III: 2789f., Delamarre 249, Falileyev 128,
Deshayes 2003: 575, Schrijver 1995: 261.
*k"id ‘what’
GOID: Olr. cid
PIE: *k”id ‘what’ (IEW: 646f.)
COGN: Lat. quid, Skt. kim ‘what’, cid ‘even’, Gr. ti
SEE: *k”és ‘who’
180 *kwinut-
REF: LEIA C-91f.
*k"inut- ‘crime, mistake, guilt’? [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cin [m t]
PIE: *k”ey- ‘esteem, regard; make pay, exact revenge’ (IEW: 637)
COGN: Skt. cayate ‘punishes’, Av. kaéna ‘punishment’, Gr. tid ‘honor’,
tind ‘make someone pay’
ETYM: The word formation of this word is rather strange (the only
comparable forms in this dictionary are *karut- ‘champion’ and, perhaps,
*regut- ‘forearm’, s. v. *reg-o- ‘stretch’). This fact, as well as the lack of
cognates in other Celtic languages besides Irish, makes this a speculative
etymology. However, the semantics of the derivation from PIE *k”ey-
‘punish’ are fine.
REF: LEIA C-101, EIEC 123, Benveniste 1969.
*k"is-o- ‘see’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. ad-ci, -aicci; -accastar [Pret. Pass.]; -accae [Perf.]
GAUL: pissiiumi [1 s Pres.] (Chamaliéres); appisetu (Thiaucourt)
PIE: *k”eys- ‘perceive’ (IEW: 637)
COGN: Av. cinahmi ‘determine’, Lat. cura ‘anxiety, care’
ETYM: Olr. ad-ci < *ad-k"is-yo- (the simplex is unattested). Olr. senchae
‘storyteller’ can be derived from an old compound *seno-k”oysyos
‘old/ancient witness’ (McCone 1995). Gaul. pissiiumi might be in the future,
rather than the present tense (McCone 2006: 187).
REF: LIV 340f., Delamarre 251, McCone 1995, Uhlich 2002: 414.
*k"o- ‘to’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. co [Geminating, +Acc.]
W: MW py (GPC pwy)
PIE: *k“o- [Prep.] (IEW: 613)
COGN: OCS ke ‘to’
REF: LEIA C-133, GPC III: 2948, GOI SO1f.
*k”ok"-o- ‘cook, bake’ [Vb]
W: MW pobi
BRET: MBret. pibi, poba, MoBret. pobad
CO: Co. pobas
PIE: *pek”- ‘cook’ (IEW: 798)
COGN: Skt. pdcate, Lat. coquo, Gr. péssd, OCS pesti, pecetv [Pres. 3s],
Lith. kepu, képti, Alb. pjek
ETYM: Cf. also W poeth ‘hot’, MBret. poaz, MoBret. poazh ‘cooked’, Co.
poth ‘hot’ < PCelt. *k”oxto- < *k”ok”to- < PIE *pok™to- ‘cooked’ (passive
participle, cf. OCS pots ‘sweat’).
REF: KPV 429, GPC III: 2835f., LP 3, LIV 468.
*kwolu- 181
*k”olu- ‘wheel’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cul ‘chariot’ or ‘part of a chariot’
PIE: *k”ol-o- ‘wheel’ (IEW: 639)
COGN: Gr. pdlos ‘axis’, OE hweol, OCS kolo ‘wheel’, Lith. kaklas ‘neck’
SEE: *k”al-na- ‘go around’
ETYM: MIr. cul is poorly attested. It is known chiefly from glossaries, so
this etymology is uncertain.
REF: LEIA C-283.
*k”on- ‘dog’ [Noun] (Nom. s *k(w)i, Gen. s *kunos)
GOID: OIr. cu [n m], Ogam VEDA-CUNAS
W: MW ki, ci [m]); cwn [p]
BRET: MBret. ci, gui, MoBret. ki [m]
CO: OCo. ci gl. canis
GAUL: Cuno-pennus ‘Dog-head’ [PN]
PIE: *k(u)won ‘dog’ (IEW: 632)
COGN: Skt. sva, Gr. k6n, Lat. canis, Germ. Hund, Lith. suo, ToA ku, Arm.
Sun
ETYM: PCelt. *k” (from PIE cluster *kw) was delabialized before *u/i, e.g.
in the Nom. pl. (*k“unes > *kunes), hence we have W ci rather than **pi.
The Celtic forms are consistent with a PCelt. ablauting paradigm, with Nom.
sg. *kii, Acc. sg. *k”onam *or, analogically, *kon-am), Gen. sg. *kun-os.
REF: LEIA C-257f., GPC I: 474, EIEC 98, 168, Delamarre 132, Campanile
1974: 27, Deshayes 2003: 390, Matasovié 2004: 53, 88, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 27ff., Ziegler 1994: 110.
*k"oxto- ‘hot’ [Adj]
SEE: *k”ok"-o- ‘cook’
*k”resno- ‘wood, tree’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. crann [o n]
W: MW prenn [m] (GPC pren)
BRET: OBret. pren, MBret. prenn, MoBret. prenn [m]
CO: OCo. pren gl. lignum, Co. pren
GAUL: prenne gl. arborem grandem (Endlicher’s Glossary)
PIE: *k”res- ‘bush, thicket’ (IEW: 633)
COGN: OE hyrst ‘bushes’
REF: LEIA C-222f., GPC II: 2873, DGVB 289, Deshayes 2003: 599,
Schrijver 1995: 39, Lambert 1994: 203, Delamarre 252, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 256f.
*k"rimi- ‘worm’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cruim [?i f] ‘worm, maggot’
W: OW prem, MW pryf [m]; pryfed [p]
BRET: MBret. preff, MoBret. prefiv [m]
182 *kwri-na-
CO: OCo. prif gl. uermis, MCo. pref
PIE: *k"rmi- ‘worm’ (IEW: 1152)
COGN: Skt. krmi-, Alb. krimb, Lith. kirmis, Slovene crm
ETYM: The u-vocalism in Olt. cruim is a trace of the preceding labiovelar.
Note that the reflex of the syllabic *r > *ri is regular before *m as well as
before stops.
REF: LEIA C-252, GPC III: 2919f., EIEC 649, Deshayes 2003: 600, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 72.
*k"ri-na- ‘buy’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. crenaid, -cren; crieid, -cria [Subj.]; ciuraid, -ciurai [Fut.], ciuir
[Pret.]; crithae, -crith [Pass.]
W: OW prinit [3s Pres.], MW prynu
BRET: MBret. prenaff, MoBret. prenafi
CO: OCo. prinid, Co. prena
GAUL: prinas ‘bought’ (?) (La Graufesenque no. 46)
PIE: *k"reyhy- ‘buy, exchange’ (IEW: 648)
COGN: Skt. krinati, Gr. priasthai, ORuss. kriti
ETYM: The interpretation of Gaul. prinas is very uncertain (it may even not
be a verbal form). Cf. also Olr. crith [a f] ‘act of buying’, W prid ‘dear,
expensive’ < PCelt. *k”rito- < PIE *k”rih;-to- (past passive participle, where
the operation of Dybo’s law would be expected).
REF: KPV 438ff., LIV 395f., GPC IH: 2882, 2923, LP 354, LEIA C-229ff.,
D-117, Falileyev 133, McCone 1991: 11, Delamarre 253, Deshayes 2003:
599.
*k"ritu- ‘magical transformation, shape’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr, cruth [u m] ‘shape, form’, also creth ‘poetry’, Ogam QRITTI
(Gen. s] ? ‘poet’s’
W: MW pryd [m] ‘form, shape, time’
BRET: MBret. pred [m] ‘moment’
CO: OCo. prit gl. hora, Co. prys
GAUL: Prittius (?) [PN]
SEE: *k”er- ‘make, cause’
ETYM: Olr. creth was abstracted from the regular Gen. sg. creth-o of the
original u-stem cruth. In W, GPC separates pryd ‘time, moment’ and pryd
‘face, appearance’ as two lexical entries and doubts whether their
etymologies are identical.
REF: LEIA C-232, 256, GPC III: 2915f., EIEC 362, Pedersen I: 43,
Watkins 1965, Deshayes 2003: 598, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 290,
Delamarre 253, Ziegler 1994: 111.
*k” riyet- ‘clay, earth, mud’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. cré [t f]; inna criad [Gen s] gl. luti
W: MW pridd [m]
*kado- 183
BRET: OBret. pri gl. creta, MBret. pry, pri, MoBret. pri [m]
CO: Co. pry
ETYM: These words are probably related to Lat. créta ‘chalk’, but details
are obscure. Mallory & Adams 2006: 121 reconstruct PIE *tk”reh,yot- and
add ToB tukri ‘clay’. Perhaps it is more sensible to start with the root
*k"reh,- with the suffix (?) *-yet- and assume that the Tocharian words
contain some kind of prefix. It is also possible that all of these words were
borrowed from non-IE languages.
REF: LEIA C-224, GPC III: 2883, Deshayes 2003: 600, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 21, 173, Mallory & Adams 2006: 121.
K
*kado- ‘regret, anger’ [Noun]
W: MW cawdd [m] ‘anger’
BRET: MBret. cuez, queuz, MoBret. keuz [m] ‘regret, affliction’
CO: Co. kueth, ciith ‘regret’
PIE: *keh,do- ‘strong negative emotion’ (IEW: 517)
COGN: Gr. kédos ‘suffering, concern’, OHG haz ‘hate’
SEE: *kassi- ‘hatred, hate’
ETYM: OIr. cais ‘hate’ goes back to zero-grade *khd-ti- > PCelt. *kass-i-,
while W cawdd represents the full grade *keh,do-. There may have been an
ablauting paradigm *kad- / *kad- in PCelt.
REF: LEIA C-22, GPC I: 442, Deshayes 2003: 388, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 149.
*ka(g)ni- ‘law, tribute’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cain [fi]
W: MW di-gawn [m] ‘plenty, abundance’ (GPC digon, digawn); digoni
[Vb] ‘perform (masterly), be able’
PIE: *keho3g-n-
COGN: OCS kazno ‘punishment’
ETYM: Another etymology is found in EIEC 563; it derives the attested
forms from PCelt. *kaxni- < *kapni-, but this is unlikely in the light of the
development of *pn > *wn (cf. PIE *supno- > PCelt. *sowno- ‘sleep’). Olr.
cdinid ‘to satirize’ could also be related to this root. The Welsh forms are
sometimes related to Lat. conor ‘attempt’, OCS kaniti ‘intend’ < PIE
*keh3n-. Finally, one could start from PIE *kehys- ‘to speak, proclaim’ (Skt.
Sas- ‘instruct, punish, command’, LIV *keHs-), and derive PCelt. *kani-
from *keh s-eni- (*keh sni- is less likely, since *-sn- > *-nn- in PCelt. is
184 *kag-o-
expected on the evidence of *kasnina ‘garlic’ > Olr. cainnenn). There is no
way to decide with certainty which of the various possibilities is most likely.
REF: LEIA C-16, GPC I: 998, EIEC 563, O’Brien 1956: 172.
*kag-o- “get, receive’ [Vb]
W: MW cael (GPC cael, caffael, caffu); kehy [3s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. caffout ‘find’
CO: Co. kavoes
PIE: *kag’- ‘take, grab’ (IEW: 518)
COGN: Lat. in-cohdare ‘begin’, Osc. kahad ‘takes’ [Subj.]
ETYM: Since the distribution of cognates is limited to Europe, and the root
has a distinctly non-IE shape (with voiceless and aspirated stops and the
vowel *a), this is probably a borrowing from some unknown non-IE
language (de Vaan 2008: 123).
REF: KPV 386f., LIV 342, GPC I: 386f., Deshayes 2003: 376.
*kagro- ‘enclosure, fort’ [Noun]
SEE: *kagyo- ‘pen, enclosure’
*kagyo- ‘pen, enclosure’ [Noun]
W: MW kay, kae (GPC cae) {m] ‘hedge, hedge-row, fence, enclosure’
BRET: OBret. cai, MBret. quae, MoBret. kae [m]
CO: Co. ke
GAUL: cagiion (Cajarc), caio ‘breialo sive bigardio’ (Endlicher’s Glossary)
PIE: *kag"o- ‘enclosure’
COGN: OE haga ‘field’ (IEW: 518)
ETYM: Gaul. *kagio- ‘enclosure’ is presumably the source of Fr. quai
‘quay, wharf’ (Gamillscheg 735). The Brittonic word for ‘town’, W caer,
MBret. ker, Co. caer, are probably from the same root (PCelt. *kagro-
‘enclosure, fort’). In any case, the a-vocalism, as well as the distribution of
the reflexes to NW Europe, points to the possibility that these words were
borrowed from some non-IE language (cf. also *kag-o- ‘get, receive’).
REF: GPC I: 382, Delamarre 97, Deshayes 2003: 357, Gamillscheg 735.
*kakkA ‘excrement’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cacc [8 f]
W: W cach {m)
BRET: MBret. cauch, MoBret. kac’h [m]
CO: Co. caugh
PIE: *kakko- ‘defecate, excrement’ (IEW: 521)
COGN: Lat. cacco, Gr. kakkao
ETYM: Cf. also MW denominative verb cachu ‘defecate’. A vulgar,
expressive word that violates the rules of PIE root formation (with
geminated *kk and the vowel *a).
REF: LEIA C-2, GPC I: 374, Deshayes 2003: 356.
*kaleto- 185
*kaleto- ‘hard, cruel, strong’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. calad [0]
W: MW caled
BRET: MBret. calet, caled, MoBret. kaled
CO: Co. cales, calas, calys
GAUL: Caleti [Ethnonym]
PIE: *klH-eto- ‘cold’ (IEW: 524)
COGN: Av. sarata- ‘cold’, Lith. alti ‘be cold, frieze’, OE haeled ‘hero’.
ETYM: If this etymology, proposed by Joseph (1982), is correct, the
original meaning was ‘cold, frozen’ > ‘hard’. Cf. also the Gaulish PN Calitix
in Pannonia (Meid 2005: 189). Another possibility (de Vaan 2008: 80)
would be to start from PIE *keHI-/*kHI- and compare Lat. callére ‘grow
hard’, Croat. kaliti ‘temper’.
REF: LEIA C-26, GPC I: 392, Deshayes 2003: 360, Joseph 1982, Meid
2005: 189.
*kalll- ‘wood, grove’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. caill (71 f]
W: MW ceili [f] ‘grove, copse’
BRET: MoBret. Quille-vere [PN]
CO: OCo. keilli gl. nemus
ETYM: The geminate *-ll- is certainly the result of assimilation, but it
cannot be ascertained which consonant was originally involved as the second
member of the cluster. The obvious solution, PIE *kldo- (Gr. klddos
‘branch’, ON holt ‘woody hill’), will not do, since we would expect PCelt.
*klido- (cf., e.g., PIE *wld- > PCelt. *wlida ‘feast’). Moreover, the cluster
*ld would have been preserved in Celtic. A derivation from the root *kelH-
‘cut’ (IEW 545ff.) remains a possibility, but details are obscure (perhaps one
should start with *klHyo- > *kalyo- > *kallo-, and then *kalla, *kalli as
secondary formations?).
REF: LEIA C-13, GPC I: 459.
*kalmiyo- ‘skilful, skilled’
GOID: MIr. calma ‘strong, brave’ (gl. fortibus)
W: OW celmed, MW celuit, celuyd (GPC celfydd)
BRET: MBret. celmed
ETYM: Cf. also MIr. calma ‘strength, fortitude’. The Celtib. family name
kalmikum {Gen. pl.] (Botorrita 11) might also be related. No convincing IE
etymology has been proposed, so this word is probably a loanword from
some non-IE language.
REF: LEIA C-27, GPC I: 456, Falileyev 25, Schrijver 1995: 288, MLH V.1:
153.
*kalyiko- ‘rooster’ [Noun]
186 *kalyo-
GOID: Olr. cailech [o m]
W: MW keilyawc [m] (GPC ceiliog, ceilog)
BRET: MBret. kilhog, kilheg
CO: OCo. chelioc gl. gallus, Co. colyek
GAUL: Caliaga [PN]
PIE: *kih,- ‘call’ (IEW: 549)
COGN: Lat. calo ‘announce’, Gr. kalé6 ‘call’, OHG hellan ‘resound’
ETYM: The attribution of Gaul. Caliaga to this root is uncertain, since
normally *ly > Gaul. // (cf. *alyo- ‘other’ > Gaul. allo-). The Celtic forms
are compatible with PIE *klh,-yo- > PCelt. *kalyo- (with the early loss of H
before y?), to which the frequent suffix *-ako- was added. For the
development of meaning cf. Germ. Hahn < *kan- ‘to sing’, or Lat. gallus
‘rooster’ < *gel-w- ‘call’.
REF: LEIA C-12, GPC I: 451, LP1 6, EIEC 90, 112, LIV 321, Delamarre
98, Campanile 1974: 25.
*kalyo- ‘spot’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. caile [io m]
PIE: *kehyl / *khlo- ‘dirty, spotted, dark’ (IEW: 548)
COGN: Lat. calidus (or calidus) ‘with spotted forehead’, caligo ‘darkness’,
Skt. kala- ‘dark blue’, Croat. kdl ‘dirt, mud’
ETYM: The PCelt. form must be from *kh,]-yo-; it is uncertain whether all
of the forms adduced from other IE languages belong to a single etymon.
Mayrhofer interprets kala- (s. v.) as a Dravidian loanword.
REF: LEIA C-11.
*kambo- ‘crooked, twisted’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. camm [o]
W: OW cam ‘wrong, evil’, MW cam
BRET: OBret. camm gi. obliquus, MBret. kamm
CO: Co. cam gl. strabo, cam-hinsic gl. iniustus
GAUL: Cambo [PN], Cambo-dunum [Toponym]
PIE: *(s)kambo- ‘crooked’ (IEW: 918)
COGN: Gr. skambos
ETYM: Gaul. cambion (Chamaliéres) is interpreted as ‘change’, and is the
source of Gallo-Latin cambiare ‘change’ (Fr. changer, etc.). I find |
Pokorny’s attribution of Olr. cimbid ‘prisoner’, cimbe ‘captivity’ to this root
objectionable on semantic grounds (the semantic connection would be ‘the
one who must bow before his captor’ > ‘prisoner’). Both PCelt. *kambo- and
Gr. skambos are probably borrowed from some ancient non-IE substrate; the
PIE form contains two very rare sounds in PIE (*b and *a), both of which
are indicative of non-IE loanwords.
REF: LEIA C-29, GPC I: 396, DGVB 94f., LP 40, EIEC 143, Falileyev 99,
Ellis Evans 1967 320ff., Fleuriot 1976-7: 186, Delamarre 100, Campanile
1974: 20, Sims-Williams 2006: 58f.
*kanawon- 187
*kanawon- ‘young animal, young dog, whelp’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cana, cano [mn] ‘cub, whelp’
W: MW ceneu [m] (GPC cenau, cenaw)
BRET: OBret. ceneuan gl. catulaster, Ri-keneu [PN], MBret. kenou,
MoBret. kenow [m] ‘small animal’.
PIE: *(s)ken- ‘young, new’ (IEW: 564)
COGN: Russ. scendk ‘young dog, puppy’, Skt. kanyd ‘girl’, Arm. skund
‘young dog’
ETYM: PCelt. *kanawon- is presumably derived from earlier *kenawon-
by Joseph’s rule. The word formation of this PCelt. etymon is problematic.
The suffix may be the same as in *altr-awon- ‘uncle’, so we may have to
start from something like PIE *kn-Hwon- (with the possessive suffix
*-Hwon-, cf. the Hitt. suffix of appurtenance -umen, or Skt. -van, which
lengthens the preceding vowel). Of course, this is just a speculation.
REF: LEIA C-32, GPC I: 461, DGVB 101, EIEC 204, Deshayes 2003: 385.
*kani- ‘good, nice’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. cain [1]
W: MW cein (GPC cain)
BRET: MBret. quen, MoBret. ken
ETYM: These Celtic words are often derived from *knyo-, from PIE *ken-
‘begin’? (IEW 563f., cf. Gr. kainds ‘new’, OCS na-ceti “begin’), but the
semantic difference is too great. Since a convincing IE etymology is lacking,
PCelt. *kani- may have been borrowed from some non-IE language.
REF: GPC I: 390, LEIA C-16, Deshayes 2003: 383, LIV 314.
*kanka ‘branch’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. géc [4 f]
W: MW ceinc (GPC cainc, caing) [f and m]
PIE: *ko(n)kH- ‘branch’ (IEW: 523)
COGN: Skt. Sakhd, Go. héha ‘plow’, Lith. Jaka, OCS soxa ‘plough’
SEE: *kanxtu- ‘plough, ploughshare’
ETYM: W cainc represents an u-stem (or an U-stem), while Olr. géc
(perhaps with g- by dissimilation) points rather to an 4-stem. It is difficult to
see which is original.
REF: GPC I: 390, LP 43, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 44, 278.
*kan-o- ‘ sing’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. canaid, -cain; canaid, -cana [Subj.]; cechnaid, -cechna (Fut. ]
cechain [Pret.]
W: OW canam, MW canu
BRET: MBret. canaff
CO: Co. kana
PIE: *kan- ‘sing’ (IEW: 525f.)
188 *kanta-bw-iyo-
COGN: Lat. cano, Go. hana ‘cock’
REF: KPV 387ff., LIV 342, GPC I: 408, Falileyev 21.
*kanta-bw-iyo- ‘perceive’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ceta-bi ‘perceives’
W: MW kanfot ‘discover’ (GPC canfod, canffod)
SEE: *bu-yo-
REF: GPC I: 409, KPV 242.
*kanti ‘together with’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. cét-, ceta-
W: MW cant, can (GPC gan)
BRET: OBret. cant, MoBret. gant
CO: OCo. cant, Co. cans
GAUL: canti-, Cantio-rix [PN]
PIE: *km-ti- (IEW: 613)
COGN: Gr. kata, kasi- (in Hom. kasi-gnétos ‘brother’).
SEE: *kom-
ETYM: A nominal derivative from this preposition is Olr. céite ‘assembly’
< *kantyo-, cf. the ancient name of Kent, Cantium.
REF: LEIA C-83f., GPC II: 1379, Deshayes 2003: 266, Hamp 1974-5a:
467f., Lambert 1995.
*kantlo- ‘song, singing’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. cétal [o nj
W: MW kathyl, kathl (GPC cathl) [m and f]
BRET: MBret. quentel, MoBret. kentel ‘lesson’ [f]
SEE: *kan-o- ‘sing’
ETYM: OIr. cétal is the verbal noun of canid ‘sings’.
REF: GPC I: 442, LP 48, Deshayes 2003: 385.
*kantom ‘100’ [Num]
GOID: Olr. cét
W: OW cant, MW cant
BRET: OBret. cant, MBret. kant
CO: Co. cans
GAUL: Canto-mili [PN], Gallo-Lat. cantedon ‘100 feet’ (Isidore of Seville)
CELTIB: kantom (Botorrita I)
PIE: *dkmtom ‘100’ (IEW: 192)
COGN: Lat. centum, Skt. Satdm, Gr. he-katén, Go. hund, Lith. Simtas, ToB
kante
REF: LEIA C-82, GPC I: 418, DGVB 96, Delamarre 104, Falileyev 21,
Campanile 1974: 21, MLH V.1: 157.
*kanxsman- ‘step, act of stepping’ [Noun]
*kanxtV- 189
GOID: Olt. céimm [n n]
W: OW cemmein [p], MW cam [m]
BRET: MBret. cam
CO: Co. cam
CELTIB: kamanom (?) (Botorrita I)
ETYM: VLat. *camminus ‘path, way’ (Fr. chemin, It. camino, etc.) is a
reflex of the Gaulish cognate of this word (Gamillscheg 220). Meid 1994a:
22 interprets Celtib. kKamanom as ‘way’, but I doubt whether it is related to
PCelt. *kanxsman at all, since the derivation requires many ad hoc sound
changes (my doubts are shared by Wodtko, cf. MLH V.1: 155). An
etymological connection of PCelt. *kanxsman- with *keng-o- ‘step’ appears
probable.
REF: LEIA C-55, GPC I: 396, Falileyev 25, Gamillscheg 220, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 265, Stiiber 1998: 64, Schrijver 1995: 375, Meid 1994a: 22,
Eska 1989: 145, MLH V.1: 154f.
*kanxtV- ‘power’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cécht
PIE: *ke(n)k- ‘force’ (IEW: 522)
COGN: Skt. sakti- ‘power’, Saknoti ‘is able, helps’, ON hattr ‘ability’
ETYM: This is not a particularly strong etymology, because the MIr. word
is poorly attested (only as a glossary entry). W pybyr ‘strong’ is probably
unrelated.
REF: LEIA C-52, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 285.
*kanxtu- ‘plough, plough-beam’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cécht [u m]
PIE: *knk-t- “pointed object’ (IEW: 523)
COGN: Skt. sakti- ‘spear’
SEE: *kanka ‘branch’
ETYM: Obviously a derivative of the PCelt. word for ‘branch’. For the
change of meaning cf. OCS soxa ‘plough’ vs. Lith. §aka ‘branch’ < PIE
*kokHo-. On the connection of Skt. sdkti- ‘power’ to Sakti- ‘spear’ see
Mayrhofer, s. v. A. Lubotsky (p. c.) doubts whether sakti- ‘spear’ exists.
REF: LEJA C-52, EIEC 80, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 290.
*karafyo-(mon)- ‘shoemaker’
GOID: OIr. cairem [n m] gl. sutor
W: MW crydd [m]
BRET: MoBret. kere [m], kereour
CO: Co. quere, keryor
PIE: *krh,pi- ‘shoe’ (IEW: 581)
COGN: Gr. krépis, Lith. kurpé
ETYM: Olr. cairem goes back to *karafyo-mi < PIE *-mon. The PIE suffix
*-m6dn is productive in Olr. names for occupations (Remmer 2002-3). The
190 *karant-
Brittonic forms represent simple *karafyo-. The derivation from PIE is
problematic. One would have to assume that *p > *f was lost before the
vocalization of the resonant, i. e. *krpyo- > *krfyo- > *kryo- > *karyo-, an
impossible relative chronology in the light of the development of PIE *krp-
> PCelt. *krif- ‘body’. Moreover, *rp would have yielded *rr in PCelt., cf.
*serp- > PCelt. *serra. The only solution seems to be to start from *kerhap-
which would have yielded PCelt. *karaf- (by Joseph’s rule). A derivation
*karafyomon- would give *karayomon > *karémon > Olr. cairem. The
Brittonic forms then must be from *kerh,pyo- > *karafiyo- > *karayyos
(with subsequent loss of the first vowel in W crydd as in cwan from
*kawano-). In any case, the proto-form *karpyo- (in LEIA C-21) is
impossible. ON hreflingr ‘a kind of shoe’ does not point to a form of the root
without a laryngeal (*krep-), because it is derived from PGerm. *hrefaz
‘womb, belly’ (OE hrif, cf. Orel 2003: 185).
REF: LEIA C-21, GPC I: 621, Deshayes 2003: 386, EIEC 514, Matasovi¢
2004: 117, Remmer 2002-3: 186.
*karant- ‘friend’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cara [nt m]
W: MW car [m] (GPC car); ceraint [p]
BRET: MBret. car, MoBret. kar ‘parent’
CO: OCo. car gl. amicus
GAUL: Caranto- [PN], Carantona [Hydronym] (Charente)
SEE: *kar-o- ‘love’
ETYM: In origin, this is a present active participle of the verb *kar-o-
‘love’.
REF: LEIA C-37f., GPC I: 422, DGVB 97, Lambert 1994: 37, Campanile
1974: 22, Deshayes 2003: 370.
*karbanto- ‘(war) chariot’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. carpat [o m]
GAUL: carpento- (Titus Livius XXXI.21.17), Carbanto-rigum [Toponym]
ETYM: W cerbyd and OBret. cerpit are loanwords from Goidelic. A
connection of PCelt. *karbanto- with Lat. corbis ‘basket’ is improbable,
since *krb- would yield **krib-, not *karb- in PCelt.The a-vocalism and the
root-shape (*k...b®) make it probable that we are dealing with a loanword
from some non-lE source.
REF: LEIA C-40f., Delamarre 105.
*karno- ‘horn, hoof’ [Noun]
W: MW carn ‘hoof? [m]
BRET: OBret. carn gl. ungula caballi, MoBret. karn [f]
GAUL: kdrnon ‘Galatian trumpet’ (Hesych.)
PIE: *krmo- ‘horn’ (IEW: 574ff.)
COGN: Luv. zarwani(ya)- ‘of horn’, OE horn, ORuss. sorna ‘roedeer’
*karno- 191
SEE: *karwo- ‘deer’
ETYM: The Celtic words are from an anit variant of the PIE root for ‘horn’
(*kerh2-, cf. Nussbaum 1986). Probably related is also Olr. crué ‘hoof (cf.
Greene 1983). GPC treats carn ‘mound’ and carn ‘hoof? as one word, which
cannot be true for semantic reasons. Olr. corn ‘horn’ and W corn ‘horn’ are
usually considered to be Latin loanwords (Haarmann 1970: 119, cf. Lat.
cornu). However, Gaulish toponyms with the element Corn- (e.g.
Cornacum, cf. Sims-Williams 2006: 65f.) might point to the existence of
PCelt. *korno- ‘horn’.
REF: GPC I: 429, DGVB 97, EIEC 272, Delamarre 106f., Deshayes 2003:
372, Greene 1983.
*karno- ‘heap of stones, tomb’
GOID: Olr. carn [o n]
W: MW carn [m and f]; carnau, cernydd, cerni [p]
BRET: MBret. Pen karn [Toponym], MoBret. karn [f]
CO: Co. carn ‘heap’
GAUL: (?) karnitu (Todi) ‘erected, constructed’ (?); Carnuntum [Toponym]
SEE: *karno- ‘hoof?
ETYM: The Gaulish form karnitu is presumably a denominative verb. I am
not sure whether Co. carn ‘heap’ exists at all. It might be the same word as
OCo. carn gi. ungula, OBret. carn gl. ungula caballi, which are related to
Lat. cornu ‘horn’ (cf. Campanile 1974: 22).
REF: LEIA C-39f., GPC I: 429, Lambert 1994: 75f., Campanile 1974: 22,
Deshayes 2003: 372, Sims-Williams 2006: 59f.
*kar-o- ‘love’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. caraid, -cara; cechraid [Fut]; carais [Pret.]
W: MW caru
BRET: MBret. caret, MoBret. kared
CO: Co. care
GAUL: Caro- [PN]
CELTIB: Kara [PN]
PIE: *keh2-ro- ‘love’ (IEW: 515)
COGN: Lat. carus, OHG huor ‘prostitute’, Latv. kars ‘lustful’
SEE: *karant- ‘friend’
ETYM: This is a deadjectival verb formed from unattested *karo- ‘dear,
beloved’ < PIE *kh>-ro-. The root is PIE *keh,- (Skt. kama- ‘love’, etc.).
REF: LEIA C-36, GPC I: 422, LIV 306, Ellis Evans 1967: 162, Delamarre
107, Deshayes 2003: 370, MLH V.1: 160f.
*karro- ‘wagon’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. carr [o m]
W: MW carr [m] (GPC car); ceir [p]
BRET: OBret. carr, MBret. carr, MoBret. karr [m]
192 *karut-
CO: Co. car
GAUL: Karrddounon [PN] (Ptolemy)
PIE: *krso- ‘run’ EW: 583)
COGN: Lat. curro ‘run’, OE hors ‘horse’
ETYM: Lat. carrus ‘a type of four-wheeled wagon’ is an early Celtic
loanword (Porzio Gernia 1981: 107). The Celtic forms are regularly derived
from the zero-grade of the PIE root *kers- ‘run’.
REF: LEIA C-41f., GPC I: 421, DGVB 97, Ellis Evans 1967: 63, Delamarre
107f., Deshayes 2003: 372, Porzio Gernia 1981: 107, McCone 1996: 49,
Sims-Williams 2006: 60f.
*karut- ‘champion’ [Noun]
SEE: *kawaro- ‘hero, champion’
*karwo- ‘deer’ [Noun]
W: OW caru, MW carw
BRET: MBret. caru, caro, MoBret. karw [m]
CO: OCo. caruu gl. cervus
GAUL: Caruus [PN]
PIE: *ker-n-, *kerh2- ‘horn’ (IEW: 576)
COGN: Lat. ceruus ‘deer’, cornu ‘horn’, Gr. kéras ‘horn’, OCS krava ‘cow’
ETYM: The Celtic forms presuppose PIE *krwo- > PCelt. *karwo-, i. e. a
proto-form without a laryngeal, as in Lat. cornu, ceruus. Such a form could
have been generalized in (dialectal) PIE from the environments in which the
laryngeal had been regularly lost, e.g. *oRH > oR, or *RHy > *Ry. On this
root and its variants see Nussbaum 1986.
REF: Pedersen I: 51f., EIEC 272, Delamarre 108, Falileyev 22, Deshayes
2003: 374.
*karya ‘mistake, sin’ [Noun]
GOID: OIlr. caire [ia f]
W: OW cared gl. nota, nequitiae, MW cared, karet
BRET: MBret. carez [f]
CO: Co. cara
PIE: *ker- ‘abuse, blame’ (IEW: 530)
COGN: Lat. carino, OCS u-koriti, perhaps ToB kdrn- ‘to strike’
ETYM: The Celtic forms can be regularly derived from a PIE abstract noun
*kryeh, ‘blame’, with the zero-grade of the root.
REF: LEIA C-20, Falileyev 22, Deshayes 2003: 370.
*kasni- ‘hare’ [Noun]
W: W ceinach [f]
PIE: *kas- (or *khyes-) ‘grey, hare’ (IEW: 533)
COGN: Skt. SaSd- ‘hare’, Lat. canus ‘white-haired’, OPr. sasins ‘hare’, OE
hasu ‘hare’
*kasnina 193
ETYM: The Welsh word for hare is derived with the common Celt. suffix
*-4ko-. The underived *kasni- (or, perhaps, *kasni) is, however, unattested.
REF: GPC I: 452, Pedersen I: 86.
*kasnina ‘garlic, leek’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cainnenn, cainenn [a f] ‘garlic, leek(s)’
W: OW cennin [p] ‘leeks, daffodils’
BRET: OBret. caeninn, MBret. quinghenn, quinhenn
CO: OCo. kenin gl. allium
PIE: *kesn- (?) ‘garlic’
COGN: Russ. cesnok ‘garlic’, Croat. Césnjak ‘garlic’
ETYM: This word looks like a derivative from *kasni- ‘hare’, but the
similarity is probably accidental. As the a-vocalism shows, these words are
presumably loanwords from some non-JE substrate, see Schrijver 1995: 456.
The resemblance of the Slavic words for ‘garlic’ might be accidental,
because they can be related to the verbal root *kes- (OCS cesati ‘to comb, to
peel).
REF: LEIA C-19, GPC I: 464, DGVB 93, Falileyev 26, Campanile 1974:
24, Schrijver 1995: 456, Falileyev and Isaac 2003.
*kassara ‘hail-shower, lightning’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. casar [4 f]
W: MW kesseir [p] ‘hail, hailstones’ (GPC cesair); ceseiren, ceseiryn
[Singulative]
BRET: MBret. cazarc’h, MoBret. kasarc’h [m and collective]
CO: OCo. ceser g). grando
PIE: *kad- ‘fall’ (IEW: 516)
COGN: Lat. cado, Skt. sad- ‘fall off, fall out (of teeth)’
ETYM: This is probably originally a collective formation, derived with the
suffix *-ro- (cf. clochar ‘heap of stones, stony place’ from cloch ‘stone’; for
this type of collectives cf. Tovar 1972- 3). PCelt. *-ss- can be from *-ds-, or,
more likely, from *-dt-. We would have PIE *kadto- ‘fallen’ > PCelt.
*kasso-, from which the ‘collective’ *kassaro- was built. The PIE vowel *a
in this word is presumably epenthetic (avoiding the initial cluster +kd-). It is
alten whether these words have any connection to PCelt. *kassi- ‘hate’ <
*khod-ti-.
REF: LEIA C-46, GPC I: 470, LIV 282, EIEC 191, Deshayes 2003: 374,
Campanile 1974: 24.
*kassi- ‘hatred, hate’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cais ‘love, hate’
W: OW cas [m], MW cas
BRET: MBret. cas, MoBret. kas [m] ‘hatred’
CO: Co. cas
PIE: *keh2d- ‘strong negative emotion’ (IEW: 517)
194 *kasso-
COGN: Go. hatis ‘hatred’, Av. sadra- ‘suffering’
SEE: *kado- ‘regret, hate’
ETYM: The meanings of MIr. cais depend on the context; the best rendition
would be ‘strong emotion (whether positive or negative)’. The stem and
gender of that word are not stated in DIL. PCelt. *kassi- can be regularly
derived from PIE *khd-ti-, an abstract noun built to the root *kehod-/*khod-.
I am not sure if this is the same root as *kad- ‘fall’ (see *kassara ‘hail’).
REF: LEIA C-22, GPC I: 435, Deshayes 2003: 374, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 149, Falileyev 22f.
*kasso- ‘curly, woven, twisted’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. cass [0] (DIL cas), ? Ogam CAS-ONI
GAUL: Cassi- [PN], Bodio-casses [Ethnonym]
ETYM: The connection with the root *kes- ‘to comb’ (IEW 585, cf. OCS
cesati, PCelt. *kisra ‘comb’) is semantically appealing, but the a-vocalism in
Celtic is unexplained (a secondary zero-grade *kasto- instead of the
expected *ksto-, with epenthetic *a?).
REF: LEIA C-44f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 324, Birkhan 1967: 115f.,
Ziegler 1994: 108, Sims-Williams 2006: 61f.
*kato- ‘wise, able’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. cath [0] (DIL cdid [1]), cad, cad
PIE: *kehs- ‘sharpen’ (IEW: 542)
COGN: Skt. sita- ‘sharpened’, Lat. catus ‘clever’
ETYM: The OIr. word is spelled differently as cath, cad, cdid and cad (see
DIL for attestetions). It is unclear whether the variability of the length of the
root vowel could represent old ablaut. As in Latin, the Celtic word
presupposes the semantic development of ‘sharp’ to ‘wise, clever’. A
possible cognate is also Gallo-Lat. caddos ‘holy’ (CGL V 493, 30). The
attribution to the PIE root *keh3- ‘sharp’ seems probable; however, the
identity of the laryngeal is surmised chiefly on the basis of Lat. cds, cOdtis
‘whetstone’, and the etymology of this word is not completely certain.
REF: Schrijver 1991: 91, de Vaan 2008: 99.
*katrik- ‘fortification’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cathir [k f] ‘town’
COGN: OE héador ‘enclosure, prison’.
ETYM: The etymology of Olr. cathir is quite disputed. W cadair ‘seat,
town’, Co. cadar, MBret. cadoer are from Lat. cathedra (ultimately from
Greek). Olr. cathir is unlikely to have been borrowed from Lat. castrum, but
even if inherited, the stem formation *katrik-. is unusual. The closest
cognate seems to be OE héador. I am not sure whether Croat. két ‘sty’, kotar
‘administrative unit, province’ can also be connected to the Celtic and
Germanic forms. The a-vocalism points to the possibility that all or any of
these words are loanwords from some non-IE source.
*katto- 195
REF: LEIA C-48f., GPC I: 375.
*katto- ‘cat’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. catt [o m]
W: MW cath [m and f]
BRET: MBret. caz, MoBret. kazh [m]
CO: Co. kat
GAUL: Cattos [PN]
COGN: Lat. cattus, OHG kazza, Russ. kotka
ETYM: The word for ‘cat’ in the European languages is a loanword from
some non-IE (maybe north-African) source (cf. Nubian kadis ‘cat’). Cats
were first domesticated in North Africa, perhaps in the beginning of the 2nd
millennium B.C. In Celtic, the intermediary may have been Latin, but this
cannot be proved.
REF: LEIA C-49f., GPC I: 440, EIEC 91, Deshayes 2003: 378.
*katu- ‘battle’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cath [u mj], Ogam RO-CATOS
W: OW cat, MW cad [f]; cadau, cadoedd [p]
BRET: OBret. Catoc [PN], -cat (in compounds, OBret.), MoBret. kad
CO: Co. cas [f]
GAUL: Catu-marus [PN], Catu-riges [PN]
PIE: *katu- ‘fight’ (IEW: 534)
COGN: Hitt. kattu- ‘enmity’, Skt. satru- ‘enemy’, OHG hadu- ‘fight’, OCS
kotora ‘fight’
ETYM: Celtib. PN Katunos might preserve the reflex of PCelt. *katu- in
Celtiberian. The a-vocalism in this PIE root is unexpected. Because of its
distribution in many branches of IE, this word is unlikely to be a loanword
from some non-IE language. A reconstruction +khyet- is unlikely. One way
to reconstruct a ‘normal’ PIE root *ket- / *kot- (cf. Skt. Satayati, as if from <
*koteyeti) would be to assume that PCelt. *katu- is a prehistoric loanword
from Germanic (borrowed before the operation of Grimm’s law). Note that
the Slavic reflexes were also probably borrowed from some Centum
language (otherwise we would expect *k > Slavic *s). Another possibility
would be to reconstruct an ablauting paradigm *kotu- / *ktw-os, and assume
that *a in Celtic is epenthetic, originally introduced to avoid the difficult
cluster *ktw- in the oblique cases.
REF: LEIA C-47f., GPC I: 374, DGVB 98, EIEC 201, Delamarre 111,
Falileyev 23, Deshayes 2003: 358, Ziegler 1994: 109, Sims-Williams 2006:
62f., MLH V.1: 171.
*kat-yo- ‘throw’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. caithid, -caithi; caithfid [Fut.] ‘throws, uses, consumes’
GAUL: cateia ‘projectile’ (Servius, Aen. VI, 741)
196 *kawanno-
ETYM: The Olr. verb has many meanings, but it is probable that ‘throw’ is
the original one. The PCelt. root *kat- can be compared to ORuss. kotitisja
‘roll’, Russ. katit’ ‘rush’, katat'sja ‘roll, drive’, Cz. kotiti ‘roll, turn’. This
would imply a PIE root *kehst- / *khyt-, with Celtic preserving the zero-
grade of the root.
REF: LEIA C-24, Lambert 1994: 202.
*kawanno- ‘owl’ [Noun]
W: MW ewan, cuan [f]; cuanod [p]}
BRET: OBret. couann, couhann, MoBret. kaouann
GAUL: Cauanos [PN]
PIE: *kaw- ‘owl’ (IEW: 535f.)
COGN: OHG hiiwo ‘owl’
ETYM: The existence of the Gaul. word cauan(n)os is confirmed by the
VLat. loanword cauannus (ululae aues... quam auem Galli cauannum uocant,
Schol. Verg. Bern. ad egl. 8.55), see Delamarre 111, Porzio Gernia 1981:
108. An underived Gaul. *kawa ‘owl’ could have influenced the
development of Fr. chouette ‘owl’ (Gamillscheg 227f.). In Welsh, the vowel
in the first syllable was lost irregularly (the proto-form *kawan(n)o- must be
assumed because an original *kwan(n)o- would yield *pan in Welsh). The
words for ‘owl’ are often onomatopoetic, cf. also OCS sova ‘owl’, as if from
*kaweh,. However, all of these words could be parallel formations rather
than inherited from the PIE word for ‘owl’.
REF: GPC I: 626, Delamarre 111, DGVB 120, Porzio Gernia 1981: 108.
*kawaro- ‘hero, champion’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cuar [? m] (DIL cuar, caur)
W: MW cawr [m] ‘giant’
CO: OCo. caur-march gl. camelus
GAUL: Kauaros [PN]
PIE: *kewhp-ro- ‘strong’ (IEW: 592)
COGN: SKt. Sdavira-, sira- ‘strong’, Gr. kyrios ‘lord’.
ETYM: Olt. cuar is poorly attested, and was confounded with the near-
synonym, caur [m] (Gen. sg. curad ‘champion’), which cannot be related
directly to these forms. It is rather derived from *karut- (cf. the Germanic
ethnonym Harudes).
REF: LEIA C-262f., GPC I: 443, Delamarre 112, Morris-Jones 1913: 105,
Schrijver 1995: 18.
*kawla ‘faggot’ [Noun]
GOID: OIlr. cual [4 f] ‘faggot, bundle of sticks’
PIE: *kehjul- ‘stalk’ (IEW: 537)
COGN: Lat. caulis ‘stem, stalk, penis’, Gr. kaulds ‘stem’, Lith. kdaulas
“bone’
REF: Schrijver 1991: 268f.
*kawno- 197
*kawno- ‘port, haven’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cuan [o m]
PIE: *kHp-no- ‘take’ (IEW: 527)
COGN: Lat. capio ‘take’, OHG havan ‘haven’
ETYM: The formation with the suffix *-no- in the word for ‘haven’ is an
exclusive Germanic-Celtic isogloss (could it be an early borrowing from
Celtic into Germanic?). For the development of *kawno- from *kapno- cf.
PCelt. *sowno- ‘sleep’.
REF: LEIA C-261, LP 27, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 255.
*kaxto- ‘prisoner, slave’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cacht [4 f] ‘female servant’; cacht [o m] ‘slave’
W: MW caeth [m and f] ‘bond, captive, captivity’
BRET: MBret. guaez, MoBret. kaezh ‘poor, unfortunate’
CO: OCo. cait gl. servus
PIE: *kHp-to- ‘captive’ (IEW: 527)
COGN: Lat. captus, Go. hafts
ETYM: It is possible that these words are borrowed from Lat. captus (Olr.
cachtaid ‘catch’ is certainly from Lat. captare); however, they could also be
inherited; the usual word for ‘prisoner’ in Lat. is capftiuus, not captus. Fr.
chétif ‘weak, feeble’ is usually derived from VLat. *cactiuus, which is, in
turn, the result of contamination of Lat. captiuus and Gaul. *kaxtos. This is,
in itself, a sufficient reason to posit PCelt. *kaxto-.
REF: LEIA C-3, GPC I: 384f., EIEC 90, Deshayes 2003: 358, Picoche
1992: 88, Schmitt 1997.
*kayko- ‘having an eye defect, blind’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. caech [0]
W: MW coeg
CO: OCo. cuic gl. luscus vel monophthalmus
PIE: *kayko- ‘blind’ (IEW: 519)
COGN: Lat. caecus, Go. haihs, Skt. kekara- ‘cross-eyed’
ETYM: The a-vocalism of *kayko- is typical of expressive, vulgar words (I
see no reason to reconstruct *kh,ey-ko-, nor to connect these words to PIE
*kehzilo- ‘whole’). It may be a loanword from some non-IE language (such
adjectives can be borrowed, cf. Croat. dial. édrav ‘one-eyed’ from Turkish
kor). Gr. kaikias ‘northeast wind’ may be related to these words, but it is
difficult to see the semantic connection.
REF: LEIA C-6, GPC I: 529, EIEC 70.
*kaylo- ‘omen’ [Noun]
W: OW coilfi)ou [p] ‘omens, auguries’; MW coel [m and f] ‘belief, omen’
BRET: OBret. coel gl. haruspicem, MoBret. koel
CO: OCo. chuillioc gl. augur
198 *kayto-
PIE: *kehzilo- ‘whole, healthy’, perhaps also ‘blessed with good omen’
(IEW: 520)
COGN: Go. hails, OCS cél», perhaps Lat. caelum ‘sky’
ETYM: Olr. cé/ ‘omen’ is a loanword from W. The first element of the
toponym Caeilo-briga in Spain is probably also related. The semantic
connection with Lat. caelum (de Vaan 2008: 80) might lie in the practice of
divination through observing the flight of birds. Otherwise, omens might
simply have been interpreted as signs from the sky, or caelestial divinities.
The connection with the words meaning ‘whole’ might lie in the
mythological belief that the sky is a firm whole made of stone (cf. Lat.
firmamentum). However, all of this remains rather speculative.
REF: LEIA C-59, GPC I: 532, DGVB 112, Falileyev 33, LHEB 325,
Deshayes 2003: 404, Kluge 364.
*kayto- ‘wood’ [Noun]
W: OW coit, W coed [m]
BRET: MBret. coat, MoBret. koad [m]
CO: OCo. cuit gl. silva, MCo. coys
GAUL: Caito-brix [Toponym] (Ptolemy)
PIE: *kayto- ‘wood, field’ (IEW: 521)
COGN: Go. haipi ‘field’
ETYM: The element -cetium found in toponyms such as Anicetis, Leto-
cetum, to ketion dros (Ptolemy) might reflect a late Gaul. reflex of *kayto-.
This is a correspondence limited to Celtic and Germanic. The a-vocalism in
these words is difficult to account for. Maybe they were borrowed from
some substrate in NW Europe.
REF: GPC I: 528, Delamarre 98, Campanile 1974: 33, Deshayes 2003: 402,
Sims-Williams 2006: 57.
*kek"ora ‘swamp, mud’
GOID: MIr. cechor [a > k f] gl. palus
PIE: *kok"r ‘excrement’ (IEW: 544)
COGN: Skt. sdkrt, Gr. képros
ETYM: The Proto-Celtic form *kek”ora (or maybe *kek”ra) is probably the
collective/plural of the original r/n neuter stem. Lith. Sikti ‘defecate’
probably does not belong here. Russ. seri ‘defecate’, Hitt. sakkar (Gen. sg.
saknas) ‘excrement’ and Gr. skér (Gen. sg. skatos) ‘excrement’ point to a
similar PIE heterocliton *(s)kor which is very difficult to subsume under a
single etymon with *kok’r (perhaps originally *(s)kok”r subject to
tabooistic, irregular transformations?).
REF: LEIA C-S1f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 135, ELEC 186, Wodtko er
alii 413f.
*kelfurno- ‘pail, bucket’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cilornn gl. urceus, gl. situla
*kel-o- 199
W: MW celwrn [m]
BRET: MBret. guelorn, MoBret. kelorn
ETYM: These Celtic forms have been compared to the British toponym
Cilurnum, and also to Lat. calpar ‘pitcher (of wine)’, which is probably
borrowed from Gr. kalpis ‘urn’. Probably a Wanderwort of unknown origin.
REF: LEIA C-99, GPC I: 458, Deshayes 2003: 381
*kel-o- ‘hide’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ceilid, -ceil; celaid, -cela [Subj.]; célaid, -céla [Fut.]; cilt, -celt
[Pret.|; clethae, -cleth [Pass.]
W: MW kelu (GPC celu)
BRET: MBret. keles
PIE: *kel- ‘hide’ (IEW: 553f.)
COGN: Lat. oc-culo, célo, OE helan, Skt. Sa4rman- ‘shelter’
ETYM: The ethnonym *Keltoy ‘Celts’ (Lat. Celtae, Gr. Keltoi) has also
been connected with this verbal root (McCone 2006: 95). It would be a
vrddhi derivative from the PIE passive participle *kit6s ‘hidden’, and its
original meaning would have been ‘descendants of the hidden one (sc. the
underworld deity)’. Though highly speculative, this etymology finds some
support in Caesar’s remark that the Gauls claimed descent from an
underworld god, Dis Pater (De Bello Gallico 6, 18).
REF: GPC I: 455, KPV 394ff., LIV 323, EIEC 134, McCone 2006: 95.
*kellako- ‘fight, war’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cellach [o m]
PIE: *kelhp- ‘strike’ (IEW: 546f.)
COGN: Lat. -cello ‘strike’, Gr. kidd ‘break’, OHG hilta ‘fight’, Lith. kalti
‘strike, hew’
ETYM: Gaulish theonym Su-cellus (? ‘good striker’) might also be related
to this root (this god is represented as carrying a hammer on a monument
found in Sarrebourg). The origin of the geminate *ll is uncertain (*Is, *In,
and *ly are possible). The same root is probably attested in the ethnonym
Celtae (from *kel-to-, cf. PGerm. *hildyd > OE hild ‘fight’, etc.). Since the
PIE root ended in a laryngeal, this etymology presupposes that the laryngeal
was lost in Celtic. This is possible if we assume a verb with a nasal present
*kl-neh2- (cf. Lat. per-cello ‘strike’) which could have served as the source
from which the root form without the laryngeal was generalized. However,
such a verb is unattested in Celtic, which casts some doubt on the JE part of
this etymology.
REF: LEIA C-61.
*kélyo- / *kilyo- ‘companion’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. céile [io m]
W: MW cilit, kilid (GPC cilydd) [m] ‘companion, other’
BRET: MBret. e-gile ‘other’
200 *kenetlo-
CO: Co. y-gyla, e-gele
GAUL: cele (?) ‘companion’(Chateaubleau)
ETYM: The interpretation of Gaul. cele (hapax) is doubtful, see Delamarre
112. Olr. céile presupposes PCelt. *kélyo-, while the Brittonic forms can be
from *kilyo-, *kiliyo-. While this looks like Indo-European ablaut (*keyl- /
*kil-) it is difficult to associate the Celtic forms with any PIE root.
REF: LEIA C-52f, GPC I: 481, Delamarre 112, Deshayes 2003: 392.
*kenetlo- ‘race, kind’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cenél [o n]
W: OW cenetl [f]; MW kenedyl (GPC cenedl, ceneddl)
BRET: OBret. chenetl, MoBret. kenel [f]
CO: OCo. kinethel gl. generatio, Co. kenel
PIE: *ken- ‘begin’ (IEW: 563f.)
COGN: Lat. re-cens ‘new’, Gr. kainéds ‘young, new’
SEE: *ken-o- ‘descend from, come into being, be born’, *kani- ‘good, nice’
ETYM: OW feminine cenetl is probably the original Nom-Acc. pl. (or
collective) of the neuter *kenetlon.
REF: LEIA C-64, GPC I: 461, DGVB 101, Falileyev 25, Deshayes 2003:
384.
*kenget- ‘warrior’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cing [t m]
GAUL: Cingeto-rix [PN]
PIE: *keng-o- ‘tread, step, walk (lamely)’ (IEW: 930)
SEE: *keng-o- ‘tread’
ETYM: The same root is probably found in PN like Gaul. Es-cinga,
Eskeggai (Dat.).
REF: LEIA C-102, Delamarre 116.
*keng-o- ‘tread, step, walk’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. cingid, -cing; céiss, -cé [Subj.]; cichis, -cich [Fut.]; cechaing
[Pret. ]
PIE: *(s)keng- ‘limp, walk lamely’ (IEW: 930)
COGN: Gr. skazo, OHG hinkan
SEE: *kenget- ‘warrior’, *kanxsman- ‘step’
ETYM: The same root is probably attested in MW caseg (pl. cesig) ‘mare’,
OCo. cassec gl. equa, MBret. casec. These words could represent PCelt.
*kanxst-ika ‘she belonging to the stallion’, cf. PGerm. *xanxista- ‘stallion’
(OE hengest, OHG hengist ‘gelding’), The original meaning of (unattested)
PCelt. *kanxsto- would have been ‘trotter’, vel sim., but it is possible that
the Celtic words were borrowed from Germanic at an early stage.
REF: KPV 397ff, LIV 555, LEIA C-102f., C-54, Delamarre 116, Zimmer
2000: 499, Meid 2005: 174.
*kenno- 201
*kenno- ‘skin’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ceinn ‘peel, rind’ (gl. scamae)
W: OW ceenn [m] ‘murex’, W cen [m] ‘skin’
BRET: OBret. cennenn gl. membrana, MoBret. ken [m] ‘skin’
CO: Co. cen
PIE: *(s)ken- ‘peel’ (IEW: 929f.)
COGN: OE scinn ‘skin’, MHG scint ‘fruit shell’
ETYM: Olr. ceinn is not well attested; MoBret. skant [Collective]
‘dandruff’ probably reflects *skanto- from the same root (PIE *skn-to-).
Thus both variants with and without s-mobile are attested in Celtic.
REF: LEIA C-55, GPC I: 460, Falileyev 23, Deshayes 2003: 383, 659,
Schrijver 1995: 36.
*ken-o- ‘descend from, come into being, be born’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. cinid; cinis, -cin [Pret.]
PIE: *ken- ‘begin’ (IEW: 564)
COGN: Lat. re-cens, Gr. kainds ‘new’, OCS na-ceti ‘begin’
SEE: *kentu- ‘first’
ETYM: The Gaulish patronymic suffix -cno- (e.g. in TRUTICNOS = Druti
filius in the inscription from Todi) might be etymologically related to this
verb. The same root might be in the second element of W bach-gen ‘young
boy’.
REF: LEIA C-103, LIV 314, Ellis Evans 1967: 182.
*kentu- ‘first’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. cét-
W: MW cynt
BRET: OBret. cint, MBret. quent, MoBret. kent ‘before’
CO: Co. kyns
GAUL: Cintu-gnatus [PN]
PIE: *ken-t- IEW: 564)
COGN: Lat. re-cens ‘new’, Gr. kainds ‘young, new’, OHG hintar ‘behind’
SEE: *ken-o- ‘descend from, come into being, be born’
ETYM: This is originally an abstract noun derived from the root *ken-
‘begin’.
REF: LEIA C-83, GPC I: 800, EIEC 169, Ellis Evans 1967: 178, Delamarre
117, Deshayes 2003: 385.
*kentu-samonyo- ‘May’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cétamain [Indecl.]
W: MW kintevin [m] (GPC cyntefin) ‘beginning of summer, May’
SEE: *kentu-, *samon-
ETYM: This is a compound containing *kintu- ‘first’? and *samon-
‘summer’.
REF: LEIA C-58, GPC I: 801.
202 *kerV-
*kerV- ‘fall’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-cer ‘felled’ [3s Pret.]; -torchar {3s Perf.]
PIE: *kerh,- ‘break’ (IEW: 578)
COGN: Skt. Sar- ‘break’, sirti- ‘breaking’, Gr. keraiz6 ‘destroy’
ETYM: Olr. do-cer < *to-kera- or *to-ker-e- with secondary
depalatalization of -r (MIr. forms with palatalized -r are attested admittedly
late, but *kera- should have been assimilated to *kara- by Joseph’s rule). In
Old Irish, forms derived from this root serve as suppletive preterites to *tud-
o- ‘fall’, see KPV 399.
REF: KPV 399, LIV 327f., Schrijver 1995: 88f.
*kerbo- ‘pointed, sharp’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. cerb [0]
PIE: *(s)kerb"o- ‘sharp’ (IEW: 943)
COGN: OE scearp, Latv. skarbs ‘sharp, rough’, ToB kdrpye ‘rough’
ETYM: MIr. cerb is attested rather late. The Germanic forms with *p do not
point to PIE *b, but may be explained by Kluge’s law. Lat. scrobis, scrobs
‘ditch, trench, hole in the ground’ may be related, but only if Schwebeablaut
(*skrob’-) is admitted, and the difference in meaning is significant.
REF: LEIA C-71.
*kerda ‘art, skill’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cerd [4 f] ‘skill, art (esp. poetic art), craftsman’
W: MW cerdd [f] ‘skill, poetry, music’
BRET: OBret. cherdoran gl. parasitaster
PIE: *kerd- ‘profit? (IEW: 579)
COGN: Gr. kérdos ‘gain, profit’
ETYM: This etymology is based on the comparison of just two branches of
TE (Greek and Celtic) and is therefore not completely compelling. Moreover,
the semantic connection is not quite persuasive. Bammesberger (1996)
relates these words to the PIE root *kerd- ‘heart’, but I do not find his
argument persuasive. From the purely formal point of view, PCelt. *kerda
can be related to PCelt. *kerd-o- ‘put, lay, move’, but the semantic
connection is weak.
REF: LEIA C-71f., GPC I: 465, DGVB 103, LP 37, EIEC 139, 143,
Bammesberger 1996.
*kerd-o- ‘put, lay, move’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. fo-ceird ‘put, throw’; fo-cerr [Subj.]; fo-cicherr [Fut.]; fo-caird
[Pret.]; fo-cress [Pass.]
W: MW kerddet ‘walk, go’ (GPC cerdded); kerdd [3s Pres.]
BRET: OBret. cerd ‘movement’, MBret. querzet ‘go, run’, MoBret. kerzed,
kerz [m] ‘a march, a walk’
CO: Co. kerdhes ‘go’
*kerka 203
PIE: *kerd- ‘swing’ (IEW: 934f.)
COGN: Gr. kradaé ‘swing, wave’
ETYM: Olr. fo-ceird < *ufo-kerd-o- (the simplex verb is unattested in
Goidelic). OBret. credam gl. vado has the unexpected re instead of *er; this
could be due to metathesis. The IE connections of these Celtic forms are
notoriously difficult. I prefer Pokorny’s etymology to more recent proposals.
Gr. krada6 does not justify the reconstruction of the PIE root as *kerdh,-,
since the suffix -ad may have been extended analogically. Lat. cardo ‘hinge
of a door or gate, pivot’ may also be related, as well as OHG scerdo ‘hinge’,
but both the semantic and formal connections are weak.
REF: KPV 401ff., GPC I: 465, DGVB 103, LIV 353ff., 502f., LEIA C-72,
Deshayes 2003: 387.
*kerka ‘hen’ [Noun]
SEE: *korxsa ‘heron’
*kerna ‘angle, corner’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cern [a f]
W: MW cern [f] ‘corner, jaw, cheek, side’
BRET: MBret. quern ‘top’, MoBret. kern [f]
CO: Co. Kernow ‘Cornwall’
PIE: *ker(h2)-no- ‘horn’ (IEW: 576)
COGN: Go. haurna ‘horn’, Lat. cornu ‘horn’
SEE: *karno- ‘horn, hoof?
ETYM: MIr. cern ‘corner’ might be the same word as cern ‘receptacle,
dish’ (if this latter word originally denoted only dishes of angled shape). If
this etymon is indeed from the PIE root for ‘horn’, Celtic must have
generalized the root shape without the laryngeal (just as Latin cornu). The
same root is in the zero-grade in PCelt. *karno-.
REF: LEIA C-74, GPC I: 468, Deshayes 2003: 387, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 58.
*ki / *koy / *ké [Demonstrative Particle or pronoun]
GOID: Olr. ce, cé demonstrative particle: in bith ce ‘this world’, Ogam CI,
COI ‘this’
GAUL: koui (?), iso-c ‘thus’ (Chamaliéres)
PIE: *key- ‘this’ (IEW: 609)
COGN: Lat. cis, Eng. he-reLith. Sis
ETYM: The Olr. form cé could represent the Nom. s masc. form of the
pronoun, PIE *keys > PCelt. kés (like *k“eys ‘who’ > *k”és). The short
form ce is due to shortening in atonic position. The Ogam particle COI
probably also belongs here; since its meaning seems to be equivalent to Lat.
hic (iacet), it has been interpreted as the Loc. sg. of the same pronominal
stem.
REF: LEIA C-51, EJEC 458, Eska 1990, Hamp 2003.
204 *kika
*kika ‘breast’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cich [a f] ‘breast’
W: MW cig [m] ‘meat’
BRET: OBret. cic-guan gl. fuscina, MBret. guic, MoBret. kig [m]
CO: OCo. cic gl. caro, chic, kyk
GAUL: Cic-ollus [PN]
ETYM: There is some evidence (according to DIL) that cich was a neuter s-
stem in Olr., so maybe PCelt. *kikos- should be reconstructed (this would be
more in accordance with the gender of the Brittonic words). It is assumed
here that the meaning attested in MIr. is original; this is a popular, expressive
word, such as are often used for (female) body parts.
REF: LEIA C-96, GPC I: 477, DGVB 105, LHEB 304, Delamarre 116,
Campanile 1974: 26f., Deshayes 2003: 391.
*kina, *kina ‘besides’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. cen [+Acc.] ‘without’
W: MW am-gen ‘other, different’
BRET: MBret. guen ‘other, otherwise’
CO: Co. ken ‘other, otherwise’
ETYM: W gan ‘with, by’ has also been related to these words (but cf.
PCelt. *kanti- ‘together, with’). It appears that these words are connected to
the demonstrative base *ki- (Lat. cis etc.), but details are unclear.
REF: LEIA C-64, GPC I: 86.
*kisra ‘comb’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cir [8 f]
PIE: *kes- ‘comb’ (IEW: 585)
COGN: Gr. ksainéd ‘comb’, OCS éesati ‘to comb’, Lith. kasyti ‘to scratch’
ETYM: The lengthened grade of Olr. cir is unexpected. On the other hand,
a proto-form *kes-era would presumably yield **kehera > **ciar in Olr. It is
tempting to posit a reduplicated proto-form *ke-ks-reh, > *kexsra (for the
zero grade cf. Gr. ksdind < *ks-n-) and assume lengthening of vowels before
*xsL (cf. *taxslo- ‘axe’ < *tokslo-). If this is accepted, we would have
*kexsra > *késra > *kisra regularly.
REF: LEIA C-105, Schrijver 1995: 446.
*kist& ‘(woven) basket’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. cess (DIL ces) [a f] ‘basket, causeway of wickerwork, bee-
hive’
W: OW cest [f] gl. fiscina
BRET: MBret. kest
COGN: Gr. kisté
ETYM: Borrowing from Lat. cista (itself from Gr. kisté) seems improbable.
All of these words could be from some unknown, non-IE source. Lat.
*kiw-o- 205
cissium ‘a kind of car with two wheels’ is considered to be a loanword from
Gaul. It may be from the same Celt. root. For the evolution of meaning cf.
Olr. corb ‘chariot’, vs. Lat. corbis ‘basket’.
REF: LEIA C-78f., GPC I: 740, DGVB 104, Delamarre 117.
*kiw-o- ‘fog’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ceo [? f and m]
PIE: *keyH- ‘gray’ (IEW: 951)
COGN: Skt. syava- ‘dark brown’, OCS sive ‘gray’, Lith. Syvas
ETYM: The derivation from the PIE root is doubtful both formally and
semantically (for the phonetic development cf. Olr. béo from PCelt. *biwo-
‘alive’). The vowel length could have been lost by Dybo’s law if PIE end-
stressed *kiH-w6- is posited. OE héow, hiw ‘appearance’ and the related
Germanic words probably do not belong here (Orel 2003: 171 relates them
convincigly to OE heawan ‘to hew’).
REF: LEIA C-68f.
*ki-yo- ‘fall, cry’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ciid, -ci ‘cry’; cieid, -cia [Subj.]; cichid, -cichi [Fut.]; cich
[Pret.]
W: MW -chiawr ‘fall’ [3s Pres.] (GPC ciawr)
BRET: MBret. coezaff ‘fall, happen’
CO: Co. koedha ‘fall, happen’
PIE: *key- ‘fall’ (IEW: 542 (*keyd-))
COGN: Skt. Siyate ‘falls’, perhaps ON hitta ‘light upon, meet with’
ETYM: Breton and Comish forms are from PCelt. *ké-do-, presumably a
derivative from the same verbal root. Cf. also W cwyddaw ‘fall’ (denominal
verb).
REF: GPC I: 475, KPV 404ff., LIV 321, LEIA C-9, C-98.
*kladiwo- ‘sword’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. claideb [o m]
SEE: *klado-, *klado- ‘trench’
ETYM: The Brittonic words (MW cledyf, MBret. clezeff; Co. clethe) are
early loanwords from Goidelic. It is usually assumed that Lat. gladius was
borrowed from Celtic in prehistoric times, but it could also be inherited (with
*kl > g/- as in Lat. gloria < *klowesya).
REF: LEIA C-110f., Porzio Gernia 1981: 110.
*klad-o- ‘dig, bury’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. cladaid, -claid; claiss, -cla (Subj.]; cechlais, -cechla (Fut.];
cechlaid [Pret.]; classae, -class [Pass.]
W: MW claddu
BRET: MBret. claza, MoBret. klazafi
PIE: *kelhy- ‘hit, break’ (IEW: 546f.)
206 *klado-
COGN: Lat. per-cello, Gr. kla6, Lith. kalti, OCS klati ‘stab’
SEE: *klado-, *klado- ‘trench’
ETYM: The Celtic forms show the reflexes of the zero-grade of the PIE
root. Schumacher (KPV 412) thinks that *klad- is the regular reflex of
*klhod-, which I find unlikely. The expected reflex *klad- is preserved in the
Subjunctive, Olr. -cldiss < *klads-, while the short vowel in the present may
be the result of Dybo’s law, if the original present was *klh2déti, *klhodonti
(the type of Skt. tudati).
REF: GPC |: 486, KPV 410ff., LIV 350, LP 352f, LEIA C-111f.,
Deshayes 2003: 395.
*klado-, *klado- ‘trench’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. clad, clod [o m] ‘hole dug in the ground, trench’
W: MW cladd [m and f] ‘pit, ditch’ (GPC cladd), clawd [m] ‘mound, ditch,
pit, bulwark’ (GPC clawdd); cloddiau, cloddion [p]
BRET: MBret. Aleuz (MoBret.)
CO: Co. cleath
GAUL: Vindo-cladia [Toponym]
PIE: *kleha-d- IEW: 546)
COGN: Lat. clades ‘devastation’
SEE: *klad-o- ‘dig, bury’
ETYM: There is also a verbal derivative from the same root, PCelt. *klad-o-
(v.). MBret. kleuz and W clawd must be from PCelt. *klad- with long *a.
The forms with short *a must somehow be analogical, because *klhod- (with
PIE zero-grade) would have yielded PCelt. *klad- as well. The source of the
analogy could have been the verb *klad-o- ‘dig’, where the short *a might be
regular.
REF: LEIA C-109, GPC I: 486, 491, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 47,
Schrijver 1991: 173ff.
*klamo- ‘sick, suffering from leprosy’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. clam [o] ‘leprous’
W: MW claf ‘sick, ill, leprous’
BRET: MBret. claff, MoBret. klafiv
CO: OCo. claf gl. eger
ETYM: The a-vocalism of this etymon points to non-IE origin.
REF: LEIA C-112, GPC I: 487, LP 54, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 45,
Campanile 1974: 27, Deshayes 2003: 394.
*klaro- ‘board, plank’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. clar (0 n and m] ‘plank, flat article, surface’
W: OW claur, W clawr [1] ‘cover, lid, plank’; cloriau [p]
BRET: MoBret. cleiir, kleur [m] ‘limon de charrette, cheville du limon’
PIE: *klehzro- ‘plank’ (IEW: 545)
COGN: Gr. kléros ‘lot, piece of wood for casting lots’
*klawo- 207
ETYM: A connection with the root *kelh.- ‘cut’ (Gr. klad, Lith. kalti, etc.,
Pokorny 545f.) appears probable, otherwise this would be an exclusive
Celtic-Greek isogloss. Both PCelt. *klaro- and Gr. kléros can be from PIE
*kth,ro- (the Greek form shows that the accent was on the first syllable, so
the length of the root vowel was preserved in Celtic).
SEE: *kellako- ‘fight, war’, *klad-o- ‘bury, dig’, *kolga ‘dagger’
REF: LEIA C-113f., GPC I: 491, EIEC 431, Falileyev 32, Deshayes 2003:
397, Schrijver 1995:189
*klawo- ‘bolt’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. clé [o m] ‘nail, spike’; cloé [io m]
W: MW clo [m] ‘lock, bolt’
BRET: OBret. clou gl. acitamenta (for *acutamenta), MBret. clou, MoBret.
klow [m] ‘key, bolt’
PIE: *klehy-w- ‘bolt, bar, hook’ (IEW: 604)
COGN: Lat. clauis ‘key, bolt’, Gr. kleis (Dor. kldis)
ETYM: Some think these words were borrowed from Lat. clduus, but
inheritance is equally probable.
REF: LEIA C-121, GPC I: 501, EIEC 272, Deshayes 2003: 401.
*kléta ‘palisade, hurdle’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cliath [a f]
W: MW clwyd [f] ‘barrier, wattle, scaffolding, gate’
BRET: MBret. cloet, kloued, klwed [f]
CO: OCo. cluit gl. clita
PIE: *kley-t- (IEW: 601)
SEE: *klit- ‘pillar, post’
ETYM: Fr. claie, Cat. cleda are derived from Gaul. *cléta, the exact
correspondence of these Celtic words, see Delamarre 118.
REF: LEIA C-119, GPC I: 513, Delamarre 118, Campanile 1974: 28,
Deshayes 2003: 401, Gamilscheg 233, Schrijver 1995: 224, 230, 241.
*kléyo- ‘left’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. clé
W: OW cled, MW cled (GPC cledd) ‘left, left hand or side’ ({f] when used
as a noun)
BRET: MBret. cleiz, MoBret. kleiz
CO: Co. cledh
PIE: *kley- (IEW: 601)
COGN: Lat. cliuius ‘inauspicious, ominous’, Go. hleiduma ‘left’, Lith.
Sleivas ‘bow-legged’
ETYM: It seems that the original meaning of PIE *kley- was ‘bow-shaped’,
or ‘sloping’, cf. Lat. cliuus ‘slope, hill’.
REF: LEIA C-115, GPC I: 493, EIEC 131, 159, 349, Falileyev 32,
Deshayes 2003: 396, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 204.
208 *kli-nu-
*kli-nu- ‘hear’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ro-cluinethar; -cloathar [Subj.}; cechladar [Fut.]; -cualae
[Pret.]; -closs [Pass.]
PIE: *klew- (IEW: 605ff.)
COGN: Skt. sru-, Gr. klyo, OCS sluti
SEE: *klus-i- ‘hear’, *klowsta ‘ear’
ETYM: Olt. ro-cluinethar < *fro-kli-nu-tor. The verb loses its prefix ro- in
non-present tense. The PCelt. stem *kli-nu- was probably reshaped by
transposition to *klu-ni- in Primitive Irish, hence regularly Olr. -cluin-ethar.
REF: LIV 334, EIEC C-127f., McCone 1996: 224f., Kortlandt 2007: 137.
*klisso-, *klissu- ‘feat’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cles [o and u m] ‘feat, trick, strategem’
PIE: *kleys-d-
COGN: Skt. Aridati ‘plays, dances’
ETYM: If Olr. cles is related to Skt. kridati, the PIE root should be
reconstructed as *kleys-d-. PCelt. *klisso- < *klisd-to- preserves the zero-
grade of the root from the past participle. However, Skt. kridati has also
been related to ON hrista ‘shake’, which must be from PIE *kreys-d-.
Another possibility would be to relate Olr. cless to Skt. Sres- ‘hang’
(Mayrhofer IT: 670f., LIV 297), in which case we should reconstruct PCelt.
*klisso- (< PIE *klis-so-), or *klisto- (< PIE *klis-to-).
REF: LEIA C-117.
*klit- ‘pillar, post’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. cli [m] and cleth [8 f] “housepost, support, prop’
PIE: *kley-t- ‘post, trimmed log’ (IEW: 601)
COGN: Skt. sritd- ‘attached’, Gr. klita ‘cloister’ (Hesych.), OE gehlid
‘fence’
ETYM: Olr. cli can be from *klit-, whereas cleth is from the derived *klita.
Reflexes in other IE languages may point to a PIE root noun, *kleyt- /
*klit-os, but most languages seem to have generalized the oblique stem with
the zero-grade of the root, attested also in the verb *kley- ‘lean’ (Skt. Sray-,
Lat. clino, OHG hlinén, Lith. Slieti).
REF: LEIA C-118, EIEC 441, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 57, Watkins
1979.
*klito- ‘warm’ [Adj]
W: MW clyd ‘warm, sheltered’
PIE: *klto- ‘warm’ (IEW: 551)
COGN: Lith. siltas, Lat. calidus, caleo ‘be warm’ :
ETYM: Formally, PCelt. *klito- is a past participle of the verbal stem *kel-,
which is attested in Lat. caleo
REF: GPC I: 515.
*klokko- 209
*klokko- ‘bell’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol. clocc [o m]
W: MW cloch [f]
BRET: MBret. cloch, MoBret. kloc’h [m]
CO: OCo. cloch gl. clocca
ETYM: Fr. cloche ‘bell’ < MLat. clocca was probably borrowed from the
language of the Celtic missionaries in the early Middle Ages (clocca is first
attested in the work of Adomnan in the 7th century). It is improbable that it
is from Gaulish, cf. also Germ. Glocke. The PCelt. word is clearly
onomatopoetic.
REF: LEIA C-122f., GPC I: 502, Campanile 1974: 27f., Deshayes 2003:
399, Gamillscheg 237.
*klowni- ‘meadow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cliain [i m]
W: OW clun [m], MW clun
GAUL: Clunia [Toponym]
ETYM: Pokorny hesitates between the roots *klep- (IEW 603) and *klew-
(IEW 607), but neither etymology is completely persuasive. I find the
derivation from PIE *klopni- (Lith. S/dpius ‘wet’, Gr. kiépas ‘swamp’)
somewhat more probable. PIE *klopni would have given PCelt. *klowni-
quite regularly.
REF: LEIA C-126, GPC I: 510, Falileyev 33, GOI 140, Sims-Williams
2006: 63.
*klowni- ‘thigh’ [Noun]
W: MW clun [f]; cluniau [p]
BRET: MBret. clun, MoBret. klun [f] ‘buttock’
CO: Co. clun
. PIE: *klowni- (IEW: 607f.)
COGN: Lat. clinis, Olc. hlaun, Lith. Slaunis
REF: GPC I: 510, LP 41, Deshayes 2003: 401.
*klowsta ‘hearing, ear’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cluas [4 f]
W: MW clust [m and f]; clustiau [p]
GAUL: Rokloisiabo [Dat p, Theonym]
PIE: *klews-t- ‘hear’ (IEW: 606)
SEE: *kli-nu- ‘hear’
COGN: OE hlyst ‘hearing’
REF: LEIA C-126f., GPC I: 510f., Schrijver 1995: 400, 409, 412.
*klukaro- ‘heap of stones, rocky place’ [Noun]
SEE: *kluka ‘stone’
210 *kluka
*kluka ‘stone, rock’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cloch [a f]
W: MW clog [f] ‘tock’
BRET: MoBret. Cleguer [Toponym]
CO: Co. clog
ETYM: MBret. Cleguer, MoBret. Kleger (also kleger [m] ‘heap of stones’)
is a collective formation with the suffix *-ro-, cf. Olr. clochar [o n], W
clegyr ‘a heap of stones’ (on this type of formation see Tovar 1972-3). In all
likelihood, this PCelt. etymon was borrowed from some non-IE language.
REF: LEIA C-123f., GPC I: 505, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 471.
*klus-I- ‘hear’ [Vb]
W: MW clywet, clybot (GPC clywed, clybod)
BRET: MBret. clevet, MoBret. klewed
CO: Co. klywes
PIE: *klews- (IEW: 605ff.)
COGN: OHG hlosén, OCS slySati
SEE: *kli-nu- ‘hear’
ETYM: The forms of the verb ‘to hear’ in Goidelic are derived from the
form *klew-, e.g. Olr. ro-cluinethar ‘hears’, cf. the preterite 3sg. -cualae <
*ku-klow-e (= W cigleu).
REF: GPC I: 516, KPV 412ff., LIV 336, Deshayes 2003: 397.
*kluto- ‘fame’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cloth [o n]
W: MW clod [m and f]
BRET: OBret. clot gl. ruamoris, MoBret. klod [m]
CO: Co. clos
PIE: *klu-to- (IEW: 605ff.)
COGN: Gr. klytés ‘famous’, Lat. in-clutus
ETYM: This word is a substantivized neuter passive participle. W clod <
*kluta is best interpreted as the reflex of the old neuter plural, rather than as
an independent feminine etymon.
REF: LEIA C-124f. GPC I: 503, DGVB 109, Deshayes 2003: 399, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999:143.
*kluwos ‘fame’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. clu [s n, later f] gl. rumor; clué [Gen s]
PIE: *klewos ‘word, fame’ (IEW: 606)
COGN: Skt. sravas-, Gr. kléos, Lat. cludr
SEE: *kli-nu- ‘hear’, *kluto- ‘fame’
ETYM: The unexpected *-u- in Celtic could be due to the analogy with the
participle of the verb ‘to hear’, *klu-to-. PIE *klewos should probably have
given PCelt. *klowos > OIr. **chia. The same root is attested in Gaul.
*knami- 211
personal names such as Ver-clovus, Veru-cloetius (Caesar). Gaul.
(?Theonym) rokloisiabo [Dat. pl.] (Glanum) can represent *fro-klowes-ya
(Hamp 1986).
REF: LEIA C-125f., EIEC 192, 437, Meid 2005: 180.
*knami- ‘bone’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cndim [i m]
PIE: *konh2m ‘leg’ (Gen. s *knhym-os) (IEW: 613)
COGN: Gr. knémé ‘leg’, OE hamm ‘ham’
ETYM: The Olr. word is derived from the oblique stem of the PIE etymon,
*knhom-. W cnaw [m] ‘bone, skull’ is probably a loanword from OIr.
REF: LEIA C-129f., GPC I: 518, EIEC 349, Matasovi¢ 2004: 107, Schrijver
1995: 182, 189.
*knawi ‘fleece’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. cnai [i f]
W: MW cnaif [m] ‘fleece, clipping, a shearing’
BRET: MBret. kneau, cnev, (Vannetais kaneo), MoBret. knew [m]
CO: Co. kneu
ETYM: Cf. also MW cnu, cnuf [m] ‘fleece’ < *knowo-. An etymological
connection to PCelt. *kna-yo- ‘bite, chew’ is probable.
REF: LEIA C-128f., GPC I: 517, Deshayes 2003: 402.
*kna-yo- ‘bite, chew’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. imm-cna, -cna
W: MW cnoi; cny [3s Pres.]
PIE: *kneh- “bite, gnaw’ (IEW: 560)
COGN: Lith. knoti ‘peel’, Gr. knéstér ‘a kind of knife’
ETYM: OIr. imm-cna < *ambi-kna-yo-. Cf. also Olr. cnaid ‘bites, gnaws’.
The verbal noun Olr. cnadm < *knama might be etymologically identical to
MW cnaw ‘bone’ (but see PCelt. *knami- ‘bone’).
REF: KPV 418, LIV 365, LP 354, LEIA C-129.
*knokko- ‘protuberance, hill’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cnocc [o m] ‘lump, swelling, ulcer, hill, mound’
W: MW cawch [m] (GPC cnwch, clwch)
BRET: OBret. cnoch gl. tumulus, MBret. gnech, MoBret. krec’h [m]
PIE *knek- (IEW: 559)
COGN: OE hnecca ‘neck’, OHG hnac ‘back, top’, ToA kfiuk ‘neck’
ETYM: W cnwe is a loanword from Irish (the regular reflex of *kk is W
ch). Its vocalism may have influenced cnwch, which is inherited, (otherwise
we would have to reconstruct PCelt. *knukko-, and attribute -o- in Olr. to
lowering). Celtic shows evidence of both *knokko- (Olr. cnocc) and
*knekko- (MoBret. krec’h, with kn > kr). PCelt. *knokko- agrees with the
vocalism of the Germanic cognates.
212 *knu-
REF: LEIA C-132, GPC I: 523, Deshayes 2003: 429.
*kna- ‘nut’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cnz [i f]
W: MW cnau [p]; cneuen [Singulative f]
BRET: MBret. kanou, MoBret. know [Collective], knoen [Singulative]
CO: Co. cnyfan [Singulative]
PIE: *knew- ‘nut’ (IEW: 558)
COGN: Lat. nux, OE hnutu
ETYM: These words, all derived from the same root (*knew-), have
different suffixes (*-k- in Latin, *-d- in Germanic, ? -H- in Celtic). They
may have been ultimately borrowed from some unknown non-lE source of
W Europe.
REF: LEIA C-132, GPC I: 518, EIEC 405, Deshayes 2003: 402, Schrijver
1995: 330.
*kob(o)- ‘victory’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cob [o n (?)]
GAUL: Uer-cobius [PN]
PIE: *kob- (IEW: 610)
COGN: ON happ ‘chance, good luck’, OCS kobo ‘destiny’
ETYM: Ir. cob is a rare, poetic word glossed as buaid ‘victory’ in O°
Davoreen’s dictionary. It could have been neuter originally, but this is not
certain. The comparison of the Gaulish names with this element is also rather
speculative.
REF: LEIA C-134f., Delamarre 120, Ellis Evans 1967: 183.
*koldo- ‘destruction’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. coll [o n]
W: MW coll [m]
BRET: MBret. coll, MoBret. koll
CO: OCo. colled gl. iactura
PIE: *kold-’strike, cut’ (IEW: 545)
COGN: OE healtian ‘limp’
REF: LEIA C-158, GPC I: 546, LP 37, Deshayes 2003: 407, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 44.
*kolga ‘sword, dagger’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. colg, calg [4 f later o m]
W: MW col, coly [m] ‘sting, spike, chaff; OW colginn gli. aristam, MW
colyn {m] ‘sting, pivot’
CO: Co. col, colgh
PIE: *kelh,- ‘pierce, strike’ (IEW: 545)
COGN: Lat. per-cello, OCS klati
*koligno- 213
ETYM: If we start from PIE *kolho-geho, the loss of the laryngeal is regular
after *oR (de Saussure’s rule). But the velar suffix *-go- is unusual.
REF: LEIA C-157, GPC I: 542, 546, LP 33, Falileyev 34, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 99
*koligno- ‘pup, small animal’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cuilén [o m] ‘pup, whelp, cub, kitten’
W: MW colwyn [m]; colwynod [p]
BRET: OBret. coloinan gi. catulaster, MBret. guoalen
CO: OCo. coloin gl. catulus
ETYM: Theoretically, it would be possible to derive *koligno- by
dissimilation from *koni-gno-, and relate the first element of this compound
to PIE *ken- ‘young, new’ (see PCelt. *kanawon-). The second element
would be derivable from PIE *genh;- ‘bear, give birth to’ (see PCelt.
*genos-). However, this is highly speculative. Since no persuasive IE
etymology is at hand, it is quite likely that this word was borrowed from
some non-lE language.
REF: LEIA C-269, GPC I: 545, DGVB 114.
*kolino- ‘holly tree’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. cuilenn [o m]
W: MW celyn
BRET: MBret. qguelenn, MoBret. kelenn [Collective]
CO: OCo. kelin gl. ulcia
PIE: *kol-ino- ‘pricky tree, 7holly’ (IEW: 545)
COGN: OE holegn ‘holly’, OHG hulis(boum), Alb. kaili ‘straw, chaff?
ETYM: The Germanic forms point to PGerm. *hulisa-, which would have to
teflect the zero-grade of a PIE root *kol-, *kel-. Note, however, that OIr.
cuilenn would be compatible with *kulisno- rather than *kolino-. If
*kulisno- is the correct PCelt. reconstruction, we are dealing with a
loanword from some unknown non-IE language. But the vocalism of the
Brittonic reflexes is best explained as the result of assimilation from *kylyn,
which would be the regular reflex (by raising) of *kolyn (cf. W dylysc and
delysc < PCelt. *dolisko- ‘seaweed’).
REF: LEIA C-270, EIEC 367, 451, Deshayes 2003: 380.
*kom ‘with’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. co, cu [Nasalizing, +Dat.]
W: MW cyf-
BRET: MBret. kev-
CO: Co. kev-
PIE: *kom ‘with’ (IEW: 612)
COGN: Lat. cum, OCS sb
SEE: *kanti- ‘together with’
214 *kom-altiyo-
ETYM: A derivative of this preposition is PCelt. *kanti- < +imti- ‘together,
with’
REF: LEIA C-133, C-161, GOI S02f.
*kom-altiyo- ‘foster-brother’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. comaltae [io m]
W: MW cyfeillt [m] ‘friend’ (GPC cyfaill, cyfaillt)
CO: OCo. chevals gl. artus
SEE: *altiyo- ‘fosterling, client’
REF: GPC I: 675.
*kom-angu- ‘narrow’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. cumung [o]
W: MW cyfwng [m] ‘gap, chasm, straits’
SEE: *angu- ‘narrow’
ETYM: Cf. also the denominative verb W cyfyngu ‘to narrow, distress,
restrict’.
REF: LEIA C-292, GPC I: 724, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 428.
*kom-are-(yo)- ‘direction, presence’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. comair (used as a preposition: comair caich ‘in front of
everyone’)
W: MW cyfair (m and f] ‘direction, place, spot, acre’ (GPC cyfair, cyfer)
BRET: MBret. e queffuer, MoBret. kefiver
CO: Co. -kever
SEE: *kom-, *fare
REF: LEIA C-163, GPC I: 675, Deshayes 2003: 386.
*kom-ber-o- “bring together’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. con-beir ‘brings together, bears’
W: MW &Aymryt ‘take, receive’ (GPC kymryd, cymeryd)
BRET: MBret. quempret ‘take, receive’, kemeret
CO: Co. kemmeres ‘take, receive’
SEE: *ber-o- ‘carry’
REF: KPV 219ff., GPC I: 759.
*kom-bero- ‘confluence (of rivers)’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. commar [0]
W: OW cimer [m], cymer
BRET: MBret. kemper
SEE: *kom-, *ber-o- ‘carry’
REF: LEIA C-178, GPC I: 759, Falileyev 30, Hamp 1982: 30.
*kom-bi-na- ‘cut off [Vb]
GOID: MIr. con-ben ‘cuts off’
¥*kom-dati- 215
W: MW kymynu ‘hew, cut off, hack’; kymyn [3s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. qguemenas ‘cut’ [3s Pret.]
REF: GPC I: 774.
*kom-dati- ‘confluence’ [Noun]
SEE: *dasti- ‘heap, pile’
*kom-daw-to- ‘firewood’ [Noun]
SEE: *daw-yo- ‘kindle, burn’
*kom-delgo- ‘contract, comparison’
SEE: *delg-o- ‘hold’
*kom-fro-ank-o- ‘meet, fight’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. con-r-icc ‘meet’
W: MW kyfreing, kyfrang [3s Pres.] ‘meet, fight’ (GPC cyfrengi)
SEE: *ank-o- ‘reach’
REF: KPV 200f., GPC I: 710.
*kom-koro- ‘meeting’ (?) [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cocur [0 m] ‘consultation, conspiracy’
W: MW cynghor [m] ‘counsel’ (GPC cyngor)
SEE: *kom-, *koro- ‘act of putting’
REF: LEJA C-205, GPC I: 740.
*kom-men- ‘memory’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cuman, cumen (in is cuman lim ‘T remember’)
W: MW cof [m], covein, cofawr [p]
BRET: OBret. com, cam, MBret. couff, coff, MoBret. koun [m]
CO: Co. cof
SEE: *man-yo- ‘think, remember’
ETYM: OBret. com, cam is not adduced in DGVB.
REF: LEIA C-287f., GPC I: 536, Deshayes 2003: 422, Schrijver 1995: 37.
*kom-oxti- ‘power, wealth’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cumachtae [io nj ‘power’
W: OW comoid [m] ‘power’, MW cyfoeth, kyuoeth ‘wealth’
CO: OCo. chefuidoc gl. omnipotens
REF: LEIA C-286, GPC I: 708, Falileyev 34.
*kom-riga ‘binding, bond’ [Noun]
SEE: *rig-o- ‘bind’
*kom-skara- ‘divide, destroy’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. con-scara ‘cut to pieces, destroy’
216 *kom-sniy-0-
W: MW hkyfsycaraf [1s Pres.] ‘separate (oneself)’ (GPC cyfysgar)
SEE: *skara- ‘separate’
REF: KPV 576, GPC I: 727.
*kom-sniy-o- ‘contend, strive for’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. con-sni; con-séna [Pret.]
W: MW kynnif, kynnyddu ‘grow, enlarge’
SEE: *sniy-o- ‘spin, weave’
REF: KPV 599f., GPC I: 797.
*kondo- ‘protuberance, preeminence, reason’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. conn [o m] ‘protuberance, adult person, intelligence’
PIE: *kom-d"h,o- ‘put together’ (IEW: 613)
COGN: Lat. condo, OCS sad» ‘court, judgement’
ETYM: It is not certain whether there is only one PCelt. word *kondo-
encompassing all of the meanings attributable to Olr. conn. This Olr. word
was also interpreted as *k”onno-, which would be in ablaut to *k”enno-
‘head’ (v.), in which case it cannot be from PIE *kom- d°h,o- ‘put together’.
REF: LEIA C-196.
*koret- ‘palisade, wall’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cora [t f]
W: MW cored [f] ‘weir, dam’
BRET: OBret. coret
ETYM: The Germanic words for ‘hurdle’ (Germ. Hiirde, OE hyrdel) may
be related, as well as OPr. corto ‘hedge’ and Lat. cratis ‘hurdle’, but the
proto-form is difficult to reconstruct. In all likelihood these words were
borrowed from some non-IE language. MIr. ceirtle [ia f] ‘clew, ball of
thread’ (? < *kert-li-ya) probably does not belong here.
REF: LEIA C-206, GPC I: 558, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 165.
*korkkyo- ‘oats’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. corca, coirce [io m]
W: MW ceeirch, cerch, cyrch [p]; ceirchyn, ceirchen [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. kerch, MoBret. kerc’h [Collective]
CO: OCo. bara keirch gl. panis avena
ETYM: The e-vocalism of the root in Brittonic is secondary, the regular
reflex is preserved in MW cyrch, which is the result of raising (from
*korkki); sequences of *y..i/y often dissimilate to *e...i/y in Brittonic (cf.
PCelt. *dolisko- > W delysc, dylysc). OSw. hagre ‘oats’ (from which Fin.
kakra ‘id.’ was borrowed) can be derived from *kokro-; these words for
‘oats’ were probably borrowed from some pre-IE source in NW Europe.
REF: LEIA C-208, GPC I: 454, Deshayes 2003: 386, Schrijver 1995: 259,
283, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 39.
*kormi 217
*kormi ‘beer’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cuirm [i n]
W: OW curum, W cwrw [m]
CO: OCo. coruf gl. ceruisia, MCo. kor
GAUL: curmi, curmi (Vertault), korma
PIE: *kerm- (IEW: 572)
COGN: Russ. kérm ‘fodder’, ?Lat. cremor ‘broth, pap, juice made by
boiling grain’
ETYM: The reconstruction PCelt. *kormi- is preferable to the alternative
*kurmi-, because such a vocalism can more easily be related to the PIE root
*kerm-; Gaul. curmi must have the vowel u by a secondary development.
Lat. ceruésia, ceruisia ‘beer’ (Pliny, 22.64) was borrowed from a Celtic
form with the e-vocalism. Falileyev does not adduce OW curum.
REF: LEIA C-277f., GPC I: 649f., LP 55, EIEC 82, Lambert 1994: 123,
191, Delamarre 133, Campanile 1974: 31, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 245,
Porzio Gernia 1981: 108.
*korno- ‘horn’ [Noun]
SEE: *karno- ‘horn, hoof’
*koro- ‘act of putting, casting, a throw’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. cor [o m]
PIE: *(s)ker- ‘turn, curve’ (IEW: 935)
COGN: Lat. curuus ‘curved’
ETYM: In Olr., there is a denominative verb do-cuirethar ‘put, place’ (<
*to-koryetor) derived from this root. The IE etymology is conjectural; if true,
the meaning changed from ‘turn’ to ‘cast’ and ‘put’ in Celtic. The same root
may be contained in Olr. echair, [i and k, f] ‘key’, (DIL eochair), if from
*exs-kor-i (the original meaning would have been ‘the opener’, while MW
agor ‘open’ can be from *ad-kor- (cf. also Co. egory, ygeri ‘open’).
Pedersen’s derivation of these words from *e-kari- is impossible.
REF: LEIA C-204ff., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 45, Pedersen I: 123, GPC
I: 48,
*koruko- ‘(leather) boat’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. curach [o m]
W: MW corwg, corwgl [m] ‘coracle, vessel, body’
ETYM: A connection of these words with PIE *(s)koro- ‘leather’ (OCS
kora, Lat. corium, IEW 939) appears probable.
REF: LEIA C-294f., GPC I: 567, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 312.
*korxsa ‘heron, crane’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. corr [4 f]
W: MW crychydd [m] ‘heron’
BRET: OBret. corcid gl. ardea, MBret. guercheiz, MoBret. kerc ’heiz [f]
218 *koryo-
CO: OCo. crechit, cherchid gl. ardea, Co. kerghyt, keryth
ETYM: The derivation is not without problems, since the root is
onomatopoetic. MW crychydd points to *krixsiya, from the zero-grade of the
same root as PCelt. *kerka ‘hen’ > Olt. cerc [8 f]. This word may also have
influenced the developent of Bret. kerc’heiz. Cf. also W creyr, crehyr,
MBret. querhair ‘heron’, which may be from a similar onomatopoetic root.
The PIE etymology is uncertain, but other IE languages have similar
onomatopoetic words, e.g. Skt. krka-vaku- ‘cock’.
REF: LEIA C-71, C-212, GPC I: 620, Deshayes 2003: 386f., de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 505.
*koryo- ‘troop, tribe’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cuire [io ?m]
W: MW cordd [f] ‘tribe, clan’
GAUL: Vo-corii [Ethnonym], Ate-corius [PN]
PIE: *koryo- ‘troop’ (IEW: 615)
COGN: OPers. kara- ‘people’, Go. harjis ‘army’, Lith. kdrias ‘army’
ETYM: Cf. also OW cas-goord ‘retinue of attendants’ (? *kom-exs-koryo-).
IEW (579) compares MW cordd with Skt. Sdrdhas- ‘herd, troop’, Go.
hairda, etc., but this is clearly less probable.
REF: LEIA C-275, GPC I: 557, EIEC 30, Delamarre 125, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 202, Falileyev 23, de Vaan 1999, Meid 2005: 165f., Sims-
Williams 2006: 64f.
*koslo- ‘hazel’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. coll [o m] gl. corylus
W: OW coll gl. corilis [coll.], MW coll(en); cyll [p]
BRET: OBret. colguid gl. colurnus, MBret. queluez, MoBret. kelwez
[Collective]
CO: OCo. colwiden g). corillus
PIE: *kos(V)lo- ‘hazel’ (EW: 616)
COGN: Lat. corulus, OHG hasal, perhaps OLith. kasulas ‘hunting spear’
ETYM: The Celtic forms can be derived by syncope. MoBret. ke/vezen and
OCo. colwiden represent compounds, with the second element *widu-
‘wood’. There may have existed a related word *koslo- in Gaulish (see
LEIA C-158). The word for ‘hazel’ is clearly an innovation of the European
branches of IE.
REF: LEIA C-157f., GPC I: 546, EIEC 260, Falileyev 34, Campanile 1974:
29, Deshayes 2003: 382, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 44, Oettinger 2003:
190.
*kotto- ‘old’ [Adj]
BRET: MBret. coz, MoBret. kozh
CO: OCo. coth
GAUL: Ate-cotti [Ethnonym]
*kowdo- 219
ETYM: According to Sims-Williams (2006: 67) Cat. cot ‘hill’, Sp. cueto are
from the Gaulish reflex of this word. The semantic development was
presumably from ‘old’ to ‘curved, humpbacked hillock’. In any case, these
words are probably of non-lE origin.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 425, Sims-Williams 2006: 67f.
*kowdo- ‘hiding place’ [Adj]
W: MW cudd [m] ‘hiding-place, concealment’
BRET: MBret. cuz, MoBret. kuz
PIE: *kewd"- ‘hide’ (IEW: 952)
COGN: Gr. keuthod, Arm. suzanem ‘submerge, hide’ ;
ETYM: Celtic forms point to an o-grade nominal derivative, PIE *owd’o-;
cf. the denominative verbs W cuddiaf, MBret. cuzaff, Co. cuthe ‘hide’.
REF: GPC I: 627f., ETEC 268, Deshayes 2003: 442.
*kowik- ‘cuckoo’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cdi [k f] (DIL cai)
PIE: *kew-k- ‘cuckoo’ (IEW: 535)
COGN: Gr. kokkyks, Lat. cuciilus, cf. also Gr. kauiaks ‘gull’
ETYM: There are similar onomatopoeic words for ‘cuckoo’ in Brittonic,
MW and Co. cog, but they do not formally match Olr. coi, the formation of
which seems more archaic. The Brittonic words may go back to *koka (cf.
Skt. kaka- ‘crow’). :
REF: LEIA C-9, Mac Eoin 1974.
*kowna ‘litter (of dogs)’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cuan [a f]
W: MW cun [Collective] ‘pack (of dogs)’
ETYM: MIr. cuian ‘troop’ may represent the metaphoric use of the same
word. A connection with the word for ‘dog’ (*kwon-) is possible if one
assumes a vrddhi derivative (*kowno- < *kewno- ‘dog’s offspring’), but
note that there are no other examples of such derivatives built to *CuC- roots
in Celtic. Another possibility would be to relate PCelt. *kowna to PIE
*keHup- ‘heap’ (Lith. kaiipas ‘heap’), but the semantics of the connection
are difficult.
REF: LEIA C-261, GPC I: 630, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 257.
*kow-wari- ‘proper, fitting’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. cdir, coir, coair [i]
W: OW couer ‘complete’, MW kyveir cyweir, (GPC cywair) [m and f]
‘proper state, proper order, preparation, state of mind, temper’
PIE: *wer- (IEW: 1164)
COGN: Lat. uereor ‘show respect, fear’, Go. wars ‘attent’, ToB wdrs- ‘to
pity’
220 *koxsa
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. cérae < *kowwarya ‘justice’. The development *wr-
yo- > PCelt. *waryo- was regular in Celtic, and the root-form *war- was
generalized from this stem. It is doubtful whether Gr. horadé ‘see’ belongs to
the same root, as claimed by IEW.
REF: LEIA C-152, GPC I: 828, GOI 123, Falileyev 35, Schrijver 1995: 326,
Uhlich 1993.
*koxsa ‘leg’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. cos [4 f]
PIE: *kokso- ‘hollow of joint’ (IEW: 611)
COGN: Lat. coxa ‘hip’, OHG hahsa ‘back of knee’, ToB kakse ‘loins’
REF: LEIA C-214, EIEC 323, Matasovié 2004: 212, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 60.
*koylo- ‘thin’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. coil [0] (DIL cael) gl. macer
W: MW cul ‘narrow, lean’
BRET: MBret. cul
CO: OCo. cul gl. macer vel macilentus
PIE: *koyHlo- (IEW: 610)
COGN: Latv. kails ‘naked, bold’
ETYM: The laryngeal in the root is deduced from the broken tone in
Latvian, but the reconstruction is uncertain, since cognates are attested only
in Celtic and Baltic. Moreover, the semantic side of the connection leaves
much to be desired. —
REF: LEIA C-6, GPC I: 629, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 222.
*koymo- ‘dear, nice’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. cdim [0] (DIL caem)
W: MW cu
BRET: OBret. cum, MBret. cunff, cuff; MoBret. kufiv
CO: Co. cuf, cueff
PIE: *koymo- ‘homely, belonging to the family’ (IEW: 540)
COGN: OE ham ‘home’, Latv. sdime ‘family’, Russ. semja ‘family’
ETYM: Gaul. PN Coemo might belong here (Meid 2005: 191); cf. also the
compound OlIr. maccéem ‘page’, from *makk”o-koymo- (Mac Cana 1991);
W makwyf ‘page’ was borrowed from Goidelic.
REF: LEIA C-7, GPC I: 626, Deshayes 2003: 440, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 246, Meid 2005: 191, Mac Cana 1991.
*krabi- ‘devotion, religious practice’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. crabud [u > 0 m]
W: MW crefydd [f and m]
ETYM: W crefydd has -e- rather than -o- on the analogy with the verb credu
‘believe’. It has the suffix *-yo-, while Olr. crabud has another suffix, *-itu-.
*krafo- 221
Pokorny’s etymology of these words (IEW 617) is not convincing, since a
connection with Skt. srambhate ‘relies on someone’ is formally extremely
difficult (PIE *kreb’-, with the completely unmotivated lengthened grade in
Celtic?).
REF: LEIA C-220f., GPC I: 587, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 388.
*krafo- ‘stable, enclosure’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. cré [o m]; crée, crda [io m]’enclosure, shed, sty’
W: MW creu [m] ‘shed’ (GPC crau, craw)
BRET: OBret. crow gl. hara .i. stabulum porcorum, MBret. kraou
CO: Co. crow ‘hut’
PIE: *kroh,-po- ‘roof?
COGN: ON hréf ‘boat-shed’, OE hrof ‘roof’
ETYM: The PIE etymology of these words is uncertain because of the
semantics of the Celtic cognates, which points to the PCelt. meaning ‘round,
circular, enclosure’ (rather than ‘covered, roof? which seems to be primary in
Germanic). Formally comparable is OCS krép» ‘strong’ and Olc. hraefa
‘endure’ (PIE *kreh,po-), but their meanings are too far apart. Go. hrot ‘roof,
house’, ON hrot, and OCS krada ‘pile of logs, pyre, altar’ point to the same
root with a dental suffix (*kreh;-do-), while we probably have *kreh,to- in
OHG and OFris. rdza ‘honeycomb’. Greene 1983 relates the Celtic words
for ‘enclosure’ to Olr. cruind, W crwnn ‘round’ (PCelt. *krundi-). However,
this is difficult from the formal point of view (*-ndi- does not seem like a
possible suffix).
REF: LEIA C-240, GPC I: 582, DGVB 123, EIEC 217, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 25, Greene 1983, Stalmaszczyk & Witczak 1995.
*kred-di- ‘believe’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. creitid, -creiti; -cretis [2s Pret.]
W: MW credu
BRET: MBret. crediff, critim
CO: Co. cresy, krysi, cregy
PIE: *kred-d"eh,- ‘believe, trust’? (IEW: 235ff.)
COGN: Skt. srad-dha-, Lat. crédo
ETYM: The geminate in Celtic is only explainable if one assumes an old
compound equivalent to Skt. srad-dha-. The first element of that compound
is usually identified with the PIE word for ‘heart’, but for doubts see
Benveniste 1969. Note also that we would expect PIE *dd > PCelt. *ss, so
the geminate cannot be old.
REF: KPV 278ff., GPC I: 586, LIV 136ff., DGVB 123, LEIA C-228f.,
Benveniste 1969.
*kreddima ‘faith, believing’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cretem [4 f]
BRET: MBret. critim, MBret. cridiff
222 *kredro/i-
ETYM: This is the verbal noun of *kred-di- ‘believe’.
REF: LEIA C-228f., DGVB 123.
*kredro/i- ‘relic, sacred object’
GOID: Olr. cretair [i f], (earlier cretar [o])
W: OW creirriou [p], MW creir [m and f]
BRET: MBret. kreir [m]
CO: Co. crér
ETYM: Obviously related to *kred-di- ‘believe’, *kreddima ‘faith, belief’.
REF: LEIA C-232, GPC I: 578, Falileyev 36, Deshayes 2003: 430, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 231 ff.
*kremu-, *kramo- ‘(wild) garlic’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. crem [u ?], crim
W: W craf [Collective] ‘garlic’
BRET: OBret. cram, MoBret. krav [m] ‘wild onion’
PIE: *kremHu-s-, *kermHu-s- ‘wild garlic, Allium ursinum’ (IEW: 580f.)
COGN: Gr. kremyon, Lith. kermusé, OE hramsan, Croat. crijémsa
ETYM: The Irish word is attested only late, and W craf and MoBret. krav
seem to represent the secondary zero-grade of the root (PCelt. *kramo-
rather than *krimo-). The toponym Cremona in N Italy is often related to
these words and interpreted as ‘garlic town’, but this is, of course, rather
speculative. Various irregularities in the reflexes point to non-IE origin of
this word. It is presumably a Wanderwort of some kind.
REF: Mallory & Adams 2006: 167, Delamarre 129, Deshayes 2003: 428, de
Bernardo Stempel 2000: 91.
*kre(n)xtu- ‘wound’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. crécht [? m]
W: MW creith [f] (GPC craith)
BRET: OBret. creithi [p] gl. ulcera, MBret. creizenn [Singulative], MoBret.
kreizh
ETYM: The original stem formation of MIr. crécht is unclear. It may have
been a u-stem, but also an 4-stem, which renders the PCelt. reconstruction
tentative.
REF: LEIA C-226, GPC I: 579, Pedersen J: 123, DGVB 121f., Deshayes
2003: 430.
*kret-o- ‘meet, approach’ [Vb]
W: MW dygredu ‘go come near, meet, visit’
BRET: OBret. credam [1s Pres.] gl. vado
PIE: *kret- ‘shake’ (IEW: 620f.)
COGN: Gr. krotéd ‘rattle, clap, strike’, OHG redan ‘sift’, OCS krotiti
‘tame’
*kré-tro- 223
ETYM: W dygredu < *di-kred- (the simplex verb is unattested in W). This
is a very speculative etymology, since the meanings are very divergent. One
could, in principle, imagine a development from ‘shake’ to ‘hit’ and then
‘meet, go to’, but this is not quite persuasive.
REF: KPV 419, GPC I: 1132, DGVB 121.
*kré-tro- ‘sieve’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. criathar [o m]
W: OW cruitr gl. pala, W crwydr [m] ‘a wandering’
BRET: OBret. croitir, MBret. croezr
CO: OCo. croider gl. cribrum
PIE: *(s)kre(h,)y- ‘separate’ (IEW: 946)
COGN: Lat. cribrum ‘sieve’, OE hridder
SEE: *kri-ni- ‘sift, shake’
REF: LEIA C-233, GPC I: 617, DGVB 123, LP 46, EIEC 518, Falileyev 37,
Campanile 1974: 32, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 304.
*krid- ‘shrink, grow thinner’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. credb(a) ‘shrinkage’, credba(ig)id, -credbaigi ‘contract, grow
thinner’
W: MW cryddu ‘shrink’
BRET: MBret. crezz, MoBret. krez ‘stingy’
PIE: *(s)krd’-
COGN: Skt. krdhu- ‘short, shortened, small’, Lith. skursti ‘lack’
ETYM: MIr. credb can be from *kridwV (stem and gender are unknown).
REF: LEIA C-227, GPC I: 621, Deshayes 2003:, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 216.
*kridyo- ‘heart’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cride [io n]
W: W craidd {m] ‘center’
BRET: MBret. creis, MoBret. kreis [m] ‘center’
CO: Co. creys ‘center’
PIE: *kerd- ‘heart’ (IEW: 580)
COGN: Hitt. kir, kardiyas [Gen s], Gr. kardia, Lat. cor, cordis, Go. hairto,
Lith. Sirdis, OCS srodoce, Arm. sirt
ETYM: Some linguists reconstruct a root noun in PCelt., with Nom. sg.
*kred- (> W craidd), Gen. sg. *krid-os (> Olr. cride). It has been pointed
out, however, that W craidd may be a ghost-word (cf. Schrijver 1995:
319ff.). It is quite scarcely attested, and not before the 15th century
(according to GPC). If that is indeed the case, then Olr. cride and its
Brittonic cognates may go back to PCelt. *kridyo- < PIE *krd-yo-. PIE
*kerd- was a neuter root noun (Gen. sg. *krd-os, cf. Lat. cord-is), with some
languages preserving the stem of the Nom.-Acc. sg., and others, like Celtic,
generalizing the stem of the oblique cases.
224 *krif-
REF: LEIA C-235f., GPC I: 578, EIEC 98, 263, Deshayes 2003: 430,
Schrijver 1995: 319ff., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 35, 202, 412, Wodtko et
alii 2008: 417.
*krif- ‘body’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cri [Indeclinable] ‘body’
W: MW cryf ‘strong’
BRET: MBret. creff; MoBret. krefiv ‘strong’
CO: OCo. crif gi. fortis, MCo. creff, cref
PIE: *krep- ‘body’
COGN: Skt. krp- ‘form, shape’, Lat. corpus ‘body’, OE hrif ‘guts, womb’
ETYM: The Olr. form is from the oblique case-stem of the PIE etymon,
*krp-, while OE hrif preserves the nominative stem (*krep-). The word was
a root noun in PIE. The British forms are from a thematic adjective, PCelt.
*krif-mo-.
REF: LEIA C-223, GPC I: 621, EIEC 76, Matasovi¢ 2004: 110, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 31ff.
*krik"a ‘furrow, trench, boundary’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. crich [8 f]
W: OW crip gl. pectens, MW crib [f and m] ‘comb, crest’
BRET: MBret. crib ‘comb’, MoBret. krib [f]
CO: Co. cryb, cryben
PIE: *krek- ‘post’ (IEW: 619)
COGN: Russ. krokva ‘stake’, Lith. kréklas ‘rafter’
ETYM: This etymology is not wholly convincing, since it requires an
unmotivated lengthened grade in Celtic (PIE *krék-w-). Cf. also ON hraell
‘weaver’s rod’, which can be from *krok-ilo-.
REF: LEIA C-234f., GPC I: 594f., EIEC 441, Deshayes 2003: 433, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 220f.
*kri-ni- ‘sift, shake’ [Vb]
W: MW crynu ‘shake, tremble’
BRET: MBret.crenaff
CO: Co. crenna, krena
PIE: *kre(hy)-y- ‘sift, divide’ (EW: 945ff.)
COGN: Lat. cerno, Gr. krind
ETYM: The laryngeal in PIE is based on Lat. créui (Perf.], crétus, and the
alleged connection with OCS krai ‘edge, end’, Croat. kraj, krdja (Gr. krind <
*krin-y6). However, Lat. créui may be analogical (after verbs such as /ino,
léui), and crétus could have its shape under the influence of créui, whereas
the original participle is preserved as certus ‘certain, fixed’ < *kri-to-. If this
is indeed the case, and if OCS krai is unrelated, then the PIE root was *krey-
rather than *krehyy-.
REF: LEIA C-237f., KPV 420ff., GPC I: 623, LIV 366f., Hamp 1987.
*krino- 225
*krino- ‘withered, dry’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. crin [o]
W: OW crin gl. ar(i)dum, MW crin
BRET: MBret. crin, MoBret. krin
CO: Co. crin
PIE: *kreh,(y)- ‘separate, sieve’ (IEW: 945f.)
COGN: Lat. cerno, OCS kroiti ‘cut’
SEE: *kri-ni- ‘sift, shake’
ETYM: The semantic connection of the Celtic forms with those in other
languages is rather weak, so this etymology is uncertain. The alternative,
adopted by LEIA and LIV, of treating these words as derived from *Kerh2-
‘break’ (IEW 578, cf. Skt. srndmi ‘break’, Gr. keraizd destroy’), is
impossible, since the Celtic forms clearly presuppose *eh, in PIE (*krHno-
would give PCelt. * krano-).
REF: LEIA C-236f., GPC I: 597, Falileyev 36f., Deshayes 2003: 434, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 252.
*krissu- ‘belt’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. cris [u m]
W: OW guecrissou [p], MW crys [m] ‘shirt’, gwregys ‘belt, girdle’
BRET: MBret. cres ‘shirt’, MoBret. kres [m] ‘shirt’, OBret. guo-cris ‘belt’
CO: OCo. kreis gl. camisia
PIE: *kerd"- ‘belt’
COGN: Russ. céres ‘leather belt’
ETYM: The PCelt. form is from the zero-grade of the PIE root with the
added suffix *-tu- (PIE *krd"-tu-).
REF: LEIA C-238f., GPC I: 625, Pedersen I: 42f., DGVB 122f., EIEC 224,
Falileyev 65, Campanile 1974: 32, Deshayes 2003: 431, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 262, 574.
*krito- ‘trembling, fever’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. crith [o m]
W: OW crit gl. timore, MW crid, cryt, cryd [m]
BRET: OBret. crit gl. frenesin
CO: Co. dor-gryz ‘earthquake’
PIE: *krit- IEW: 937)
COGN: OE hrida ‘fever’
REF: LEIA C-239f., GPC I: 620, Falileyev 37, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
287, 412.
*kritta ‘body, frame, shape’ [Noun]
GOID: MIL. crett, creit [a f]
W: MW creth [f] ‘nature, appearance, form’
226 *krixso-
ETYM: The MIr. word is often used to refer to the frame of a chariot. The
comparison with Lat. cratis ‘hurdle, construction of wickerwork’, OPr. corto
‘fence’, OHG hurd ‘hurdle’, since these words are from PIE *korHt- (OPr.),
*krHt- (Italic and Celtic), which would have given **krat- in PCelt. The
comparison with PCelt. *krutta ‘round object, womb’, also with a geminate
that cannot be old (since PIE *TT > PCelt. *ss), points to borrowing from a
non-IE source.
REF: LEIA C-233, GPC I: 592.
*krixso- ‘curly-haired’ [Adj]
W: MW crych ‘curly, wrinkled, rough’
BRET: MBret. crech, MoBret. krec’h
GAUL: Crixus [PN]
PIE: *kris-po- ‘curly-haired’ EW: 938)
COGN: Lat. crispus, Alb. krip ‘hair’
ETYM: For the development of *sp > Brittonic x (W ch etc.) see Schrijver
1995: 374. Presumably the same development occurred in Gaulish, if the
name Crixus is related. The PIE root is the same as in Lat. crinis ‘hair’ <
*kris-ni-. Alb. Arip may be a Latin loanword.
REF: GPC I: 619, Pedersen: I: 75, Deshayes 2003: 429.
*krok(ke)no- ‘skin’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. croicenn [o m]
W: MW croen [m] ‘peel, hide, rind’
BRET: MBret. crochenn, MBret. kroc’hen [m]
CO: OCo. croin gl. pellis, MoCo. croghen
ETYM: Gallo-Lat. crocina ‘mastruca, a garment made of skin’ probably
represents the Gaulish equivalent of these words. W points to the original
*krokno-, while other languages show reflexes of *krokkeno-. A connection
with PIE *sker- ‘cut’ (IEW 943) is difficult (*(s)kr-ok- does not look like a
possible stem-shape). Thus, this word is probably a loanword from some
non-IE language.
REF: LEIA C-243f., GPC I: 602, Deshayes 2003: 435.
*krowdi- ‘rude’ [Adj]
SEE: *kri- ‘blood’
*krowko- ‘heap, hill’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. criach [a f] ‘stack (of corn), rick, heap, hill’
W: OW cruc, W crug [m] ‘cairn, hillock’
BRET: OBret. cruc gl. gibbus, MoBret. krug [m]
CO: OCo. cruc gl. collis
PIE: *krew-k- (IEW: 938)
COGN: ON hraukr ‘heap’
*kri- 227
ETYM: Related words (of Gaulish origin) are attested in Romance dialects
(e.g. Béarnais cruque ‘heap (of earth)’). Since W crug is masculine, and
MIr. cruach is feminine, it is doubtful whether to reconstruct PCelt. *krowka
or *krowko-; I assume that the form *krowko- is original, and *krowka is a
collective thereof.
REF: LEIA C-249f., GPC I: 613, DGVB 124, Deshayes 2003: 438.
*kri- ‘blood’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cru [? n] ‘gore, blood’ [Gen. s crou, cro]
W: MW creu [m and f] ‘blood’ (GPC crau)
CO: Co. crow
PIE: *krewh»- ‘gore, raw meat’ (IEW: 621)
COGN: Skt. kravis- ‘raw meat’, Lat. cruor, Gr. kréas ‘raw meat’, Lith.
kraiijas ‘blood’
ETYM: OlIr. cruaid ‘crude, rude’ presupposes a PCelt. *krowdi-, similar in
form to Lat. criidus ‘raw’, see LEIA C-250f. MW creu cannot be from *kri-
(we would expect MW *kri, cf. ki < *ki ‘dog’), but it may be from *kruwo-,
a thematicized form, generalized from the oblique stem of the PCelt. root-
noun (cf. PIE Gen. sg. *kruh-os). For the sound development cf. MW geu <
PCelt. *guwo- (oblique stem of *gawa ‘lie’), Lieu ‘god Lug’ < *Luwos <
*Lugos).
REF: LEIA C-248f., GPC I: 582, LP 12, EIEC 98, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 25, Greene 1983.
*krumbo- ‘round, curved’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. cromm [0]
W: MW crwm
BRET: OBret. crum ‘hunchback’, MoBret. kromm
CO: Co. crom
ETYM: Germ. krumm , OE crumb ‘round’ point to PGerm. *krumba-,
which was borrowed either from Celtic, or from the same non-IE source as
the Celtic words.
REF: LEIA C-244f., GPC I: 615, DGVB 124, Deshayes 2003: 436, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 281.
*krundi- ‘round, compact’
GOID: OIr. cruind [i] ‘round, globular, circular’ (DIL cruinn)
W: OW crunn, MW crwn
BRET: OBret. cron gl. tornatili, MBret. crenn, MoBret. krenn ‘round’
CO: Co. cren
SEE: *krumbo- ‘round, curved’
ETYM: Greene 1983 relates these words to Olr. cré ‘stable, enclosure’, but
this is less likely than the relation to *krumbo- ‘round, compact’. If so,
*krundi- is from earlier *krum-di-, but the IE etymology is unknown. Both
*krundi- and *krumbo- may be loanwords from some non-IE language.
228 *krutto-
REF: LEIA C-252f., GPC I: 615, DGVB 123, Falileyev 37, Deshayes 2003:
431, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 258.
*krutto- ‘round object, womb’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. crott [a f] ‘harp, lute’
W: MW crwth [m] ‘round object, harp’, croth [f] ‘womb’
BRET: OBret. courz gl. wulua, MoBret. kourzh [m]
CO: Co. crothak ‘abdomen, uterus’
ETYM: A connection with Lith. Aritis ‘woman’s breast’ appears possible
(IEW 624), but the meanings are quite difficult to reconcile (? ‘a round body
part’), and the geminate in Celtic needs an explanation. Maybe PCelt.
*krutto- is a loanword from some non-IE language.
REF: LEIA C-248, GPC I: 616, Deshayes 2003: 423, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 510ff.
*kuf-sko- ‘sleep’ [Vb]
W: MW hyscu; cusc [3s Pres.] (GPC cysgu)
BRET: MBret. cousquet, couscq, MoBret. kousk [m]
CO: Co. koska
PIE: *(s)kewb'- ‘lie’ (IEW: 589f.)
COGN: Lat. cubo, cubare
ETYM: Since the reflexes are limited to Italic and Celtic, we cannot be sure
whether the root was *kewb’- or *kewb-. In both cases the root structure is
untypical for PIE. On the other hand, *skewb"- (with s-mobile) is a possible
root, and Italic and Celtic forms might be related to PGerm. *skeubanan
‘throw’ (Go. af-skiuban ‘reject’, OE scedfan ‘shove’, etc.). For the
connection of ‘throw’ and ‘lie’ cf. Lat. iacio ‘throw’ and iaceo ‘lie’.
REF: KPV 424f., GPC I: 813, LIV 357f., Deshayes 2003: 423f.
*kukro- ‘curved’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. cuar [0]
PIE: *kew-k- ‘curve’ (IEW: 589)
COGN: Lith. kaiikaras ‘high ground, hill’, Croat. kiika ‘hook’
ETYM: For *kr > *r with compensatory lengthening of the preceding
syllable in OIr., cf. *akro- ‘high’ > Olr. ér ‘noble’; a PCelt. form *kowkro-
would also be possible. Skt. kucati might be related, but it is attested late,
and it is unclear whether its primary meaning was ‘bend, curve’ (Mayrhofer,
s. v. KUC). OHG hoéh ‘high’ and ToA koc ‘high’ could be from the same
root, but the semantics of this comparison are difficult (‘curved’ >
‘protruded’ > ‘high’(?)).
REF: LEIA C-262, EIEC 62.
*kul(fo- ‘sin, violation’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. col [o nj
W: OW ciliauc gl. scelestus, MW cwl [m] ‘fault, sin’
*kuli- 229
BRET: OBret. co/, caul gl. nefariam rem
ETYM: Olr. col often occurs in the phrase is col do ‘it is unlawful to...’
These words have been compared with Lat. scelus (< ?PIE *(s)kel-) and with
Lat. culpa (< ?*kelp-). The second possibility appears more promising; if
this is true, the correct reconstruction in PCelt. is presumably *kulfo-. OE
hwealf ‘vault? and OPr. po-quelbton ‘kneeling’, if related, might point to a
PIE root *kwelp- ‘bent, crooked’ (thus in LIV 335, IEW 630).
REF: LEIA C-155, GPC I: 639, DGVB 99, Falileyev 28, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 69, Joseph 1986: 125.
*kuli- ‘mosquito, fly’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. cuil [i f] gl. culex
W: MW cylion [p]; cylionyn, cylionen, [Singulative]
BRET: OBret. colaenn, MBret. quelyen [p], MoBret. kelenn
CO: Co. kelionen [Singulative] gl. musca
PIE: *kul- (IEW: 626)
COGN: Lat. culex ‘mosquito’, perhaps Arm. slak’ ‘spit, dagger’
ETYM: Skt. sula- ‘spear’ may be from the same root only if we assume that
short *u in Italic and Celtic is due to Dybo’s law (although the place of
accent in PIE is unknown in this particular instance). I think it is more likely
that the similarity of Skt. si/a- to these words is accidental.
REF: LEIA C-268, GPC 1: 751, Deshayes 2003: 380.
*kilo- ‘corner’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. cul [94 f], cuil ‘corner, recess’, cul [0 m] ‘back’
W: MW cil [m] ‘corner, angle’
BRET: MBret. quil, MoBret. kil [m] ‘back’
CO: OCo. chil gl. cervix
PIE: *kuH-lo- ‘back’ IEW: 951 ff.)
COGN: Lat. culus ‘anus, arse’
ETYM: Note the divergence in gender between Brittonic and Goidelic.
Maybe two words should be distinguished: *kilo- ‘back’ and *kila ‘corner’.
The first one could have been borrowed from Lat. ciéj/us, although this means
just ‘anus’, not ‘back’ in the sense of the Celtic words.
REF: LEIA C-268f., GPC I: 478, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 526, Deshayes
2003: 391.
*kumba ‘valley’ [Noun]
W: MW cwm [m]; cymoedd [p]
BRET: MoBret. komm [m] ‘river-bed’
GAUL: *cumba > VLat. cumba (Isidore of Seville)
PIE: *kumb’o- (?) (IEW: 592)
COGN: Skt. kumbha- ‘pot’
ETYM: Olr. *comm, which is sometimes adduced as cognate, actually does
not exist. Fr. combe ‘dale, coomb’ is from VLat. cumba < Gaul. *kumba.
230 euio:
The structure of this root does not seem to be IE. Beekes (1996) compares
also Gr. kymbé ‘beaker’, and counts these words among his ‘ancient
European loanwords’.
REF: GPC I: 640, Delamarre 131f., Deshayes 2003: 408, Gamillscheg 245,
Porzio Gernia 1981: 108, Beekes 1996.
*kurro- ‘pointed, protruding, angled’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. corr [o] ‘protruding, pointed, sharp’
W: MW cwrr [m] ‘corner, edge, end, brim’ (GPC cwr)
ETYM: MIr. -o- in the adjective is the result of generalization of the a-
affected variant, which is expected in the nominalized corr [4 f] ‘protruding
part’ < *kurra. Fr. dial. cor, coron ‘edge, corner’ is presumably from Gaul.
*korro-, or *kurro- (Gamillscheg 364). The connection with Lat. curuus
‘curved’, Gr. kyrtds ‘bent’ appears possible (de Vaan 2008: 158), but the PIE
root is difficult to reconstruct (? *kew-ro-, *ku-ro-, with the Celtic forms
from *kur-so-).
REF: LEIA C-211f., GPC I: 646, Gamillscheg 264.
*kuti- ‘sack, scrotum’ [Noun]
W: MW cwd [m] ‘pouch, bag, scrotum’
PIE: *kuHti- ‘skin’ (IEW: 952f.)
COGN: Lat. cutis, OHG hit, ToA kac
ETYM: MIr. codal ‘skin’ is borrowed from Lat. cutilia. Lat. cutis has short
-u- as a result of Dybo’s law. W cwd is also compatible only with the pre-
form *kuti-, rather than *kiiti- (which would have given W **cid). ToA kac
is a hapax, and its meaning is not completely certain, but it probably means
‘skin’ (Hilmarsson 1985).
REF: LEIA C-139, GPC I: 635, Matasovié 2004: 108, Hilmarsson 1985:
162f.
*kuwo- ‘hollow’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. cua ‘hollow, cavity’
W: MW keu, (GPC cau) ‘hollow, closed’
BRET: OBret. cau ‘covered’, MBret. queu, MoBret. kew ‘hollow’
PIE: *kewh)- ‘vault, hole’ (EW: 592f.)
COGN: Skt. siényd- ‘empty, hollow’, Gr. kyar ‘eye of the needle’, Lat.
cauus ‘hollow’, ToB kor ‘throat’
SEE: *kuwyo- ‘small animal’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. czas [0] ‘hollow’, which may be from *kow-sto-.
There is some doubt whether OBret. cau ‘closed’ belongs here, but since
MW keu means both ‘hollow’ and ‘closed’, it is possible that both meanings
were present in PCelt. This adjective might have been influenced by Lat.
cauus ‘hollow, empty’. Various cognates in other PIE languages presuppose
a PIE heterocliton, *kowHr / *kuHnos. Celtic preserves the thematicized
stem *kuHo-, with the regular loss of *H between vowels.
*kuwyo- 231
REF: LEIA C-258, GPC I: 441, EIEC 96, DGVB 98, Deshayes 2003:
390, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 204.
*kuwyo- ‘young animal’ [Noun]
W: MW cyw [m]
PIE: *kew(hz)- ‘swell, be pregnant’ (IEW: 593)
COGN: Gr. kyos ‘fetus’
SEE: *kuwo- ‘hollow’
ETYM: This etymology is not completely persuasive, because the PIE root,
as reconstructed in IEW, has an exceedingly broad meaning (’swell, be
hollow’) and it is difficult to avoid random associations.
REF: GPC I: 828.
*lab(a)ro- ‘eloquent, talkative’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. labar [o]
W: MW Ilafar ‘loud, resonant, talkative’
BRET: OBret. /abar ‘talking’, MBret. Jauaret ‘talk’, MoBret. lavar [m]
‘language, speech’
CO: OCo. lauar gl. sermo
GAUL: Labarus, Labrios [PN]
ETYM: In Olr., there is also the denominative deponent verb /abraithir,
-labrathar ‘talks’. Cf. the parallel formation of the antonyms W aflafar
‘mute’ and Olr. amlabar ‘mute’. These Celtic words may have been
onomatopoetic in origin; the connection with ME flappen ‘hit’ suggested by
IEW (831) is a mere possibility (if this is correct, the PCelt. form of the root
was *flab-), cf. also Germ. labern . ‘babble’.
REF: DGVB 236, Delamarre 194f., Deshayes 2003: 453, Zimmer 2000:
486, Meid 2005: 56.
*lafigo- ‘calf? [Noun]
GOID: OIr. /6eg [o m]
W: OW lo, MW Iloe, Ilo {m]
BRET: MBret. Jue, MoBret. /eue [m]
CO: OCo. loch gl. vitulus, Co. lugh
PIE: *leh2p- ‘cattle’ (IEW: 654)
COGN: Alb. lopé ‘cow’, Latv. liops ‘cattle’
ETYM: The monosyllabic form found in MW //lo must have been
remodeled after the plural //oe-au (falsely reinterpreted as //o-eau, llo-iau). If
232 *laggo-
the IE side of this etymology is correct, the Celtic words must be from
something like *lehzp-igo-. If this is rejected, the Celtic words for ‘calf? can
also be derived from PCelt. *loygo- rather than *lafigo-.
REF: GPC II: 2196, Deshayes 2003; 461, Schrijver 309f., Falileyev 105,
LHEB 451, Campanile 1974: 73.
*laggo- ‘weak, slack’ [Adj]
GOID: Mir. Jac [0]
PIE: *(s)lehog- ‘slack’ (IEW: 959f.)
COGN: Lat. laxus ‘spacious, loose’, languo ‘be sluggish’, Gr. /agards
‘slack, thin’, OE sleack, ToB lakkare
ETYM: MW lIlacc ‘slack’ was probably borrowed from Goidelic. Olr.
lacc(c) is, in principle, derivable from PIE *lh.g-ko-. The pronunciation of
Molr. Jag confirms that there was a geminate [gg] in Olr. that failed to
undergo lenition.
REF: EIEC 523, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 509f.
*lam-yo- ‘dare’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ro-laimethar; ro-lamathar [Subj.]; ro-lilmathar [Fut.]; lamair
[Pret.]; ro-/ét [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW Ilafasu, Ilyfasu, llyfasel
BRET: MBret. /afuaez
CO: Co. lauasos ‘to be allowed’
PIE: *h3lem- ‘to tire (oneself)’ (IEW: 674)
COGN: Gr. ndlemés ‘untiring’, OHG lam ‘lame’, Lith. /émti ‘to ordain’
ETYM: OIr. ro-laimethar < *fro-lam-yo- (the simplex verb is unattested in
Goidelic). The acute in Lith. /émti (3sg. lémsta) must be due to metatony,
which is expected in sta-presents.
REF: KPV 446f., GPC II: 2086, LIV 412, LP 376, EIEC 81, Stiiber 1998:
135.
*landa ‘open land’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Jann [4 f] ‘land, plot, church’
W: MW Ilann [f] ‘church-yard’, (GPC Jan)
CO: Co. lan
GAUL: *landa > Fr. lande ‘sandy moor, heath’
PIE: *lond"- ‘open land, waste’ (IEW: 675)
COGN: OE land, OPr. lindan ‘valley’
ETYM: The Celtic forms stem from the zero- grade, PIE *Ind"- (as in OPr.
lindan), while the Germanic words contain PIE *lond’- . This probabl y points
to an ablauting paradigm Nom. *l6nd"-s, Gen. *Ind’-os, Acc. *lond'-m. Cf.
also the parallel compounds OlIr. ith-land, MW yd-lan ‘threshing floor’.
REF: EIEC 200, Delamarre 196, Falileyev 100, Gamillscheg 558, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 351, 472, McCone 1994: 70.
*lanx-sman- 233
*lanx-sman- ‘jump’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. /éimm [n nj
W: MW lIlam
BRET: MBret. Jam, MoBret. lamm [m]
CO: Co. lam
GAUL: Lingones [Ethnonym]
ETYM: A nominal derivative form the verbal base *leng- preserved in OIr.
lingid ‘jumps’. Zero-grade of the root is expected in such a formation (cf.
*kanxsman).
REF: GPC II: 2091, Deshayes 2003: 448.
*Jati- ‘liquid, fluid’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. laith ‘ale, liquor’
W: MW Ilad ‘drink, beer’
BRET: OBret. Jat gl. crapulam
CO: OCo. lad gl. liquor
GAUL: Are-late [Toponym] = Arles
PIE: *lat- ‘wet’ (IEW: 654f.)
COGN: OHG letto ‘mud’
ETYM: Olr. Jaith does not mean ‘swamp’ pace IEW 654. Connection of
these Celtic words with Gr. /dtaks ‘drops of wine from the bottom of a wine-
cup’, suggested by Pokorny, is unconvincing (/dtaks is a loanword from
some pre-Greek substrate). The connection with Lith. river-names such as
Latuva is as uncertain as anything in toponomastics. The a-vocalism in the
PIE root is difficult to account for, so this word may have been borrowed
from some non-lE source.
REF: DGVB 237, Delamarre 197.
*lato- ‘furor, ardor [Noun]
GOID: OI. lath [o m]
W: W lIlawd [m] ‘heat (of sow), sow’s desire for boar’
SEE: *layko- ‘warrior’
ETYM: The first element in the Gaulish Ethnonym Lato-bici might be
derivable from this Celtic etymon (Delamarre 198, Meid 2005: 54). W Hawd
is attested very late (17th century) and shows somewhat unusual semantic
development.
REF: GPC II: 2106, Delamarre 198, Meid 2005: 54, Zimmer 2000: 288.
*latyo- ‘day’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. laithe [io n] (DIL /d)
GAUL: /at- (Coligny)
PIE: *leh,t- ‘warm part of the year (?)’ (IEW: 680)
COGN: OCS /éto ‘year’, Croat. jéto ‘summer’, Swedish dial. lading
‘spring’
234 *lawano-
ETYM: The Celtic forms contain the zero-grade of the root, which points to
an ablauting paradigm *leh,ti-/*Ih,tyo-, with Celtic generalizing the shape of
the root in the oblique cases (the development *lh,tyo- > *latyo- is regular,
cf. *laggo- ‘weak’). The semantic development in Celtic was from ‘warm
part of the year’ to ‘warm part of the day’, and, finally, ‘day’ (for a similar
development cf. Croat. gddina ‘year’ vs. Polish godzina ‘hour’).
REF: Lambert 1994: 112.
*lawano- ‘provisions, food, sustenance’
GOID: Olr. lon, lan, loon, loan [o m] ‘provisions, sustenance, fat, victuals’
PIE: *lewH- ‘cut off, loose’ (IEW: 681f.)
COGN: Skt. lundati ‘cuts off’, Lat. luo ‘suffer, make amends for’, OE /é
‘sickle’, Lith. lidutis ‘to be cut’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. as-loi ‘flees’ < *exs-luw-o- (< *lowH-o-, cf. PCelt.
*luw-o-). Olr. /én is always written with a long vowel, so it cannot be from
*luno- as stated by IEW (681). In early Olr. texts it is also spelled as a
disyllabic word (loon, loan, see attestations in DIL). The semantic
development from ‘a cut’ to ‘share’ and ‘portion, provision’ is clear, but the
formal development needs some clarification. PCelt. *lawano- may, perhaps,
be derived from PIE *lewHno- by Joseph’s rule, but it is uncertain if
*lawano- should yield Olr. /dn, or **luan. In the latter case, maybe *w was
lost early between identical vowels, so *laano- yielded Jan, lén regularly. On
the other hand, PCelt. *lowano- (from *lowH-no-) would presumably have
yielded the same result.
REF: EIEC 481, Kortlandt 1981.
*lawaro- ‘many, a lot’ [Adj]
SEE: *ufo-lawto- ‘property, wealth’
*laweno- ‘merry’ [Adj]
SEE: *ufo-lawto- ‘property, wealth’
*lawgo- ‘prize, price’ [Noun]
SEE: *ufo-lawto- ‘property, wealth’
*layko- ‘warrior’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Iaech, loech [0 m]
PIE: *leh2- ‘war’ (?)
COGN: Hitt. lahh- ‘military campaign’, Gr. /a(w)ds ‘army, folk’, Phrygian
lawagtaei [Dat. s] ‘military leader’
ETYM: Olr. /dech is often considered to be a loanword from Latin laicus
‘layman’ < Gr. Jaikos (e.g. in DIL, cf. also Sharpe 1979). Indeed, it means
not only ‘warrior’, but ‘layman’ in some early texts. However, the semantic
development would have been strange, and there is no such Latin loanword
in British (but see below). If it is indeed inherited, Olr. Jdech would have to
*la-yo- 235
be a derivative in *-iko- from the root *la- that we might also have in PCelt.
*lato- ‘furor’. A possible cognate in Brittonic is the Welsh name for
England, Lloegr. This name, which has not been satisfactorily explained so
far, could represent the collective *laykor (as in Olr. clochar ‘a heap of
stones’, from cloch ‘stone’), vel. sim. On collectives in *-r see Tovar 1972-3.
REF: EIEC 31, Watkins 1965, Sharpe 1979.
*la-yo- ‘put, lay down, throw’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ro-/a; -laa [Subj.], ro-laa [Pret.]
PIE: *leh)- ‘let, leave’ IEW: 666, 682f.)
COGN: Lat. l/étum ‘death’, OCS lénv ‘lazy’, Hitt. laizzi ‘lets’, Lith. liautis
‘stop’, Go. lewjan ‘betray’, /ew ‘opportunity, cause’
ETYM: OlIr. ro-ld < *fro-la-yo- (the simplex is unattested). The Gaulish
inscription from Voltino (CIL V 4883, RIG II.2: 188) might contain this
verb (TO-ME-Z-EC-LAI ?’put me up’), but this is very doubtful, see KPV
442. The PCelt. form is regularly derived from PIE *lhi-yo-. Baltic and
Germanic reflexes presuppose *leh,;w- rather than *leh,-, and the status of
*-w- is unclear. I do not believe these words are connected to PCelt. *latyo-
‘day’ for semantic reasons, although formally, the connection is possible. On
the other hand, Olr. airle [& f] ‘counsel’ might be derivable from the same
root and represent PCelt. *fare-la-ya (either with generalised *-l4-, or with
*.1a- < *loh)).
REF: KPV 442ff., LIV 399, LP 354ff.
*laxsaro- ‘burning, shining’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. /assar {a f] ‘flame’ (DIL /asar)
W: MW Ilachar ‘shining, shiny, brilliant’
PIE: *lehp- ‘shine’
COGN: Hitt. /apzi ‘glows’, Gr. lJampo, OPr. lopis ‘flame’
ETYM: Olt. lassar is probably a substantivized adjective. PCelt. *laxs-aro-
appears to be derivable from PIE *lh2ps-, with *IHC- > *la- as in *natu- and
*latyo-. From the same root we have Olr. /asaid ‘burn’. For the suffix see
Zimmer 2000: 485f.
REF: LP 19, EIEC 513, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 266, 467, Zimmer
2000: 486.
*lég4 ‘spoon’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. liag [4 f] (DIL liach)
W: MW Ivy [f]
BRET: OBret. Joi, MBret. /oa [f]
CO: OCo. loe, MoCo. lo
PIE: *leyg"- ‘lick’ (IEW: 668)
COGN: Lat. lingo, OE liccian
SEE: *lig-o- ‘lick’
236 *leg-o-
ETYM: The forms with a final g are clearly older in Olr., see Hamp 1984.
The derivation from the root *leyg"- ‘to lick’ is semantically trivial.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 469, GPC H: 2237, LP 31, Hamp 1984.
*leg-o- ‘melt’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. legaid, -lega ‘melts, melts away, perishes’
W: MW dilein ‘destroy’ (GPC dileu, dilein, dilain) < *di-leg-o-
PIE: *leg- ‘leak, drop’ (IEW: 657)
COGN: ON leka ‘leak, pour out in drops’, OE hilec ‘leak’, Arm. lic ‘bog’
ETYM: Cf. also W dadleithio, dadlaith ‘melt’ from *to-ate-lex-t-.
REF: KPV 449, GPC I: 871, 1012, LP 376, EIEC 207.
*leg-o- ‘to lay, lie down’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. laigid, -laig; leiss, -lé [Subj.]; leiss, -/é [Fut.]; /aig [Pret.]
PIE: *leg’- ‘lie’ (IEW: 658ff.)
COGN: Go. ligan, OCS leSti, Falisc. lecet ‘lies’
SEE: *leg(y)o- ‘bed’
ETYM: Olr. lige [io n] ‘lying, bed’ is a nominal derivative from PCelt.
*legyo-. Cf. also the Brittonic words for ‘bed’, which presuppose
*ufo-leg-yo- (OW gueli, W gwely, OBret. gueli, MBret. guele [m]), Molr.
golighe ‘setting of the sun’.
REF: KPV 448, LIV 398f., LP 375.
*legu-, *lagu- ‘small’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. laugu, laigiu ‘smaller’ [Comparative]
W: MW Ilaw ‘small, sad’
BRET: OBret. /au gl. petusculum ‘small, bad’, MoBret. /aw ‘miserable,
bad’
PIE: *h,le(n)g™"- ‘small, light’ (IEW: 661)
COGN: Skt. raghi- ‘light’, Gr. elakhys ‘small’, Lat. Jeuis ‘light’, Go. leihts
‘light’, Lith. Jengvas ‘light’
ETYM: For a possible parallel in Gaul. see Delamarre 195. Olr. /aigiu
might be derivable from *leg”-yés, the PCelt. comparative of an adjective
stem PCelt. *leg”u- > *legu- (cf. the u-affection in Olr. /augu and in the
superlative lugam, lugimem, but with e in MW Illeiaf). Olr. has -a- which is
the regular development of PCelt. *e before palatalized *g (cf. PCelt. *yegi-
‘ice’ > Olr. aig). Similar comparatives are MW Ilei, Co. /e ‘smaller’, cf. also
Olr. /agat [? n] ‘smalines’. The derivation from PIE *h;leg™*- ‘light, swift’ is
probable, but the Brittonic a-vocalism is surprising. The comparison with
Olr. might point to an ablauting paradigm in PCelt., with Nom. sg. *leg™u- <
*hleg™a-, Gen. sg. *lag’wo- < PIE *h,lg”"wo-. The development *RCC- >
*RaCC- would have been regular. In many languages the root shows
nasalization (*h,leng””-, cf. Lith. /efigvas), presumably from the verbal
present stem (cf. OHG gi-lingan ‘attain’). On the other hand, some linguists
*leg(y)o- 237
prefer to reconstruct the PIE root as *h;leng™®- ‘move effortlessly’ and relate
these forms to PCelt. *leng-o- ‘jump’. This possibility cannot be excluded.
REF: DGVB 237, EIEC 353, LIV 220, Delamarre 195, GOI: 51, Deshayes
2003: 454.
*leg(y)o- ‘bed, couch, place’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. lige [io m]
W: MW lle [m] ‘place’
BRET: OBret. /e ‘place’, MoBret. /e [m]
GAUL: legasit ‘placed’ [3s Pret.] (Bourges)
PIE: *leg’- ‘lie’ (IEW: 658f.)
COGN: Gr. /ékhos ‘bed’, Lat. lectus ‘bed’, ToB leke, leki ‘bed, resting
place’
ETYM: Gaul. legasit is a denominal verb. Also related is MBret. lech [m]
‘place’ < *lexso- < *leg"-s-. Fr. lie ‘dregs, lees’ is often derived from Gaul.
*ligya or *ligé ‘layer’ (Gamillscheg 568). This, or rather *liya, attested as
lias ‘lees, dregs’ in the Reichenau Glosses (8th century) could actually be the
VLat. form of Gaul. *legya < PCelt. *legya ‘layer’, from the same root as
*leg(y)o- ‘bed’.
REF: DGVB 238, EIEC 57, Delamarre 199, Deshayes 2003: 454.
*lémo-, *limo- ‘elm’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. lem [o m]
W: MW Ilwyfen [Singulative]; //wyf [p]
GAUL: Lemo-uices [Ethnonym] > Limoges
PIE: *hjleym- ‘elm’ (IEW: 303)
COGN: Lat. ulmus, Eng. elm, ON almr, Russ. il'm ‘mountain elm’
ETYM: Mir. lem < *limo-, W Ilwyf-en < *léma. Together with the IE
cognates, this probably points to an ablauting paradigm, PIE *h,leyom /
*h,lim-os. Lat. u/mus can be derived from *h,elimos by syncope (*elmos >
*olmos > ulmus is regular). Syncope would also have to be assumed for the
Germanic reflexes, which are derivable from PGerm. *elmaz (Eng. e/m) and
*almaz (ON almr). Russ. il'm can be from *jplbm < *h,limo-. All of these
words for ‘elm’ are not related to the Balto-Slavic words for ‘linden’ (Russ.
lipa, Lith. liepa, etc.), as suggested by some (Vasmer, etc.). The Balto-Slavic
words are from the PIE root *leyp- ‘stick, adhere to’ (the linden tree
produces sticky juice).
REF: GPC II: 2243, EIEC 178, Delamarre 199, de Bermardo Stempel 246,
Sims-Williams 2006: 83f.
*leng-o- ‘jump’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. lingid, -ling; léiss, -lé [Subj.]; iblais, -ibail [Fut.]; leblaing,
eblaing [Pret.]; -eblacht [Pret. Pass.]
PIE: *h,leng””- ‘move effortlessly’ (IEW: 660f.)
238 *léro-
COGN: Skt. rdamhate ‘hurry’, Gr. elaphros ‘quick’, OHG gi-lingan
‘succeed’
SEE: *lanxsman- ‘jump’
ETYM: The name of the Gaulish tribe Lingones may be related to this root
(Delamarre). KPV 522ff. relates this verb to PIE *(s)preng’- ‘jump’ (Germ.
springen, etc.), but the developments that need to be assumed are too
complex. I prefer to follow LIV’s attribution to PIE *h,leng™-, the
phonological development is quite straightforward. The same root may be
attested in PCelt. *legu-, *lagu- ‘light’
REF: KPV 522ff., LIV 247f., LEIA D-162., Delamarre 203.
*léro- ‘complete, diligent’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. /éir [i] ‘assiduous, earnest, diligent’
W: MW Ilwyr ‘utter, whole, full, total’
BRET: OBret. loir gl. diligens
ETYM: None of the IE etymologies proposed so far is satisfying. The
connection with Lat. p/énus ‘full’ < *pleh;-no- is impossible, because PCelt.
*é must be from *ey or *eyH rather than *eh;.
REF: GPC II: 2246, DGVB 245, Walde-Hoffmann II: 323.
*lestro- ‘vessel’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. lestar [o n] ‘container (for liquids), vessel, ship, receptacle’
W: OW lestir gl. rati, MW Ilestyr, llestr [m] ‘vessel, container’
BRET: MBret. lestr [m]
CO: OCo. lester gl. nauis, MCo. lester
ETYM: Olr. /estar might be a W loanword (the cluster -st- is unexpected).
Both Olr. lestar and W Ilestr can also mean ‘beehive’. A persuasive IE
etymology is lacking. However, if the original meaning was actually “piece
of wickerwork’, or ‘container made of wickerwork’, then we may
reconstruct PCelt. *flexstro- < PIE *plek-stro-, from the root *plek- ‘weave’
(Gr. pléko, Lat. plecto, OE fleohtan, cf. IEW 834f.).
REF: GPC II: 2159, Schrijver 1995: 400, GOI 120, 178, Campanile 1974:
71, Deshayes 2003: 460.
*letos ‘side’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. leth [s n] ‘side’
W: MW Iled [m] ‘breadth, width, half?
BRET: MBret. Jet, led ‘large’, led [m] ‘greatness’
CO: Co. les
PIE: *letos ? ‘side’
COGN: Lat. latus ‘side’
ETYM: A different etymology derives these nouns from PIE *pleth2-es-
‘breadth’ (see PCelt. *flitano-), which is also possible. he Olr. preposition /a
‘with, among’ [Geminating, +Acc.] might represent a form of PCelt. *letos-
(presumably *letos > *let-s, with the second vowel lost in allegro speech).
*lig-o- 239
For a different etymology see de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 142; she relates
the Celtic words to PIE *plé-t-, presumably *pleh,-t-, but there is no trace of
the laryngeal in Celtic. Another possibility is to reconstruct, with Schrijver
(1994), a locative sg. of a root noun *pleth2- > PCelt. *flet-i > Olr. /a (with
early apocope of *-i). The vocalism of Lat. /atus is puzzling, and this word
has also other possible etymologies (cf. IEW 1018f., de Vaan 2008: 330).
REF: GPC II: 2126ff., GOI 523, Deshayes 2003: 456, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 142, Schrijver 1994, Wodtko ef alii 2008: 564.
*lig-o- ‘lick’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ligid, -lig; lilis, -lil [Fut.]; lelaig [Pret.]
W: MW Ilyu (GPC Ilyfu, Ilyo, llyu)
BRET: MBret. /eat, MoBret. lead
PIE: *leyg- ‘lick’ (IEW: 668)
COGN: Gr. leikhd, Lat. lingo, OCS lizati
SEE: *léga ‘spoon’
REF: GPC II: 2253, KPV 451f., LIV 404, EIEC 351, Deshayes 2003: 455.
*lim-a- ‘sharpen, polish’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. limaid ‘shaprens, polishes’; limsat [3p Pret.]
W: MW Ilymhau ‘sharpen, whet, quicken’
BRET: OBret. /emhaam gl. acuo, MBret. lemaff, MoBret. lemma
ETYM: These words are most probably related to Lat. Jima ‘carpenter’s
file’, OHG slim ‘mud, slime’, sliman ‘make smooth’, etc. The PIE root
would be *(s)ley- (IEW 663), with the suffix *-mo- in Italic, Germanic, and
Celtic. However, the length in Olr. limaid is unexpected (but cf. the short
vowel in 3 pl. Pret. Jimsat).
REF: GPC IL: 2271, DGVB 239, Deshayes 2003: 458.
*li-na- ‘stick’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. lenaid, -len, ‘remains, adheres to, follows’; lieid, lia [Subj.];
lilid, -lil [Fut.]; lil [Pret.]
W: MW ZIiynu ‘corrupt, pollute, infect, ?smear’
PIE: *h,leyH- ‘smear’ (IEW: 662)
COGN: Lat. lino, Gr. alinein (Hesych.)
ETYM: In OBret., cf. inom gl. litturam, which is parallel to Olr. Jenamon
[a f], Jenamain ‘act of adhering, cleaving, following’.
REF: GPC IT: 2273, KPV 453ff, LP 378, DGVB 243.
*lindu-, *lindo- ‘liquid, lake’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. dind [u m] ‘drink, liquid, ale’
W: MW Ilynn [m and f] ‘drink, lake’ (GPC J/Jyn)
BRET: OBret. Jin ‘lake’, MoBret. Jenn ‘pool’
CO: OCo. gre-lin gl. lacus
GAUL: linda [Nom. p] (Banassac), Lindiacum [Toponym]
240 *linna
ETYM: GPC has two different entries, //yn [m and f] ‘lake, pool’ and //yn
[m] ‘drink, beverage’. It is possible that this difference goes back to PCelt. (?
*lindo- ‘drink’, *linda ‘pool, lake’); the basic meaning of *lind- could have
been ‘drinkable water’ (St. Zimmer, p. c.). In principle, it would be possible
to derive these words from the same root as in *liy-o- ‘flow’, but the
derivation is difficult: PIE *liH-nd-u (with unclear word formation) would
give PCelt. *lindu-, and *7 could have been shortened either by the Celtic
variant of Osthoff’s law, or by Dybo’s law, if it had been in the pretonic
position.
REF: GPC II: 2272, DGVB 243, Pedersen I: 37, Delamarre 203, Sims-
Williams 2006: 84.
*li-n-k”-o- ‘leave, let’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. léicid, -léici ‘leaves, lets, allows’
PIE: *leyk”- ‘leave’ (IEW: 669f.)
COGN: Skt. rinakti, Lat. linguo, Gr. leipd, Go. leihwan, Lith. likti
REF: KPV 454ff., LIV 406ff., LP 377f., EIEC 348.
*linna ‘veil, cloak’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Jenn [4 f] ‘cloak, mantle’ (gl. sagana)
W: MW lenn [f] ‘veil, curtain’ (GPC /len )
BRET: OBret. escei Jenn gl. cortina, MoBret. Jenn [f] ‘couverture d’ enfant’
CO: OCo. Jen gl. sagum
GAUL: Gallo-Lat. linna ‘mantle’ (Isidore of Seville)
ETYM: Some linguists have tried to provide these words with a PIE
etymology by starting from *pltneh2 > PCelt. *flitna, *flinna (cf. PIE *polt-
> Croat. platno ‘cloth’, Germ. Falte ‘fold’; Skt. pata- ‘cloth’ does not belong
here unless one accepts Fortunatov’s law). However, *tn should have been
preserved in PCelt., and the subsequent loss of *t should have caused the
compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel in Olr. (cf. én ‘bird’ <
*fetno-), so this etymology is improbable. More promising is to start from
*lino- ‘flax, linen’ (Gr. linon, OCS lend). W Ilin Co. lyn, MBret. lin and OIr.
lin ‘flax, linen’ are borrowed from Lat. /inum (which is compatible with
*leyno-, just as OE /in, which might also be a loanword from Lat.), but the
inherited word for ‘linen, flax’ could have been extended by a suffix (?
*-sno-, *-do-, or *-no-) and acquired the meaning ‘cloth’ > ‘mantle’. The
cultivation of flax was widespread in Europe and the Middle East from the
Neolithic times, so it is impossible to locate the source of the original word,
if it was initially borrowed from some non-IE language.
REF: Falileyev 102, Campanile 1974: 71, GPC II: 2151, Deshayes 2003:
459, EIEC 206.
*lino- ‘flow, flood’ [Noun] :
GOID: Molr. lion ‘a fill, flood’ (O Donaill)
W: MW Ilin [m] ‘flow of blood, pus’
*liro- 241
BRET: MBret. lin
CO: Co. lyn
PIE: *leyH- ‘flow’ (IEW: 664f.)
COGN: OCS liti ‘flow, pour’, Lith. /ieti ‘pour’
SEE: *liy-o- ‘flow’
ETYM: A nominal derivative from PCelt. *liy-o- ‘flow’. It presupposes the
zero-grade of the PIE root (*liH-no-).
REF: GPC II: 2181.
*liro- ‘sea, ocean’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ler [o m]
W: OW lirou [p] ‘seas, oceans’, MW Ilyr [m] (GPC //pr)
ETYM: The IE etymology offered by IEW (664, from *leyH- ‘flow’) is
unconvincing. If anything, ‘sea’ is not ‘flowing’ in any possible sense.
Moreover, the PIE root was *leyH- (see LIV 363f.), with a laryngeal, and
there is no trace of long *i < *iH in Celtic (though, admittedly, PIE *liHré-
would have been shortened to PCelt. *liro- by Dybo’s law). I believe that
this word was borrowed from some non-IE substrate (the inherited word for
‘sea’ is PCelt. *mori).
REF: GPC II: 2275, Falileyev 104.
*lissu- ‘abhorrence’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. dius [u m] ‘loathing, disgust’
PIE: *hyleyt- ‘do something hateful’ (IEW: 672) ;
COGN: OE /ap ‘loathsome’, OHG /eid ‘hate’, Gr. aloitos, aleités ‘sinner’
ETYM: Although this etymology is speculative, the PCelt. form would be
derivable straightforwardly from PIE *hplit-tu-, with the expected zero-grade
of the root in an abstract noun with the suffix *-tu-.
REF: EIEC 259, de Bernardo Stempel 288.
*]iti(-ako)- ‘accused’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. lithech [0] ‘accused person’
COGN: Lat. Jis, litis, OLat. slis (Lex Acilia: quanti eius rei slis ae[stumata
erit ‘such damages as shall have been assessed in this case’)
SEE: *li-yo- ‘accuse’
ETYM: Olt. lithech is a legal term, occurring mostly in early legal tracts. It
is a nominalized adjective derived from unattested *(s)liti- ‘lawsuit,
accusation’. The connection to Lat. /is is compelling, but we must assume
that the PCelt. word lacked the s-mobile, which is attested in Old Latin.
REF: Joseph 1986.
*litu- ‘feast, celebration’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. /ith [u m]
BRET: OBret. lit, MoBret. id [m] ‘feast, rite’
242 *liwank-
ETYM: Gaulish names with the first element Litu- may contain the same
root (e.g. Litu-genus, Litu-maros), but they can also be related to PCelt.
*flitano- ‘broad’. The absence of clear cognates outside Celtic means that
the PCelt. reconstruction is quite uncertain (PCelt. *flitu- would also be
possible). In principle, PCelt. *litu- can be derived from *liH-tu- ‘flowing
(of drinks/libations)’, from the PIE root *leyH- ‘flow’ (see PCelt. *liy-o-
‘flow’), but this is, of course, merely a root etymology.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 464, Pedersen I: 132.
*liwank- ‘stone, pillar’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. lie, lia; liac [Gen s]
PIE: *leh,- ‘stone’ (IEW: 683)
COGN: Gr. (Hom.) /das ‘stone’, /eud ‘to stone’, Myc. ra-e-ja, Alb. leré
‘rock slip, boulder’
ETYM: MoBret. liac’h ‘stone’ is a borrowing from Goidelic. It. Java ‘lava’,
Fr. dial. lave, Pr. lavo, lauvo ‘flat stone’ may be from Gaul. *lawa < *Ih,w-.
Gallo-Lat. /Jausiae ‘pebbles in a stone-quarry’ (cf. Fr. lause, lauze ‘pierre
plate utilisée comme dalle’) may be from an old s-stem *laws- < *lh,us-, cf.
also Fr. Josange ‘lozenge’ and the toponym Lausanne, which may be from
*laws-on- < *Ih,u-s-on-, or *lh,us-h3en-, with the possessive suffix *-h;en-.
If the etymology is correct, we should probably reconstruct an u-stem in PIE,
with Nom. sg. *lehju-s, Gen. sg. *lh;w-os. Olr. ie preserved the full-grade
of the Nom. sg.
REF: Gamillscheg 562, Mallory & Adams 2006: 122, Schmitt 1997: 825.
*lwo- ‘stream’ [Noun]
SEE: *li-yo- ‘flow’
*liwo- ‘color’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol!r. /i [? f, perhaps earlier n] ‘complexion, beauty, color’
W: OW liu [m], MW Iliw
BRET: OBret. liou, MBret. Jiu, MoBret. liw [m]
CO: OCo. liu gl. color, MCo. lyw
PIE: *(s)liHwo- ‘blue’ (IEW: 967)
COGN: Lat. /iuor, liuidus, OCS sliva ‘plum’, OE slah ‘sloe’
ETYM: Olr. /i is often indeclinable. Gaul. Lionus [PN] may be derivable
from the same root (Delamarre).
REF: GPC II: 2192, DGVB 243f., EIEC 113, 246, Delamarre 205,
Deshayes 2003: 469, Falileyev 105, Campanile 1974: 72, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 178.
*liy-ant- ‘flood’ [Noun]
SEE: *liy-o- ‘flow’
*liy-o- ‘charge, accuse’ [Vb]
*liy-o- 243
GOID: Olr. liid, -li; lithae, -lith [Pass.] ‘accuses’
PIE: *sleyH- ‘accuse’ (IEW: 650f.)
COGN: Lat. /is, litis ‘strife, accusation’
SEE: *liti-(ako)- ‘accused’
ETYM: Perhaps related is Celtib. litom (?) ‘what is permitted’ (Botorrita 1),
cf. Meid 1994a: 17f. However, this Celtib. form allows many other
etymological interpretations including, e.g., PCelt. *lixtom < *lik’-to- (from
the root *leyk”- ‘to leave’, Lat. linguo, Olt. léicid, etc.).
REF: KPV 452, Joseph 1986, Meid 1994a: 17, Jordan Coélera 1998: 85f.,
MLH V.1: 226f.
*liy-o- ‘flow’ [Vb]
W: MW dillydd [3s Pres.]
PIE: *leyH- ‘flow’ (IEW: 664f )
COGN: OCS liti, Lith. lieti
SEE: *lino- ‘flow, flood’
ETYM: W dillydd < *di-exs-liy-o- (the simplex verb is unattested). Derived
from the same root are W Ili, llif [m] Co. lyf, ‘stream, flow’ (< *liwo-). Olr.
li(a)e ‘flood’ and W Iliant ‘flood, flux’ can be old present participles of this
verbal root (PCelt. *liy-ant-).
REF: KPV 451f., GPC I: 1018, LIV 405f.
*loferno- ‘fox’ [Noun]
W: MW Ilewyrn [Collective, sometimes m] ‘foxes’, W /lwyrn, llwyrn ‘will-
o’-the-wisp, ignis fatuus’
BRET: MBret. /ouarn, MoBret. louarn, lowern [m}
CO: OCo. louuern gl. vulpes, Co. lowarn
PIE: *halop- ‘fox’ i
COGN: Skt. lopasd- ‘fox, jackal’, Gr. alopéks ‘fox’, Lith. ldpé ‘fox’, Arm.
alues ‘fox’
REF: GPC II: 2172, Deshayes 2003: 475, Schrijver 1998.
*loku- ‘lake, pool’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. loch [u nj
PIE: *loku- ‘pond, pool’ (IEW: 653)
COGN: Lat. lacus, Gr. lakkos, OE lagu, OCS loky
ETYM: W Ilwch (OW lichou) and OBret. loch, MoBret. loc’h ‘lake, pond’
are either loanwords from Goidelic, or point to a geminate *lokku-. MBret.
* laguenn ‘inundated field’ and OCo. lagen gl. stagnum are probably
' borrowed from Lat. /acus (this would explain the vocalism). The difficulties
; presented by the IE cognates can be resolved if one starts from a PIE
| ablauting paradigm with Nom. sg. *loku-s, Gen. sg.*lIkew-s (Matasovi¢
2004: 104).
| REF: EIEC 343, DGVB 244, Delamarre 206, Campanile 1974: 70,
} Falileyev 103, Deshayes 2003: 447, 470, Matasovic 2004: 104.
244 *lomana
*lomana ‘rope, thong’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Joman [8 f] ‘rope, leash, thong, bridle’
W: W Ihyfan [f and m]
BRET: MW louffan, MoBret. louan [m]
CO: Co. lovan
ETYM: W Ilyfan is attested only very late (19th century). The
reconstruction is uncertain, since all of the attested forms might go back to
*Jumana as well as *lomana (Schrijver 1995: 31). The lack of cognates in
other IE languages makes it probable that this word was borrowed from
some non-IE source.
REF: GPC II: 2253, Pedersen I: 33, Deshayes 2003: 475, Schrijver 1995:
31.
*longa ‘boat, vessel’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. long [4 f]
W: MW llong [f]
BRET: OBret. /ocou [p]
GAUL: Longaticum [Toponym] (= Nau-portus in Pannonia)
ETYM: It has been argued that this word is an old pan-Celtic loanword
from Latin, derived from Lat. (nduis) longa (note the equivalence of Gaul.
Longaticum and Lat. Nauportus). However, I believe it is more probable that
we are dealing with an inherited Celtic word for ‘vessel’, with unknown
etymology, cf. also McCone 1993 for arguments against borrowing from
Latin. Cisalpine Gaul. LOKAN may be the same word in the Acc. sg. (the
alphabet used in Todi would render /ng/ as K).
REF: GPC II: 2204, Delamarre 207, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 270, 351.
*lorgo- ‘trace’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. lorg [o m]
W: MW Ilwrw, Ilwry [m]
BRET: OBret. Jerg, MoBret. lerc’h {m]
CO: Co. lergh
ETYM: The vocalism of MoBret. /erc’h and Co. lergh points to a variant
*lorgyo- (Jackson 1967: 716), or *lergo-, cf. also Gaul. ethnonym Au-lerci,
which has been interpreted as ‘those who are far away from their traces’
(Lambert 1994: 36). Pedersen (I 105) compares Arm. ofork ‘smooth’, but
this is more likely to be a chance similarity.
REF: GPC II: 2236f., Pedersen I 104f., Deshayes 2003: 459, Jackson 1967:
716, Lewis 1989: 48, Lambert 1994: 36.
*lorga ‘stick, club’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. lorg [4 f] ‘staff, stick, club’
W: MW Ilwry, llory [m]; llyry [p]
*lowatro- 245
BRET: MoBret. lorc’henn [f] ‘shaft’, also ‘vane woman’, Jorc’h [m]
‘vanity, strong impression’
CO: OCo. lorch gl. baculus, MCo. lorgh
PIE: *lorg-o- ‘club’ IEW: 691f.)
COGN: ON lurkr ‘club’
ETYM: The ON word is possibly a loanword from Celtic. If so, the Celtic
word is isolated in IE, and may have been borrowed from some non-IE
language.
REF: GPC II: 2210, EIEC 112, LP 33, Deshayes 2003: 474, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 60, 117.
*lowatro- ‘bath’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. loathar [o n]
BRET: MBret. /ovazr
GAUL: lautro gl. balneo (Endlicher’s Glossary)
PIE: *lowh;-tro- ‘bath’ (IEW: 692)
COGN: Lat. lauabrum, Gr. Hom. loetrén, OE léapor ‘soap-foam’
ETYM: The identity of the laryngeal in the PIE reconstruction seems to be
assured by Myc. re-wo-to-ro- = Hom. /oetrén (with metathesis *ewo- >
*owe-).
REF: EJEC 52, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 305, Delamarre 198, McCone
1996: 51.
*lowdo- ‘obstacle’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. lod [o m] ‘fence’ (?)
W: MW Iludd ‘obstacle, hindrance’
BRET: MBret. Juz ‘obstacle’
PIE: *lowd"-o- ‘obstacle’
COGN: Skt. rudh- ‘hinder’, rddhas- ‘obstacle’
ETYM: MIr. /od is a rather obscure technical term from the legal language;
DIL renders its meaning as ‘one of three perishable fences’; it can be related
to MW /ludd only if the original form was /éd (from which we would expect
liad in MIr., but we may be dealing with the archaism of the legal
language). The PIE root is not in IEW, but the correspondence with the Skt.
root rudh- is perfect, both formally and semantically.
REF: GPC II: 2219, Hamp 1978a.
*lowko- ‘bright, light’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. luach (l6ch) [o] ‘glowing white’
W: MW Ilug [m] ‘eyesight, perception’
GAUL: Leucus [PN]
PIE: *lewko- ‘bright, shining’ (IEW: 687ff.)
COGN: Lat. Jax ‘light’, Go. liuhap ‘light’, Gr. leukés ‘white’, ToB lytike
‘light’
SEE: *luk-o- ‘perceive’
246 *lowteto-
ETYM: The same PCelt. root is presumably attested in MW Ilygad ‘eye’ [m
and f], OCo. Jagat gl. oculus, Co. lagas, MBret. Jagat, MoBret. Jagat [m]
(PCelt. *lukato-?). The semantic connection of ‘light’ and ‘eye’ is based on a
common metaphor (note that Lat. Juices can also mean ‘eyes’).
REF: GPC Il: 2235, 2261, EIEC 83, Delamarre 200, Deshayes 2003: 447.
*lowteto- ‘muddy’ [Adj]
SEE: *luta ‘dirt’
*lowtu- ‘ash’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. luaith [i f]
W: MW Iludw [m] (GPC Jludw, Iludu)
BRET: MBret. /udu [m]
CO: Co. lusow
ETYM: MIr. /uaith points to *lowtwi-, which may represent a secondary i-
stem form a n earlier u-stem *lowtu-. MW ZIludw is best explained from
*lowtwo-. Pokorny’s connection of these words with PIE *lewh;- ‘wash’
(Lat. lauo, Gr. loud, Arm. loganam ‘bathe’, cf. IEW 692, LIV 375) is
possible, under the assumption of the loss of laryngeal (by de Saussure’s
law, *owH > *ow?). The original sense of PCelt. *lowtu- would have been
‘washing substance’ (cf. PCelt. *lowatro- ‘bath’). Another possibility would
be to relate these words to PCelt. *luta ‘mud, dirt’, from a root without a
laryngeal.
REF: GPC II: 2218, Deshayes 2003: 479, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 218.
*loyda ‘poem, lay’ [Noun]
SEE: *loyd-o- ‘exhort’
*loyd-o- ‘exhort, incite’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. laidid
PIE: *leyd- ‘let go, play’ (IEW: 666)
COGN: Lat. lado ‘play’, Lith. /didyti ‘throw’
ETYM: Olr. laidid may be the denominative verb to OIr. laid [?4 f] ‘poem,
lay’< *loyda. Cf. also Gr. lizei ‘plays’ (Hesych.), which is not completely
reliable as a cognate. Although formally flawless, the etymology relating
Lat. lido and MIr. laidid is problematic both because of the difference in
meaning, and because the o-grade in the root is unexpected (unless we have
to do with the intensive presents of the type Lat. fodio ‘dig’, OCS bosti
‘sting’ < PIE *b"od"-).
REF: LIV 361.
*lub-o- ‘love’ [Vb]
GAUL: /ubi [Ipv.] (Banassac)
PIE: *lewb'- ‘love’ (IEW: 683)
COGN: Lat. lubid6 ‘sexual desire’, OE léof ‘love’, OCS Jjubiti ‘love’
*lubi/a 247
ETYM: Although this verb is unattested in Insular Celtic, the meaning of
the Gaul. forms derived from *lub-o- appears well established. Cf. also the
Celtib. PN Lubos (Botorrita I), which may also be related.
REF: Delamarre 209, LIV 372, MLH V.1: 234.
*lubi/a ‘herb, plant’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. luib [7? and 4 f]
W: OW luird [p] gl. horti, MW Jluarth
BRET: OBret. -/ub, -lob, MBret. lou
PIE: *(h;)lewb’- ‘leaf? (IEW: 690)
COGN: OHG /oub ‘leaf’, Lat. liber ‘bark, rind’, Russ. /ub ‘bark’, Lith. luba
‘plank’
ETYM: OW luird is the plural to *luord, which is the compound
corresponding to MBret. Juorz, lyorz ‘garden’, Co. lowarth, Olr. lub-gort.
Olr. luib inflects mostly as an a-stem, but Nom. pl. /uibi may indicate that it
had been originally an i-stem. The Celtic, Baltic, and Italic forms are from
the zero grade of the PIE root (lub? -), while the Germanic and Slavic forms
come from the o-grade (*lowb'-). If Gr. oloupho ‘peel’ (Hesych.) is related,
the correct PIE reconstruction is *h3lewb’-. I do not see the need to suppose
that any of these words are loanwords from non-JE sources (cf. Beekes
1996).
REF: DGVB 274, Kluge 505, Beekes 1996.
*lud- ‘went’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. Juid * went’ [Pret.]
PIE: *h,lud*- ‘grow, tread’ (EW: 684f., 306f.)
COGN: Skt. rodhati ‘grows’, Go. liudan ‘ grow’, ToB Jac ‘went out’
ETYM: Judging by Olr. séit ‘goes’, pret. Juid, the form *lude- was a
suppletive thematic aorist of the verb ‘to go’ in PCelt., cf. also Gr. (Hom.)
élythe ‘he went’.
REF: KPV 456, LIV 248f., EIEC 228.
*lugiyo- ‘oath’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. /ugae [io n] (DIL luige)
W: MW Ilw [m and f]; //yfon, Ilyain, llwon [p]
BRET: MBret. /e, MoBret. /e [f]
CO: Co. gov-lya * to swear falsely’
PIE: *hylewg"- (IEW: 687)
COGN: Hitt. haluga- ‘news, message’, Go. liuga ‘marriage’, liugan ‘marry,
lie’
ETYM: OBret. di-/u gl. detestantur probably also contains this root. The
semantic connection of the Celtic forms with those in other languages is
weak, so this etymology is rather speculative.
REF: GPC II: 2233, DGVB 142, KPV 650, Deshayes 2003: 455, Schrijver
1995: 310.
248 *lugra
*hugra ‘moon’ [Noun]
W: OW loyr , MW lloer [f]
BRET: OBret. loir, loer, MBret. and MoBret. loar [f]
CO: OCo. luir gl. luna, Co. lo(e)r
PIE: *lewg- ‘to bend, twist’ (IEW: 685f.)
COGN: Gr. lygiz6 ‘bend’, Lith. Jugnas ‘twisted’, Skt. rujati ‘breaks’
ETYM: The semantics of this derivation are somewhat stretched; however,
this can be remedied if one starts from the meaning ‘young moon’ as
‘twisted, bent’. Pokorny’s (IEW 690) connection with the root *lewk- ‘to
shine’ (Lat. Jax, etc.) is implausible from the phonological point of view
(there is no evidence for the variant of this root with a voiced velar). A
different etymology is offered ‘as a mere possibility’ by Schrijver (1995:
332). He relates W lloer etc. to Lat. liridus ‘pale, yellow’, from a putative
PIE *lows-.
REF: GPC II: 2198, Pedersen II: 50, DGVB 245, Deshayes 2003: 470,
Schrijver 1995: 233f., 332.
*Lugu- ‘god Lug’, perhaps originally ‘the shiny one’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. Lug [PN], Ogam LUGU-DECCAS
W: MW Llew
GAUL: Lugus (e.g. RIG G-159)
CELTIB: LUGUEI [Dat. s] ( Pefialba)
ETYM: Cf. the parallelism of the compound PNs Olr. Lugaid (Gen
Luigdech), Ogam LUGUDECCAS (CIIC no. 263) and Gaul. Lucudeca
‘serving the god Lug’ < PCelt. *Lugu-dek-s (Uhlich 2002: 409). For the
second element of this compound see PCelt. *dekos.
REF: EIEC 97, Delamarre 211, Jordan Célera 1998: 63, 207ff, Uhlich 2002:
409, Ziegler 1994: 112, Kalygin 2006: 102ff, Sims-Williams 2006: 86,
MLH V.1: 235f.
*Juk-o- ‘see, perceive, set eyes upon’ [Vb]
W: W gorllwyn ‘expect, perceive, follow’
PIE: *lewk- ‘shine’ (IEW: 687)
COGN: Hitt. lukk- ‘to get light, dawn’, Skt. récate ‘shines’, OLat. liiceo
‘make light’, OPr. /uckis ‘torch, log’, ToB Juk- ‘to shine’
SEE: *lowko- ‘bright’
ETYM: W gorllwyn, gorllygaf [1 sg. Pres.] < *ufor-luk-o- (the simplex verb
is unattested). From the same root there is OW licat (MW Ilygat) ‘well,
source’, OCo. Jagat gl. oculus, MBret. Jagat. The words for ‘well’ and ‘eye’
are etymologically related in many languages, cf. Persian casme ‘well,
source, eye’.
REF: GPC II: 1491, KPV 459, LIV 418, Falileyev 103.
*lukot- ‘mouse’ [Noun]
*lu-n-g-o- 249
GOID: Olt. luch [t f]
W: MW Ilygoden [Singulative]; //ygod [p]
BRET: OBret. Joc, MoBret. logodenn [Singulative]
CO: OCo. logoden gl. mus [Singulative], MoCo. logaz
GAUL: Lucotios [PN]
ETYM: The IE etymology is unknown. Pedersen’s connection with Lith.
pelé ‘mouse’, Gr. polids ‘gray’ has little to recommend itself. A PCelt.
*flukot- < PIE *plukot- would be completely intransparent from the point of
view of word formation. Thus, PCelt. *lukot- is probably a loanword from
some non-IE language.
REF: GPC II: 2265, DGVB 244, EIEC 387, Campanile 1974: 73, Deshayes
2003: 472, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 160, 388, Delamarre 210, Pedersen
II: 101.
*Ju-n-g-o- ‘put, place’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. fo-loing ‘support’; fo-/6 [Subj.]; fo-/il [Fut.]; fo-lolaig [Pret.];
fo-locht [Pass. ]
W: MW dillwng ‘set free’ (GPC dillwng, dillyngio)
PIE: *lewg- ‘bend’ (IEW: 685f.)
COGN: Lat. luctor ‘wrestle’, Go. ga-liikan ‘close’
ETYM: MW dillwng < *di-exs-lu-n-g-o-. Cf. also Olr. in-loing ‘connect’,
MW ellwng ‘set free’ (< *exs-lung-o-).
REF: KPV 461f., GPC I: 1018, LP 379, McCone 1991: 42f.
*lu-n-g-o- ‘eat’ [Vb]
SEE: *slu-n-k-o- ‘swallow’
*lussu- ‘herb, vegetable’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. Jus [u m] ‘herb, plant, garden herb’
W: MW Ilysieu, (GPC Ilysiau, Ilysau) [Collective]
BRET: MBret. Jousou, MoBret. lousow [p]
CO: Co. losow [p]
ETYM: Olr. Jus has also the more specific meaning ‘leek’. Brittonic words
for ‘bilberries’ (W //us, MoBret. lus) are probably not related, because they
denote altogether different kinds of plants (pace Deshayes 2003: 480).
Pokorny’s derivation of these words from PIE *h,lewd"- ‘grow’ (Skt.
rodhati, Go. liudan, cf. also Gr. eleutheros ‘free’ < ‘grown up’) is possible
(PIE *h,lud’-tu- would yield PCelt. *lussu- regularly, cf. also MIr. indlos,
indlas [o m] ‘growth, riches’ < *ande-lussu-).
REF: GPC II: 2279f., Deshayes 2003: 476f.
*luta ‘mud, dirt’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. Joth [4 f] ‘mud, mire’
GAUL: Luto-magus, Lutetia (Paris) [Toponyms]
PIE: *lew-to- ‘mud, dirt? (IEW: 681)
250 *litu-
COGN: Lat. /utum ‘mud’, po-lluo ‘make dirty, infect’, Alb. /um ‘slime, dirt’
ETYM: In W, we have lluddedic < *lowd-eto- ‘muddy’ (dissimilated from
*lowt-eto-) with the full grade of the same root. A Celtiberian cognate might
be incorporated into Jutiakos (A.76) ‘belonging to *Lutia’, where *Lutia
would be a toponym derived from PCelt. *lutu-. Lith. Jidtynas ‘puddle’ is
sometimes adduced as belonging to the same PIE root, but it is probably
unrelated (the accentuation points to a laryngeal root).
REF: EIEC 160, Delamarre 211, Lewis 1989 42f., MLH V.1: 238.
*liitu- ‘anger, power’ [Noun]
GOID: Of. uth [u m] ‘power of motion, vigour’
W: MW liid [m] ‘anger’
GAUL: Lutu-marus [PN]
PIE: *lewH-to- ‘angry’ (IEW: 691)
COGN: OCS Jjut ‘angry’
ETYM: The Gaulish PN Lutumarus has the exact parallel in Olr. /uthmar
‘powerful’. The IE part of this etymology is somewhat speculative, since it
relies only on Celtic and Slavic; moreover, the Celtic forms must be from
*luHtu-, while OCS /jute must represent *lewHto-.
REF: GPC II: 2175, Delamarre 212, Ellis Evans 1967: 218.
*luwa4 ‘louse’ [Noun]
W: MW Ileu (GPC Iau) [p]; lleuen [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. /ovenn [Singulative], lou [Collective], MoBret. low
CO: OCo. lewen(ki) gl. pediculus, MoCo. low
PIE: *lewH- ‘louse’ (IEW: 692)
COGN: OE /is, ON his
ETYM: The PCelt. form is compatible with both PIE *lowHo- > *luwo-,
and with PIE *luHo- > *luwo-. The Germanic reflexes contain a sigmatic
suffix (PIE *luHs-). Skt. yu#ka- ‘louse’ might be from *luH-keh:, but *y-
instead of *r- is unexplained. ToA /u ‘animal’ (ToB Juwo) might also be
ultimately from the same PIE root, but with an unusual generalization of
meaning.
REF: GPC II: 2103, Deshayes 2003: 477.
*luw-o- ‘escape’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. as-loi; as-loa [Subj.]
PIE: *lewH- ‘cut off, set free’ IEW: 681f.)
COGN: Gr. /yo, Lat. luo ‘pay, release from debt’, so-/luo ‘release’
SEE: *lawano- ‘provisions, food, sustenance’
ETYM: OIr. as-loi < *exs-luw-o- (the simplex is unattested in Goidelic).
REF: KPV 463, LIV 417, LP 379f.
*luxsman- ‘drop, a sip’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. loimm [n n] ‘sip, mouthful’, later ‘milk’
*luxtu- 251
W: MW llymeit, (GPC [ymaid) [m] ‘a sip, drink’
BRET: OBret. /om-coill gl. sucus arboris, MoBret. loum, lomm ‘drop’
ETYM: It is assumed here that the formation in OIr. is original; MoBret.
lomm can be from the same prototype. The IE etymology is unknown, but a
connection with Lith. iiigas ‘puddle’, Russ. /iZa ‘puddle, pool’ is possible (?
from PIE *lewg- ‘liquid’; however, Derksen 2008: 293 thinks that the Baltic
and Slavic words were borrowed from some unknown substrate).
REF: GPC II: 2269, DGVB 246, Deshayes 2003: 472, Stiiber 1998: 82f., 87.
*luxtu- ‘contents; crowd, people’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. /ucht [u m] ‘charge, contents, people’
W: OW luidt, luith [m] ‘tribe, lineage, family’, MW /uith, (GPC llwyth)
BRET: OBret. /oit gl. oppidanus
CO: OCo. Jeid gl. progenies
GAUL: luxtos [?Gen. s] (La Graufesenque)
ETYM: The etymology in IEW (686) deriving these Celtic words from PIE
*lewg- ‘break’ is not convincing because of the difference in meaning. In
Celtic, the basic meaning is ‘contents’ from which the meaning ‘people’
developed in a similar manner as in Lat. plébs < *pleh,- ‘be full’. The word
may have been borrowed from some non-IE language.
REF: GPC II: 2248f., Delamarre 212, Falileyev 107, GPC 2248, LHEB 405,
Campanile 1974: 73, Kortlandt 2007: 37, 88.
M
*ma, *ma ‘if? [Conjunction]
GOID: OIr. ma, ma
BRET: OBret. ma, MBret. ma, mar, MoBret. mar
CO: Co. mar
PIE: *mehp- (particle) IEW: 966)
COGN: Gr. mén (particle)
ETYM: The short vowel seen in Olr. ma and MBret. ma could perhaps be
explained by shortening in clitics. Cf. also particles such as Hitt. -ma ‘but’,
Skt. sma.
REF: LEIA M-1, DGVB 248ff., Deshayes 2003: 492.
*mad-yo- ‘break’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. maidid, -maid,; mdis, -ma [Subj.]; memais, -mema [Fut.];
memaid {Pret.]
W: MW maeddu ‘break, win’
BRET: MBret. mezaff ‘knead’, MoBret. mezaji
252 *madyo-
PIE: *mad- ? (*mhzd-) ‘be wet, become wet’ (IEW: 694f.)
COGN: Lat. madeo, Gr. madad, Skt. madati ‘rejoice, be intoxicated’
ETYM: For the possibility that this PCelt. verb originally had athematic i-
inflexion (Kortlandt 2007: 137), cf. *ar-yo- ‘plough’. The PIE etymology is
semantically dubious because it is difficult to derive the meaning in Celtic
(‘break’) from the PIE meaning ‘be wet’. However, Olr. maidid can be used
impersonally in the sense of ‘burst’, and this may have been the original
meaning of the root in Celtic. If so, then the meaning ‘to burst’ may have
been extended from the more specific (the bursting of streams and torrents)
to the more general, cf. the connection in Croatian between p?skati ‘sprinkle’
and pfsnuti ‘burst, explode’. Formally, Celtic *mad- can be from PIE zero-
grade of the root (*mhzd-).
REF: KPV 464f., GPC III: 2304, LIV 421, Deshayes 2003: 509.
*madyo- ‘futile, useless’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. madae [io] ‘useless’
W: MW madeu in eneit vadeu ‘lost soul’; madau (GPC maddau) ‘forfeit,
give up, lose’
BRET: OBret. in vadau gl. pessum
SEE: *mad-yo- ‘break’
ETYM: It is possible that this adjective is derived from the root *mad- ‘to
break’. The semantic development would be from ‘broken’ to ‘useless’.
REF: LEIA M-6, GPC III: 2303
*magino- ‘stone, place’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. magen, magan [8, f] ‘place’ (DIL maigen)
W: MW maen [m] ‘stone, grindstone’; main, meini, maenau [p]
BRET: OBret. main, MBret. men, MoBret. maen [m] ‘stone’
CO: Co. men
SEE: *magos ‘plain, field’
ETYM: W maen is not just any stone, but one ‘having some speciality or a
particular use’, according to GPC. The Olr. form in -a is a collective built
from *magino-, like Lat. Joca from locus. The attribution in IEW (709) to
the root *megh)- ‘great’ is possible, cf. Skt. mahi- ‘earth’ (< *‘the great
one’) and PCelt. *magos ‘field’, which might also be related.
REF: LEIA M-9, GPC III: 2306ff., DGVB 250, Deshayes 2003: 484.
*maglo- ‘noble, chief’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mal [o m], Ogam CUNA-MAGLI
W: MW mael [m] ‘chieftain, lord’; MW -mael, -fael (in PN) (e.g. Brochfael
< *Brocco-maglos);
BRET: MBret. -mael (in PN, e.g. Tiernmael)
GAUL: Magalos, -maglus [PN]
PIE: *meghy- ‘great’ (IEW: 709)
COGN: Gr. mégas, Go. mikils
*magos- 253
ETYM: If the etymology is correct the a-vocalism in Celtic should be
explained by Schrijver’s rule (*mC’*. > *maC’"*.), but this rule is not
beyond doubt. Gaul. Magalos, if related, might represent PIE *mgh»-lo- with
the expected vocalization of the laryngeal (which was, for some reason, lost
in Insular Celtic and in Gaul. -maglus).
REF: LEIA M-13, GPC IH: 2305, Delamarre 213, Ziegler 1994: 112.
*magos- ‘plain, field’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mag [s n]
W: OW maessid [p], MW -ma [m and f], maes
BRET: OBret. -ma, MoBret. ma ‘place’, maes [m] ‘field’
CO: Co. -ma
GAUL: -magus (e.g. Noviomagus, Rigomagus)
PIE: *megho- ‘great’ (?) (IEW: 709)
COGN: Skt. mahi- ‘earth’
SEE: *magino- ‘stone’
ETYM: MW maes and MBret. maes should be derived from a formation in
*-tu, 1. e. PCelt. *magestu-. The connection with the PIE adjective *megh)-
‘great’ is uncertain. Skt. mahi- ‘great (f.), earth’ is a substantivized adjective,
originally a standing epithet of ‘earth’.
REF: LEIA M-8, GPC III: 2293, DGVB 249f., LHEB 445, Delamarre 214,
Falileyev 108, Deshayes 2003: 483, Sims-Williams 2006: 87f.
*magyo- ‘great’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. maige [io]
GAUL: Magios [PN]
PIE: *megh,- ‘great’ (IEW: 709)
COGN: Lat. maius
ETYM: MIr. maige is a rare, poetic word.
REF: LEIA M-10, Delamarre 213, Meid 2005: 197f.
*mak"o- ‘son’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. macc [o m]
W: OW map [m], MW map (GPC mab)
BRET: OBret. mab, map, MBret. and MoBret. mab [m]
CO: OCo. mab gl. filius, map
GAUL: Maponos [Theonym]
PIE: *meh2k- ‘raise, grow’ (IEW: 709 (*meg'-))
COGN: Lat. macer ‘meagre’, Gr. makros ‘great’
SEE: *mak-o- ‘grow, increase’
ETYM: The IE etymology proposed here is rather uncertain for semantic
reasons; the verbal stem *mak- means ‘grow, raise, feed’ in Celtic, so the
development would have been from ‘raised, fed’ to ‘son’. PIE *mh.k-wo-
would yield PCelt. *mak”o-, so the geminate *k”k” in Goidelic is
unexplained (the Brit. forms are derivable from *mak“o-).
254 # nk 6:
REF: LEIA M-1f., GPC II: 2293f., DGVB 249, Delamarre 216, Falileyev
109, Campanile 1974: 75, Deshayes 2003: 483.
*mak-o- ‘increase, raise, feed’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-formaig ‘increase, add’; do-forma [Subj.]; do-formacht
{Pret.]
W: MW magu ‘feed, produce, rear’
BRET: MBret. maguaff ‘feed, rear’, MoBret. maezhur, magafi ‘feed, rear’
CO: Co. maga
PIE: *mehpk- ‘thin, elongated’ (IEW: 709 (*meg"-))
COGN: Lat. maceo ‘be lean’, Gr. makros ‘big’, Hitt. maklant- ‘thin,
meagre, slim (of animals)’, OHG magar ‘meagre’
SEE: *makk"os ‘son’
ETYM: Olr. do-formaig < *to-wor-mak-o- (the simplex is unattested in
Goidelic). The Celtic forms presuppose the zero-grade of the root, PIE
*mhok- > PCelt. *mak-. The development of meaning would have been from
‘make thin’ to ‘make long’ and, finally ‘increase’ (cf. also Gr. makros ‘great’
from ‘*long, elongated’).
REF: KPV 466, GPC III: 2316, Deshayes 2003: 485.
*makina ‘bellow’ [Noun]
W: MW megin (f] ‘a pair of bellows’
BRET: MBret. meguin, MoBret. megin [f]
CO: Co. mygen
PIE: *mak- ‘leather sack’ (IEW: 698)
COGN: OHG mago ‘belly’, Lith. mdkas ‘purse’
ETYM: If the etymology is correct, the a-vocalism points to a borrowing
from some unknown source.
REF: GPC I: 2404f., Deshayes 2003: 499.
*mallo- ‘slow, lazy’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. mail [0] gi. tardus
W: MW mall ‘evil, sick, bad, rotten, dull’
PIE: *mel- ‘be late, hesitate’ IEW: 720)
COGN: Gr. méild ‘be late, must’, Lat. pro-mello
SEE: *mello- ‘destruction’
ETYM: The meaning of W mall according to GPC is not as close to the
meaning of Olr. mall as implied by LEIA. As a noun, mall means ‘plague,
pestilence’ in W. The Celtic geminate *ll can be both from PIE *ls and *In.
Lat. prémellere, which means litem promovere, according to Lewis & Short
(s. v.), is a hapax. Other possible cognates include Lat. malus ‘bad’, Gr.
méleos ‘idle’, Arm. me? ‘sin’, Lith. mélas ‘lie’. Maybe we should distinguish
two roots, *mel- (1) ‘be late, hesitate’, and *mel- (2) ‘evil’. In that case Olr.
mall is from *mel- (1) and W mail (and Olr. mell ‘destruction’) are from PIE
*mel- (2).
*mal-o- 255
REF: LEIA M-15, GPC III: 2331.
*mal-o-, *mel-o- ‘grind’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. meilid, -meil; melaid, -mela [Subj.]; mélaid, -méla [Fut.]; milt,
-melt [Pret.]; mlethae, -mleth [Pass.]
W: W malu
BRET: OBret. maletic gl. contritum [Past Part.], MBret. malaff ‘grind’
PIE: *melh,- ‘grind’ (IEW: 716f.)
COGN: Lat. molo, Lith. malti, Arm. malem
ETYM: The Brittonic forms can be derived from the zero-grade of the root,
PIE *mlh)-o- > *malH-o- > PCelt. *mal-o-. Olr. meilid preserves the full
grade (PIE *melh,-o-).
REF: KPV 470ff.,GPC HI: 2326f., DGVB 250, LIV 432f., LP 381, LEIA
M-32, Schrijver 1995: 81f., Hamp 1973: 152.
*malo- ‘praise’ [Noun]
SEE: *mol-a- ‘praise’
*mamm(y)a ‘mother, nanny’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. muimme [ia f] ‘nurse, fostermother’
W: MW mam [f] ‘mother’
BRET: MBret. mam(m) [f]
CO: OCo. mam gl. mater, MCo. mam
PIE: *mam(m)a ‘mommy’ (IEW: 694)
COGN: Lat. mamma, OHG muoma
SEE: *matir ‘mother’
ETYM: These forms are from the children’s language, while the ‘formal’
word for ‘mother’ is preserved in Olr. mathir. The fact that the nursery word
*mamma usually does not denote the biological mother is explained by the
Celtic custom of fosterage (children are raised by foster-parents, with whom
they develop an intimate relationship).
REF: LEIA M-71f., GPC III: 2332f., Deshayes 2003: 489, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 514ff.
*mani- ‘turf, peat’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. moin [i f]
W: MW mawn [p]; mawnen [Singulative]
BRET: MoBret. man [m] ‘moss’
ETYM: MoBret. man ‘moss’ has aberrant vocalism (**meun would be
expected), so I doubt whether this is the same word (the meaning is also
different). Olr. mdin and W mawn might be derivable from *makni- <
*mhykni- ‘swamp’ (cf. Olr. ton < *tukna). The root would be the same as in
Alb. maké ‘mud’, OCS mokro ‘wet’, Lith. maknéti ‘walk through the mud’
(IEW 698).
REF: LEIA M-60, GPC III: 2378, Deshayes 490, EIEC 639.
256 *man-yo-
*man-yo- ‘think, remember’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. muinithir, -muinethar ‘think’; menaithir, -menathar [Subj.];
ménair [Pret.]; métae, -mét [Pret. Pass.]
PIE: *men- ‘think’ (EW: 726ff.)
COGN: Skt. manyate, Go. munan
SEE: *mentyon- ‘thought, mention’, *menman- ‘thought’
ETYM: W mynnu, MoBret. mennout, Co. mynnas ‘want, wish, desire’ are
probably from the same root. The geminate -nn- can be from *nd < *nd’, cf.
Gr. manthand ‘learn’. The root is probably also attested in Celtib.
MONIMAM (K.11.1), which may be identical with the formation of OBret.
verbal noun guo-monim ‘promise’ (? formed from the causative stem
*mon-eye- > PCelt. *moni- and the suffix *-ma).
REF: KPV 473ff., LIV 435f., LP 382f., LEIA M-35, GPC III: 2537, MLH
V.1: 262f.
*manti- ‘quantity’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. méit [i f]’ greatness, magnitude’
W: OW pa-mint gl. quam; MW maint ‘size, quantity’
BRET: OBret. ment, MoBret. ment [m and f] ‘dimension, size’
CO: Co. myns
PIE: *meh,- ‘measure’, *mh,-nt- (IEW: 703)
COGN: Skt. ma- ‘to measure’, Lat. métior
ETYM: Fr. maint ‘several’ preserves the Gaulish cognate of the same Celtic
word, derived from the PIE participle *mh,-nt-. It is possible that the root is
attested in Gaul. anthroponymy, e.g. Cara-mantius.
REF: LEIA M-31f., GPC III: DGVB 254, Falileyev 111, 114, Deshayes
2003: 503, Gamillscheg 589, Schrijver 1995: 175.
*manto- ‘gums, jaw’ [Noun]
W: MW mant [m] ‘mandible, gums’
PIE: *men-t- ‘jaw’ (IEW: 726)
COGN: Lat. mentum ‘jaw’, OHG munt ‘mouth’, ? Hitt. méni-, ména- ‘face,
cheek’
ETYM: Olr. mant ‘gums, jaw’ (attested in Corm. 7897) is a W loanword
according to DIL, s. v. It is possible that Gaul. PNs such as Mantus, Manta,
Mantusa, etc., also contain this root.
REF: LEIA M-17f., GPC III: 2345, Delamarre 216, Mallory & Adams
2006: 176.
*mantro- ‘trampling, grinding’ [Noun]
SEE: *mena ‘flour’
*mark-ako- ‘horseman’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. marcach [o m]
*marko- 257
W: OW marhauc [m], MW marchawc
BRET: OBret. marcoc gi. aequester, MBret. marhec, MoBret. marc ‘heg [m]
CO: Co. marrec
SEE: *marko- ‘horse’
ETYM: A trivial derivative (with the common suffix *-ako-) from PCelt.
*marko- ‘horse’.
REF: LEIA M-20, GPC III: 2357, DGVB 251, Falileyev 110, Deshayes
2003: 493.
*marko- ‘horse’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. marc [o m]
W: MW march [m]; meirch [p]
BRET: OBret. marh, MBret. march, MoBret. marc’h
CO: OCo. march gl. equus, MCo. margh
GAUL: markan [Acc. s], marcosior ‘may I ride’ [Vb]
PIE: *marko- (?) ‘horse’ (IEW: 700)
COGN: OHG marah ‘horse’, OE mearh
ETYM: MIr. marc is a rare, poetic word, but the derivative marcach
‘horseman’ is attested in Olr. Galatian marka is reported by Pausanias
(10.19.11) as Galatian word for ‘horse’ (Freeman 2001: 17). Celtib. PN
Markos (Botorrita III) probably represents the adaptation of the Roman
name Marcus. PCelt. *markos is probably a ‘Wanderwort’ of eastern origin.
It established itself in Celtic and Germanic alongside the inherited PIE word
for ‘horse’, *hiekwos (Olr. ech). Attempts to connect it to Skt. marya-
‘youth, foal’ are not convincing. Celtic points to non-IE a-vocalism of
*marko-.
REF: LEIA M-19f., GPC III: 2353, DGVB 251, EIEC 274, Lambert 1994:
63, 125, 167, Delamarre 217, Deshayes 2003: 493f., MLH V.1: 243f.
*mar-na- ‘betray’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. marnaid, -mairn (DIL mairnid) ‘betray, deceive, confound’;
meraid, -mera [Subj.]; méraid, -méra [Fut.], mirt, -mert [Pret.]; mrathae,
-mrath [Pret. Pass.]
PIE: *merhy- ‘crumble, destroy’ (IEW: 735f.)
COGN: Skt. mrnati ‘crumble’, Gr. marnamai ‘fight’, ON merja ‘hit’
ETYM: The connection with the PIE root *merh,- is problematic on
semantic grounds. The passive -mrath is unusual, since **mrath would be
expected from *mrhyto-; the short vowel could be the result of Dybo’s law.
REF: KPV 477ff., LIV 440, LEIA M-21, Wagner 1967, McCone 1991: 15,
30.
*mar-o- ‘remain’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. maraid, -mair (DIL maraid and mairid) ‘lasts, remains,
persists’; marathair, -marathar [Subj.]; méraid, méra [Fut.]
PIE: *merhy- ‘delay’ (IEW: 969f. (*(s)mer-))
258 *maro-
COGN: Lat. mora ‘delay’, Gr. mords ‘stupid’, perhaps Skt. miurtd-
‘congealed, solid’
ETYM: The a-vocalism in Celtic is expected if we start from the PIE zero-
grade *mrH-o-, since *CrHV- > *CarV- is regular in Celtic.
REF: KPV 476, LEIA M-19, Schrijver 1991: 110, Pedersen I: 44.
*maro- ‘great’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. mar, mor [0]
W: OW maur, MW mawr
BRET: OBret. mor, MoBret. meur
CO: OCo. maur gi. magnus, MCo. mur
GAUL: -maros (in PN, e.g. Jantumarus)
LEP: Latu-marui [PN] (Ornavasso)
PIE: *meh,-, *moh,-ro- ‘great’? (IEW: 704)
COGN: OHG mari ‘news; known, famous, great’, Gr. -mdéros (in
compounds)
ETYM: All Celtic forms (and Gr. -mdros) can be derived from *moh,-ro-,
while the e-grade is attested in other languages. The PCelt. comparative and
superlative of this adjective were suppletive. The comparative was *ma-yos-
(Olr. mé, mooMW mwy, Co. moy), and the superlative was *ma-samo- (Olr.
maam, moam). The Brittonic superlatives (OBret. meham, OW muihiam, Co.
moygha) were built with the productive suffix *-samo- added to the
comparative stem *may-).
REF: LEIA M-18, GPC III: 2379, EIEC 344, DGVB 259, Falileyev 110,
Campanile 1974: 81, Lambert 1994: 28, 32, Delamarre 218, Solinas 1995:
375, Meid 2005: 92f.
*marsto/i- ‘fate, untimely death’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. mart [o ?], mairt [i ?f] ‘violent, sudden death (?), massacre’
W: MW marth [m] ‘sorrow, disgrace, (painful) wonder’
BRET: MoBret. marzh [m] ‘miracle, wonder, prodigy’
CO: Co. marth
PIE: *smer- ‘gain’ (IEW: 969f.)
COGN: Lat. mereo ‘to earn, gain’, Gr. meiromai ‘receive one’s share’
ETYM: The exact meaning of MIr. mart, mairt, as well as the stem
formation of this word, are unclear. It seems to be often applied to animals,
so one of the meanings could have been ‘(sacrificial) victim’. Deshayes’
(2003: 496) derivation of the Brittonic words from Lat. uwirtus ‘virtue’ is
impossible formally and implausible semantically. Because of the semantic
connection these Celtic words have with the concept of ‘death’ it is possible
that the PIE root is *mer- ‘die’, since *mr-sto- would also yield PCelt.
*marsto- regularly, and the PIE root of Lat. mereo, Gr. meiromai is *smer-
(note that *sm- should be preserved in Olr.). The connection with Gaul.
smerios ‘supplier (?)’ (an epithet of some Gaulish gods) and the Gaul.
theonym Ro-smerta is a mere possibility.
*marw-a- 259
REF: LEIA M-21, GPC III: 2364, Deshayes 2003: 496, Delamarre 277,
Schrijver 2004.
*marw-a- ‘die’ [Vb]
SEE: *marwo- ‘dead’
*marwo- ‘dead’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. marb [o]
W: MW marw
BRET: MBret. marf, maru, MoBret. marw
CO: Co. marow
PIE: *mer- ‘die’, *mrto- ‘dead’ (IEW: 735)
COGN: Skt. mrta-, Lat. mortuus, Gr. (poetic) brotés ‘mortal’
SEE: *merwi- ‘lifeless’
ETYM: In Celtic, the original PIE adjective *mrto- was remodelled on the
analogy with *g”iHwos ‘alive’ (Lat. uiuus, etc.). There are also parallel
denominative verbal formations in Olr. (marbaid ‘kills’) and Brit. (MW
merwi ‘die’, MBret. meruel, MCo. merwel), pointing to PCelt. *marw-a-
‘die’.
REF: LEIA M-19, GPC III: 2364, LP 7, Deshayes 2003: 496, EIEC 98.
*marwo-natu- ‘funerary poem, eulogy’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. marbnad [4 f]
W: MW marwnad [f and m] (GPC marwnad, marnad)
BRET: MoBret. marvnad
SEE: *marwo- ‘dead’, *natu- ‘poem’
ETYM: A compound, pertaining to poetic language, that can probably be
projected back to Proto-Celtic.
REF: LEIA N-4, GPC III: 2368.
*mati- ‘good’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. maith [i]
W: MW mad
BRET: MBret. mat, MoBret. mad
CO: Co. mas
GAUL: mat. (Coligny)
PIE: *meh,-t- (IEW: 693)
COGN: Lat. mdnis, manus, Matita ‘goddess Dawn’
ETYM: Olr. math [u m] ‘bear’ is often understood as a tabooistic
replacement for the original word for ‘bear’ (PCelt. *arto-) and related to this
root. The u-stem (*matu-) may be attested in the Gaul. PN Matu-genos.
Celtib. matus is sometimes also compared, but the meaning of this word
(presumably a noun) is unknown (MLH V.1: 247f.), so it is not entitled to an
etymology. Beyond Celtic, Gr. matis ‘great’ (Hesych.) is uncertain (it is not
even ascertained that the word is Greek, it might be Galatian). The
260 *matir
connection of these words to PIE *meh,- ‘give a sign, wink’ (Gr. ményo,
Lith. moti, LIV 382) is very speculative. The development would have been
from ‘wink’ to ‘give a sign of approval’ to ‘approve’, hence ‘good,
approved’ as the meaning of the adjective from the same root.
REF: LEIA M-12f., GPC III: 2300, Deshayes 2003: 484, EIEC 235f.,
Lambert 1994: 109, MLH V.1: 247f.
*matir ‘mother’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. mathir [1, f] ‘mother‘
W: OW modreped gl. materterae, W modryb [f] ‘aunt’
BRET: OBret. motrep ‘aunt’, MBret. mozreb ‘aunt’, MoBret. moereb [f]
‘aunt’
CO: OCo. modereb gl. matertera ‘aunt’
GAUL: matrebo [r, f] [Dat. p] (Glanum, RIG G-64)
CELTIB: MATRUBOS (?) [Dat. p] (CIL II 28-48, Muro de Agreda)
PIE: *mehatér ‘mother’ (IEW: 700)
COGN: Skt. matar-, Lat. mater, Gr. métér, OCS mati
ETYM: The Brittonic forms mean ‘aunt’ and can be derived from *matrik”a
(cf. Skt. matrka- ‘mother’s brother’), or, perhaps, from *matrok"I (<
*meh,tr-h30k”-ih, ‘looking like mother, mother-like’).
REF: LEIA M-25, GPC III: 2473, DGVB 260, EIEC 98, 385, Delamarre
220, Lambert 1994: 87, Falileyev 114, Deshayes 2003: 517, Jordan Colera
1998: 70, 75, McCone 1994a, Schrijver 1995: 197, 213.
*maylo- ‘bald’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. mael [0], Ogam MAILA-GNI
W: OW mail, MW moel
BRET: MBret. moe/, MoBret. moal
CO: Co. mél
ETYM: A connection with Go. maitan ‘cut’, OHG meizan ‘cut off (IEW
697) is possible (from *may-d-?), but these Germanic words have unclear
etymology (Kluge, s. v. MeiSel). We would have to assume a-vocalism of
the root, so one may suspect that these words are borrowed from some pre-
IE language of NW Europe.
REF: LEIA M-6f., GPC III: 2474f., Falileyev 108, Deshayes 2003: 515,
McCone 1996: 138, Ziegler 1994: 112.
*mazdyo- ‘stick’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. maide [io m] ‘post, stick, bundle, wood’
PIE: *masdo- (IEW: 702)
COGN: Lat. mdlus, Olc. mastr ‘mast’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. matan [o m] ‘club’, which could be from *mazd-an-o-.
However, this word is poorly documented. Fr. massue ‘club’ could preserve
the Gaul. reflex of this word (it is usually derived from VLat. *mattitica, but
*mastilica < *mazd-titi-ka would do as well), cf. Gamillscheg 606. In
*mebla 261
principle it would be possible to explain all of the Celtic-Italic-Germanic
correspondences by assuming ablaut *meh,sd-/*mh,sd-, but I think it is
more probable that these words were borrowed from some pre-IE source.
REF: LEIA M-10, ETEC 441.
*mebla ‘shame’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mebul [4 f]
W: MW mefyl, (GPC meff) [m]
BRET: OBret. meplaom ‘be ashamed’ (gl. confutari)
CO: Co. meul ‘evil’
PIE: *meb"- (IEW: 725)
COGN: Gr. mémphomai ‘to blame’, Go. bi-mampjan ‘to mock’
ETYM: Possibly an expressive formation, but parallels in Gr. and Germ.
point to a probable PIE origin. IEW reconstructs the root as *memb'- and
assumes the change *mbl > *bl in Celtic. However, -m- in Gr. mémphomai
and Go. -mampjan can also be present stem infixes, but note that -p- (rather
than *b) in Gothic is unexpected.
REF: LEIA M-26, GPC III: 2404, DGVB 254, LP 39, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 225.
*med-o- ‘measure, judge’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. midithir, -midethar, mestair, -mestar [Subj.]; miastair, -miastar
[Fut.]; midair [Pret.]; messae, -mess [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW medadu ‘possess, rule’
CO: Co. medhes ‘say’
PIE: *med- ‘measure’ (IEW: 705f.)
COGN: Lat. medeor ‘heal’, modus ‘measure’, Gr. médomai ‘care for, think
of, Go. mitan ‘measure’
ETYM: OIr. mess [u m] ‘judgement’ is derived from the same root (PCelt.
*messu- < PIE *med-tu-). For the possibility that this verb originally had
athematic i-inflexion (Kortlandt 2007: 137) see *ar-yo- ‘plough’
REF: KPV 478ff., LIV 423, GPC III: 2394, LEIA M-48f., LP 381f.
*medu ‘mead, alcoholic drink’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mid [un > mj], Ogam MEDDO-GENI
W: MW medd [m]
BRET: OBret. medot gl. ebrietas, MBret. and MoBret. mez [m]
CO: Co. med, meth
GAUL: Medu-genos [PN]
CELTIB: Mezu-kenos [PN] (Botorrita III)
PIE: *med"u ‘mead’ (IEW: 707)
COGN: Skt. madhu-, Gr. méthy ‘wine’, Lith. medius ‘mead’
ETYM: OBret. medot corresponds to MW meddawt ‘drunkenness’; both
represent a derivative *medatu-. The Celtiberian name Mezukenos is a rare
262 *medyo-
instance of a compound name in that language. It is completely parallel to
Ogam MEDDOGENT, Olr. Midgen, OW Medgen < PCelt. *Medu-genos.
REF: LEIA M-48, GPC III: 2394, LP 36, EIEC 271, 313, Delamarre 222f.,
Deshayes 2003: 509, Jordan Célera 1998: 26, 190ff., Uhlich 1993a: 24, 278,
Ziegler 1994: 113, MLH V.1: 251.
*medyo- ‘middle’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. mide [io m]
BRET: OBret. med, (lit. ‘middle (period) of the summer’)
GAUL: Medio-lanum [Toponym] > Milano
PIE: *med"yo- ‘middle’(IEW: 706)
COGN: Skt. madhya-, Lat. medius, Gr. méssos, OHG mitti ‘in the middle’
ETYM: W Mehefin, MBret. mez-even ‘June’ is a compound of *medyo- and
*samono- ‘summer’. MW meiau ‘middle yoke’ (length) is a compound of
*medyo- and *yugo- ‘yoke’.
REF: LEIA M-50, GPC III: 2406, DGVB 252, EIEC 380, Delamarre 222,
Zimmer 2000: 517.
*méko- ‘sack, bushel (of grain)’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. miach [o n and f]
PIE: *meyg”)- ‘barley, grain’
COGN: OPr. moasis ‘barley’, Latv. miezi [p] ‘barley’
ETYM: The semantic connection with the Baltic words for ‘barley’ might
lie in the fact that Olr. miach is used chiefly to denote a measure of capacity
for corn (according to DIL). However, the etymology is very uncertain, since
the devoicing of ae > *k in Celtic is irregular; one would have to assume a
root-noun *méyg"s [méyks] from which the root form with *k could have
been extended analogically (cf. *druko- ‘bad’).
REF: LEIA M-47, ETEC 51.
*meldo- ‘mild, pleasant’; *mlido- ‘soft’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. mell [o m] ‘pleasant, delightful’
W: MW biydd ‘soft’
GAUL: Maldi [Ethnonym] (?)
PIE: *meld- ‘tender, mild, soft? (IEW: 718)
COGN: Skt. mrdu-, Lat. mollis, Gr. bladys ‘weak’, OCS mlad» ‘young’
ETYM: The name of Gaulish Maldi is preserved in the toponym Meaux in
France. However, the vocalism of this name is unexpected (either **Moldi,
or **Meldi, or **Mlidi would have been regular); some compare also the
Gaul. theonym Meldios. W blydd is from *mldo-, while Olr. mell represents
*meldo-, so either two different adjectives from the same root must be
posited for PCelt., or we have to assume an ablauting paradigm (perhaps an
original u-stem *meldu- / *midew-). Note also that W blydd may have been
abstracted from esblydd ‘tender’, which is in turn related to plydd ‘gentle,
soft, tender’ (GPC II: 2831), with unknown etymology. I think it is more
i
t
*melgos- 263
probable that plydd is secondary, although it is attested already in the 15th
century, while blydd is attested much later (in the works of Owen Pughe). A
different etymology relates PCelt. *meldo- to PGerm. *meldja- ‘mild’ (Go.
-mildeis, ON mildr) < PIE *meld"- (IEW 719).
REF: LEIA M-34, GPC I: 291, Wodtko et alii 2008: 482ff.
*melgos- ‘milk’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. me/g [s n]
PIE: *homelg- ‘milk’ (IEW: 722f.)
SEE: *mlig-o- ‘milk’
ETYM: Ol. melg is a glossary word. It is attested in Corm. 7861. However,
there is little reason to doubt the usual derivation from PIE *hymelg- ‘milk’
(Gr. amélgo, Eng. milk, etc.).
REF: LEIA M-33, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 142, 144.
*meli ‘honey’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mil [i f], ? Ogam DU-MELI
W: OW mel [m], MW mel (GPC mél)
BRET: OBret. mel gl. nectare, MBret. and MoBret. mel [m]
CO: OCo. mel gl. mel
GAUL: Meli-ssos [PN]
PIE: *meli ‘honey’ (IEW: 724)
COGN: Lat. mel, Gr. méli, Hitt. militt-, Arm. metr, Alb. mjal
SEE: *melino- ‘honey’
ETYM: Brittonic *melino- ‘yellow’ (OW melin, melen, MW melyn, OBret.
milin gl. flauus, OCo. milin gl. fuluus) probably represent a derivative from
this word. The development of ‘honey-coloured’ to ‘yellow’ would be
unremarkable.
REF: LEIA M-51, GPC II: 2418, DGVB 253, LP 54, EIEC 271, Falileyev
111, Campanile 1974: 78, Deshayes 2003: 500, Ziegler 1994: 113.
*melino- ‘yellow’ [Adj]
W: MW melin (GPC melyn)
BRET: OBret. milin gl. flauus, MBret. and MoBret. melen
CO: OCo. milin gl. fuluus uel flauus, Co. melyn
GAUL: Melinus [PN]
SEE: *meli- ‘honey’
ETYM: Romance adjectives such as Sardic mélinu, Rhaeto-Romance mélen
‘yellow’, are presumably from the unattested Gaulish form of this word, cf.
also Fr. moléne ‘mullein’ < *moléna (Gamillscheg 628).
REF: GPC III: 2422, DGVB 257, Delamarre 224, Deshayes 2003: 500.
*mello- ‘destruction, confusion’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. me/l ‘error, confusion’
COGN: ToB mail- ‘to wound, damage’, ?Lat. malus ‘bad’
264 *mena
SEE: *malno- ‘slow, lazy’
ETYM: The Olr. word is known mostly from glossaries, but there is a
denominative verb millid ‘to destroy’, and a possible cognate in OBret. milin
‘prostitute’ (DGVB 257). The geminate *-ll- in PCelt. is presumably from
*-Is-, so we should posit a proto-form *melso- in PIE. The connection to
*malno- ‘slow, lazy’ is just a possibility, since the meanings are very
different (but cf. Lat. malus ‘bad’, which could be related).
REF: LEIA M-33, EIEC 258, DGVB 257, Hamp 1973: 153.
*mena ‘flour’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. men [4 f]
PIE: *menH- ‘crumble’ (IEW: 726)
COGN: Lith. minti ‘trample, break (flax)’, OCS moneto ‘compresses’,
Russ. mjat’ ‘to knead’, Slovene mdnem [1s Pres.] ‘I mince’
ETYM: W mathru ‘to trample upon, stamp, suppress’ is usually derived
from the same root; it may represent a denominative verb from the
underlying noun *mantro-, cf. W mathr [m] ‘trampling, mire’. Possibly also
related is Gaul. toponym Petro-mantalon (< *man-tlo- < *mn-tlo-), cf. also
Mantua (today Mantova in N Italy). Gaul. *manto-, *mantalo- has been
interpreted as ‘(trampled) road’, cf. Lat. trita uia. The IE etymology is
problematic, since the accentuation of the Balto-Slavic presumed cognates
shows that this root ended in a laryngeal, of which there is no trace in Celtic
(we would expect *mnHtro- > PCelt. **mnatro-).
REF: LEIA M-36, GPC III: 2377, Delamarre 216, Sims-Williams 2006: 90f.
*menado- ‘awl’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. menad [o m]
W: MW mynawyd [m] (GPC mynawyd, myniawyd)
BRET: MBret. menauet
CO: Co. benewas, benewez
ETYM: MIr. menad is sometimes confused with menoc ‘peg, piece of wood
used for securing a withe’. No plausible IE etymology exists, so PCelt.
*menado- could be a loanword from some non-IE language.
REF: LEIA M-36, GPC III: 2534.
*mendra ‘blemish’ [Noun]
SEE: *mendu- ‘mark, sign’
*mendu- ‘mark, sign’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mind [u n later m]
W: MW mann [m] ‘place, spot, location’ (GPC man, men, myn)
BRET: MBret. men(n) ‘place’, MoBret. man ‘case, point’, menn ‘where’
PIE: *men-d"h,u- (IEW: 729f.)
COGN: Lat. mendum ‘fault, blemish’, Hitt. mant- ‘something harming’
*menekki- 265
ETYM: Olr. mennar [4 f] ‘blemish’ might represent PCelt. *mendra. A
connection to the root *men- ‘think’ is possible.
REF: LEIA M-53f., GPC III: 2336, Deshayes 2003: 502, de Vaan 2008:
372.
*menekki- ‘frequent, abundant’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. meinicc [i]
W: MW mynych
CO: Co. menough
PIE: *men- (IEW: 730)
COGN: OE manig ‘sufficient, large, many’, Go. manags, OCS movnogo
‘many’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. meince, mince [ia f] < *menekkya. The double *-kk-
in Celtic is probably the result of expressive gemination, but assimilation in
a proto-form *meneg-ki- is also imaginable; the comparison of PCelt.
*menek- and *m(o)nog’-, implied by Slavic and Germanic forms points to a
very un-Indo-European shape of the root. These words might be loanwords
from some unknown NW European source (Boutkan 2005: 257).
REF: LEIA M-37, GPC III: 2540, Schrijver 1995: 33f., Boutkan 2005: 257.
*menekkya ‘frequency’ [Noun]
SEE: *menekki- ‘frequent’
*méni- ‘mineral, metal’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. méin, mian ‘ore, metal, mineral’ [i f]
W: MW mwyn [m]
BRET: MBret. men-gleuz ‘mine’
PIE: *(s)mey(H)- ‘hew, cut’ (IEW: 968)
COGN: Go. aiza-smipa ‘smith’, OHG smid ‘smith’,
‘axe’, smilé ‘a kind of knife’
ETYM: Fr. mine (and, ultimately, Eng. mine) are derived from Gallo-Lat.
mina, which is the Gaulish counterpart to MIr. méin, etc. The PIE etymology
is purely conjectural. The Celtic form would presuppose PIE *mey(H)ni-
(without the s-mobile).
REF: LEIA M-29, GPC III: 2519, Gamillscheg 622.
*menman- ‘thought, mind’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. menme [n m]
W: MW mynw [?m] ‘nature, disposition’
BRET: MBret. meno [m] (MoBret.) ‘opinion, judgement’
GAUL: Menman-dutis [Dat. p, Theonym]
PIE: *men-mn- (IEW: 726)
COGN: Skt. manman- ‘mind, thought’
SEE: *man-yo- ‘think’
266 *menno-
REF: LEIA M-37f., GPC II: 2539, LP 55, Delamarre 224, Deshayes 2003:
503, Schrijver 1995: 33, Stiiber 1998: 13, 172f.
*menno- ‘young of an animal, kid’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. menn [o m] ‘kid, young of an animal’
W: MW myn [m] ‘young goat, kid’
BRET: MBret. menn [m] ‘young goat’
CO: OCo. min gl. hedus
PIE: *men- ‘small’ (IEW: 728)
COGN: Osc. menvum ‘diminish’, Arm. manr ‘small’, Lith. mefikas ‘small,
unsignificant’
SEE: *menwo- ‘small’
ETYM: The origin of the geminate *nn is uncertain. A simple derivative
*men-no- is possible, as well as *mendo- (but note that there is no trace of
the cluster *nd in Olr.); a proto-form *mendo- could be related to VLat.
mannus, Rum. minz ‘foal’ (cf. also MHG menz ‘infertile cow’) which is from
some unknown substrate (the term ‘Illyrian’ does not mean much). Cf. also
Gaul. toponym Epo-manduo-durum and ethnonym Mandu-bii (Sims-
Williams 2006: 90) and Basque mando ‘mule’ (a Celtic loanword?).
REF: LEIA M-38, GPC III: 2533, Delamarre 215, Deshayes 2003: 502,
Sims- Williams 2006: 89f.
*méno- ‘wish’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mian [o n> m] ‘wish’
W: MW mwyn [m] ‘enjoyment, delight, profit, treasure’
BRET: MoBret. menn [m] ‘wish’
PIE: *meyno- ‘opinion’ (IEW: 714)
COGN: OE mdn ‘meaning’, OHG meinen ‘to mean’, OCS méniti ‘to mean’,
perhaps ToB onmim ‘remorse’
ETYM: The PIE root may be the *mey- ‘exchange’, the same as in PCelt.
*moyno- ‘treasure’, but semantic connections are weak. If ToB onmim is
related, it must be from *hj3epi-meyno-.
REF: LEIA M-47, GPC III: 2519, Deshayes 2003: 503, EIEC 410.
*mentyon- ‘thought, mention’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. toimtiu [n f]
PIE: *men-ti-Hon- (IEW: 726)
COGN: Lat. mentid ‘mention’
SEE: *man-yo- ‘think’
ETYM: Olt. toimtiu presupposes *to-mentyon-. The simplex *mentyon- is
unattested. It is a derivative of the root *men- ‘think’ with the Italo-Celtic
compound suffix *-ti-on- (or *-ti-Hon-), cf. Lat. mentié ‘a calling in mind,
mention’.
REF: Stiiber 1998: 127.
*menwo- 267
*menwo- ‘small, minute’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. menb [o]
W: MW difanw, difenwi ‘to weaken, decrease, diminish, abuse’
PIE: *men- ‘small’ (IEW: 728)
COGN: Osc. menvum ‘diminish’, Gr. manos ‘rare’
SEE: *menno- ‘young of an animal’
ETYM: MW difanw is from *di-menwo-. Gr. manos is from *manwos <
*mnwos, while Gr. modnos ‘alone’ is from *monwos. We seem to be dealing
with the PIE pattern *menu- / *monw-m / *mnw-os.
REF: LEIA M-37, GPC I: 980, EIEC 528.
*mergi ‘rust, corrosion’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. meirc [i f] gl. aerugo
W: MW merydd ‘wet, stagnant (of water), slow, lazy’
BRET: OBret. mergidhaam gl. hebesco
PIE: *merg- ‘be wet, withered’ (IEW: 740)
COGN: MHG murc ‘withered’, Russ. moroéz ‘frost’, Alb. mardhé ‘frost’
ETYM: MoBret. merg/ ‘rust’ could be an early Irish loanword. MW merydd
represents a derivative *mergiyo-. The acute intonation in Slavic may be due
to Winter’s law.
REF: LEIA M-30, GPC III: 2438, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 66.
*merka ‘maiden’ [Noun]
W: MW merch [f] ‘girl, daughter, maiden’
BRET: MBret. merch, MoBret. merc’h [f]
CO: Co. myrgh, mergh
PIE: *mer- ‘boy, girl’ (IEW: 738f.)
COGN: Skt. mdrya- ‘young man’, Gr. meiraks ‘girl, boy’, Lith. merga
‘girl’, OPr. mergo ‘girl’, perhaps Lat. maritus ‘married; husband’
SEE: *morénai ‘girl’
ETYM: A derivative from the o-grade of the root may be preserved in
PCelt. *moréna ‘girl? (MW morwyn, OCo. moroin).
REF: GPC III: 2432f., Schrijver 1995: 248.
*mero- ‘crazy, silly’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. mer [o] ‘crazy, wild’
W: MW meredig, mereddig ‘foolish, strange’
ETYM: LEIA adduces as the Brittonic cognates MW mererid, meryerid
‘foolish, crazy’ which are not found in GPC (merierid ‘pearl’ is of course
another word, borrowed from Lat. margarita). This could be due to simple
confusion. It is assumed here that the formation found in Mir. is original,
while Welsh shows a derivative from the same root. None of the deeper
etymologies suggested by LEIA (s. v. mer) are more than guesses, but a
connection with Gr. mdrds ‘stupid’ appears possible (see PCelt. *mar-o-).
REF: LEIA M-39, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 42.
268 *merwi-
*merwi- ‘lifeless’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. meirb [i]
W: MW merw ‘limp, lifeless’ (GPC merf)
PIE: *mer- ‘die’, *mer-wo- ‘lifeless’ (IEW: 736)
COGN: OHG maro, marawi ‘tender, soft’, Gr. marain6 ‘destroy, quench’,
Croat. mrva ‘crumble’
ETYM: Fr. (dial.) marv ‘rigid, insensible’ is from the Gaulish cognate of
these words, cf. Delamarre 219.
REF: LEIA M-30, GPC III: 2434, Delamarre 219.
*mesal-ka ‘blackbird’ [Noun]
W: MW mwyalch [f]
BRET: MBret. moualch, MoBret. moualc’h [f]
CO: OCo. moelh, MoCo. mola
PIE: *mes-al- ‘blackbird’ (IEW: 35f.)
COGN: Lat. merula, OHG amusla, amsala
ETYM: This word has all the appearances of a loanword from some
unknown NW European source, cf. Beekes 1996: 230.
REF: GPC Ill: 2516, Morris Jones 1913: 101, Deshayes 2003: 523,
Schrijver 1995: 281, Hamp 1982a.
*messo- ‘bad, worst’ [Adj]
GOID: OlIr. messa ‘worse’, messam ‘worst’ (comparative and superlative of
olc ‘bad’)
GAUL: messamobi [Dat. or Inst. p] (Lezoux)
ETYM: Olr. messa, messam are probably related to MIr. meis .i. olc, but
this is a scarcely attested glossary word. The connection with midithir
‘judges’ found in LEIA (M-43f.) is not convincing from the semantic point
of view, though it is formally possible (PIE *med-to- > PCelt. *messo-).
Gaul. messamobi molatus can mean both ‘praise to the worst ones’ and
‘praise by the worst ones’.
REF: LEIA M-43f., Delamarre 226, Lambert 1994: 146, Schumacher 2000:
78, McCone 2006: 37.
*messu- ‘acorn’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mess [u m] ‘acorns, tree-fruit’
W: MW mes [p] mesen [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. mes, MoBret. mes [Collective]
CO: Co. mesen
ETYM: I find it difficult to accept the usual connection to PIE *med-
‘measure’ (IEW 705f.). Go. mats, OE mete ‘food’ would fit semantically,
but these words are plausibly derived from *mh,d- ‘be wet’ (Gr. madao, etc.,
cf. Orel 2003: 262); the primary meaning of PGerm. *matiz would have
been ‘soft, wet food’ as opposed to ‘hard food’. However, PCelt. *messu-
*messu- 269
cannot be related to this root. It may have been borrowed from some non-IE
language.
REF: LEIA M-43, GPC III: 2438, Deshayes 2003: 506, Wodtko ef alii
2008: 463.
*messu- ‘judgement’ [Noun]
SEE: *med-o- ‘measure, judge’
*metelo- ‘reaper’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. methel [a f] ‘a troop (of reapers)’ (DIL meithel)
W: MW medel [f] ‘a troop (of reapers)’
CO: Co. midil gl. messor
GAUL: ? Metlosedum [Toponym] > Fr. Melun
PIE: *met- ‘throw, reap’ (IEW: 704)
COGN: Lat. meto ‘reap’, OCS metati, mesti
SEE: *met-o- ‘reap, cut’
ETYM: PCelt. *metela would be a collective denoting a group of reapers
(*metelo-). These words are derived from *met-o- ‘reap, harvest’.
REF: LEIA M-45, GPC III: 2391, LP 54, Delamarre 226, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 382, 452.
*met(t)o- ‘decay, blight, shame’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. meth [o and i, n and m] ‘decay’
W: W meth [m and f] ‘failure, error, misfortune’; MW methu ‘be
unsuccessful, grow weak, err, fail’
BRET: MBret. mez, MoBret. mezh [f] (Vannetais meh) ‘shame’
CO: Co. meth ‘shame, confusion’
ETYM: The geminate *tt is implied by the Brittonic forms and, perhaps, by
Olr. metta ‘timid, cowardly’, but Olr. meth shows the reflex of a single *t.
Since there is no convincing IE etymology, these words could have been
borrowed from some non-IE source.
REF: LEIA M-44, GPC III: 2445, Deshayes 2003: 509.
*met-o- ‘reap, cut’ [Vb]
W: MW medi
BRET: MBret. midiff
CO: Co. midzhi (MoCo.)
PIE: *met- ‘throw, reap’ (IEW: 703)
COGN: Lat. meto ‘reap’, OCS mesti, metati ‘throw’, Lith. mésti ‘throw’
SEE: *metelo- ‘reaper’
ETYM: LIV does not relate this PIE verbal root to OCS metati, Lith. mésti
‘throw’, but I believe they belong here, rather than with a putative root *met-
‘reckon’ (Gr. métron, etc.), or with PIE *hymeh\- ‘mow’ (Gr. amdo, Eng.
mow). The use of this particular verb as an agricultural term is one of the few
exclusive Italic and Celtic lexical innovations.
270 *méto-
REF: KPV 483, GPC III: 2391, LIV 442, LP 54, Mallory & Adams 2006:
168.
*méto-, *méti- ‘fat, soft’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. méth [o and i] ‘plump, fat’
W: W mwyd {m] ‘a soaking, moistening’
PIE: *mey(H)-t- (IEW: 711f.)
COGN: Lat. mitis ‘mild, mellow, juicy’
ETYM: IEW (711f.) assumes that these words are related to words like
OCS milv ‘dear’, Lith. mielas ‘dear’, etc., in which case the Balto-Slavic
intonation would imply that the root contained a laryngeal. Cf. also Skt.
mayas ‘enjoyment’ which may go to *moyHos. The same root could account
for Olr. min ‘tender, soft’? < PCelt. *mino- < *miHno-, and W mwyn ‘mild,
tender, gentle’, MoBret. moan ‘tender, thin’, OCo. muin ‘thin’ < *ménV- <
*meyHnV-. See, however, PCelt. *moyni- ‘treasure, precious object’, where
a different etymology is proposed.
REF: LEIA M-44, GPC III: 2517, Deshayes 2003: 515.
*mezgo- ‘whey’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. medg, medc [o m]
W: MW meidd [m] (GPC maidd)
BRET: OBret. meid, MoBret. mez [m]
CO: MoCo. meith
PIE: *mesgo- ‘marrow’ (IEW: 714)
COGN: Skt. majjan-, OHG marg ‘marrow’, OCS mozg> ‘brain’
ETYM: Fr. mégue ‘whey’ is supposed to be from Gallo-Latin *mesga,
ultimately from the Gaulish cognate of MIr. medg, etc.
REF: LEIA M-28, GPC III: 2322, DGVB 253, Deshayes 2003: 509,
Schrijver 1995: 376, Gamillscheg 612.
*mi, *me ‘I’ [Pron, Acc. s]
GOID: Olr. mé, me-s(s)e
W: MW mi
BRET: MBret. me
CO: Co. my, me
GAUL: -mi (as verbal suffix only)
PIE: *mé (IEW: 702)
COGN: Lat. mé(d)
ETYM: In PCelt. two forms must be posited, *mi and *me. The form with
the short *e was later lengthened to yield Olr. (emphatic pronoun) me.
Already in PIE, this was the suppletive Acc. sg. to the Ist person singular
personal pronoun *(h,)egh,om (Lat. ego etc.) which left no traces in Celtic.
For the source of the alternation *me / *mé see PCelt. *nu.
REF: LEIA 25f., GPC III: 2542, EIEC 454, Falileyev 112f., Lambert 1994:
66, Deshayes 2003: 498.
*mi-nV- 271
*mi-nV- ‘change position’ [Vb]
W: MW tramwy ‘movement’
BRET: MBret. tremen ‘pass by’
CO: Co. tremena
PIE: *mey- ‘change’ (IEW: 710)
COGN: Skt. mayati, Latv. miju [1s Pres.] ‘change’, ToB mdsk- ‘exchange’,
OCS minet» ‘passes (of time)’
ETYM: The simplex verb is unattested, but cf. also MW tramynu <
*tras-mi-n- ‘ride through’. MW (suppletive) verbal noun mynet ‘to go,
going’ is sometimes related to these words, but in this dictionary a different
etymology is accepted (see *mon-i- ‘go’).
REF: KPV 485f., GPC II: 3555, LIV 426, LP 336, Deshayes 2003: 740f.
*mi-nu- ‘bind’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-dimen; to-demi [Pret.]}
PIE: *mey- ‘bind, fix’ (IEW: 709)
COGN: Skt. mindti ‘to fix, establish’, Latv. miets ‘stake, pole’
ETYM: Olr. do-dimen < *to-di-mi-nu- (the simplex is unattested).
REF: KPV 484, LIV 426, LEIA D-131f., McCone 1991: 14.
*mik-n- ‘shine, look’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. dimicnigid ‘despises, condemns’; do-meiccethar ‘despises,
dishonours’
W: MW ed-mygu ‘admire’, myged ‘admiration’
BRET: MBret. dismegans ‘disdain’, MoBret. dismeg ‘lax’
PIE: *meyk- ‘twinkle, blink’ (IEW: 712f.)
COGN: Lat. mico, micare ‘twinkle, vibrate’, ULus. mikaé ‘blink’, Russ.
mecta ‘day-dream’
ETYM: MIr. dimicnigid < *di-mik-n-. IEW (713) says that the Goidelic
forms are loanwords from Brittonic, but this is not certain. We would expect
the cluster *kn to yield » in Goidelic, with the lengthening of the preceding
vowel (cf. *tukna, *makni-), but it is possible that dimicnigid is a new
formation, and that do-meiccethar points to a variant of the root with the
geminate (*mikk-).
REF: LEIA M-26f., Deshayes 2003: 189f.
*milo- ‘animal’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mil [o n]
W: MW mil [m]
BRET: MBret. mil [m]
CO: Co. mil
PIE: *meh,lo- ‘small animal’ (IEW: 724)
COGN: Gr. mélon, OCS mal» ‘small’
272 *mindu-
ETYM: Celtic agrees with Greek in the ablaut grade (*meh,lo-), while OCS
mals must be from *moh,lo-. OHG smal ‘small’, Go. smals, etc., are
probably unrelated, unless *smh,lo- > PGerm. *smala-, with s-mobile. This
ablaut pattern may point to a PIE root noun Nom. sg. *smGhjl / Acc. sg.
*smeh,l-m / Gen. sg. *smh,los ‘small animal’.
REF: LEIA M-51, GPC III: 2455, DGVB 256, Deshayes 2003: 511, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 44.
*mindu- ‘crown, diadem’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. mind [u nj
W: OW minn gl. sertum [?m]
ETYM: Falileyev (s. v. minn, minnou) thinks that the Brittonic words could
be loanwords from OIr. It is possible that this is actually the same word as
PCelt. *mendu- ‘mark’, as suggested by LEIA (the semantic development
would have been from ‘mark, distinction’ to ‘precious object’).
REF: LEIA M-53f., GPC III: 2533, Falileyev 113f., de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 94, 232.
*mino- ‘tender, soft’ [Adj]
SEE: *méto-, *méti- ‘fat, soft’
*mins- ‘month’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mi [s m > f]
W: MW mis [m]
BRET: OBret. mis, MBret. miz, mis, MoBret. mis [m]
CO: OCo. mis gl. mensis, MCo. mys
PIE: *meh,ns- “month, moon’ (IEW: 703) :
COGN: Skt. mas-, Lat. ménsis ‘month’, Lith. ménuo ‘moon’
ETYM: In the PIE paradigm the Nom. sg. was *meh,nis, the Gen. sg. was
*meh,nes-s (cf. Latv. méness). This paradigm was remodelled in Celtic. The
stem *mehjns- was first introduced to the oblique stem, and thence spread to
the Nom. sg. Celtic may share this development with Italic, cf. Lat. méns-is.
The Nom. sg. *mins was then formed by the regular developments of *ns >
s(s) and *€ >1,
REF: LEIA M-46, GPC III: 2465, DGVB 257, Deshayes 2003: 514, EIEC
385, Beekes 1982.
*miros- ‘piece of meat, food’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mir [s n] ‘morsel, piece of meat’
PIE: *méms-ro- ‘meat’ (IEW: 725)
COGN: Skt. mamsa-, Lat. membrum ‘part of the body, limb’, Go. mimz,
Russ. mjdso
ETYM: It is unclear whether the development *-énsro- > PCelt. *-iro- is
regular, since this is the only example where it may have occurred. However,
*misko- 273
this is probable, since *V:ns > V:s is regular, as well as the assimilation *sr
> *rr,
REF: LEIA M-55, LP 22, 180, EIEC 375, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 102,
232.
*misko- ‘mixed, confused’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. mesc [o] ‘confused, drunk’
W: MW mysgi [m] ‘trouble, confusion’; mysgu ‘destroy, unravel, undo’
BRET: MBret. e mesk ‘among’, MoBret. mesk [m] ‘mixture’
CO: Co. yn mysk ‘among’
PIE: *meyk- ‘mix’ (IEW: 714)
COGN: Lat. misceo, OHG miscan
ETYM: The Olr. verb mescaid ‘mix’, and its W cognate mysgu are
deadjectival, built to the stem *mesko-. This has been dissimilated from
*mik-sko- (cf. the same dissimilation in *farsk-o- ‘ask’ from *fark-sk-o-).
The development of meaning from ‘mixed’ to ‘confused’ and ‘drunk’ is
unremarkable (cf. Eng. to be mixed up).
REF: LEIA M-41f., GPC III: 2543, Deshayes 2003: 506, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 277.
*mlasto- ‘taste’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mlas [0 ?] gl. sapore, MIr. blas
W: MW Bias [m]
BRET: MBret. blaz, blas, MoBret. bals {m]
CO: Co. blas
PIE: *mel-s- (IEW: 725)
COGN: Russ. molsdt’ ‘suck’, Cz. mlsati ‘lick’
ETYM: As Hamp (1973: 154) notes, from PIE *mlsto- we would expect
PCelt. *malsto- rather than *mlasto-. The aberrant form might be due to
metathesis, which may be regular between a labial and a dental cluster, cf.
*wlanno- ‘blood red’, *wrasto- ‘shower’.
REF: LEIA M-56, GPC I: 284, Deshayes 2003: 113, Hamp 1973: 154,
Oettinger 2003.
*mlato/i- ‘tender, soft’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. miaith [i]
W: MW blawd [m] ‘flour’
BRET: OBret. blot, MoBret. bleud [m] ‘flour’,
CO: Co. blot ‘flour’, MCo. bles
PIE: *melh)- ‘grind’ (IEW: 716)
COGN: Lat. molo, Lith. malti
SEE: *mal-o- ‘grind’
ETYM: The development in Celtic was from ‘ground’ to ‘tender, soft’, and
the PIE proto-form was presumably the past participle of the verb ‘to grind’,
*mlhto-, or the derived adjective *mlhsti- (which may be more probable in
274 *mlig-o-
the light of the fact that Dybo’s law did not operate; we would expect
*mlato- from *mlhyt6-).
REF: LEIA M-56, GPC I: 284, LP 54, DGVB 86, Deshayes 2003: 115, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 293, Hamp 1973: 151f., McCone 1996: 52.
*mlig-o- ‘milk’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. mligid, -mlig; meill, -mell [Subj.]; mailg [Pret.]; mlechtae,
-mlecht [Pret. Pass. ]
PIE: *hymelg- ‘milk’ EW: 722f.)
COGN: Gr. amélgo, Lat. mulgeo, OCS mlozets ‘milks’
SEE: *melgos- ‘milk’
ETYM: Celtic and Slavic reflect the zero-grade of the PIE root (*hamlg-e-),
while Greek points to the full grade (*hymelg-e-). Presumably the PIE verb
had athematic present, with the full grade in the singular and the zero grade
in the plural.
REF: KPV 486ff., LIV 279.
*mlixto- ‘milk’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mlicht [o m]
W: MW biith ‘full of milk, milch’
PIE: *hymelg- (IEW: 719)
SEE: *mlig-o- ‘milk’
ETYM: This word is originally a passive past participle of the verb ‘to
milk’, PCelt. *mlig-o-. Milk is, obviously, ‘that which is milked’.
REF: LEIA M-57, GPC I: 287, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 162.
*mogu- ‘servant’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. mug [u m]
W: MW meu-dwy [m] ‘servant of God, hermit’
BRET: OBret. mauu ‘youth, servant’, MBret. mau, MoBret. maw [m] ‘boy’
CO: Co. maw
GAUL: Moguntia [Toponym] (> Mainz), Magurix [PN]
PIE: *mog'-u- ‘young person’ (EW: 696)
COGN: Go. magus ‘boy’, mawi ‘young girl’, Av. mayava- ‘unmarried’
ETYM: The vocalism of Gaul. Magu- is unexpected (if it is indeed from the
same root).
REF: LEIA M-70f., GPC III: 2448, EIEC 656, Delamarre 214, Deshayes
2003: 498, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 97f., 174.
*mokku- ‘pig’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. mucc [4 f]
W: MW och [f]
BRET: OBret. moch, MoBret. moc’h [Collective]
CO: Co. mow, mogh
GAUL: Moccos [Theonym] (?), Cato-mocus [PN}
*mol-a- 275
ETYM: OIr. mucc was originally an u-stem, as confirmed by the u-affection
of the root vowel (GOI 195). In the absence of any known IE cognates, this
is a likely candidate for a loanword from some non-IE source. Germ. dial.
Mucke (Franconian) ‘Mutterschwein’ is an old Gaul. loanword (S. Zimmer,
.C.).
REF: LEIA M-68f., GPC III: 2468, GOI 195, DGVB 258, Deshayes 2003:
516, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 96f., Delamarre 228, Meid 2005: 149f.
*mol-a- ‘praise’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. molaithir, -molathar (DIL molaid)
W: OW molim [Verbal Noun], MW moli
BRET: MBret. meuliff, MoBret. meulifi
GAUL: molatus (Lezoux)
ETYM: Cf. also the parallel formation of verbal nouns to this verb in Olr.
(molad), MW molawd and Gaul. (molatus), as noted by Schumacher 2000:
78. MoBret. meulift and meul [m] ‘praise’, together with W maw {m and f]
‘praise, exaltation’, come from PCelt. *malo-, which can be from the
lengthened grade *mGlo-. There seem to be no correspondences in other IE
languages, but cf. PIE *meld’- ‘speak solemnly, pray’ (Hitt. maldi ‘praises’,
Lith. maldyti ‘pray’, Croat. moliti ‘pray’ < *modliti, LIV 388, IEW 722).
Celtic may have preserved an archaic form of the root without *-d’-
(whatever its origin), or it may have falsely analyzed *d" as a present-stem
suffix, and then generalized the stem *mol- throughout the verbal paradigm.
Alternatively, if W maw/ and MoBret. meul point to a root-noun *mdld's,
this could have developed regularly to *mal-s, and then the root without *d°
could have been extended analogically. Needless to say, all of this is mere
speculation.
REF: LEIA M-62, GPC III: 2479, 2378, Falileyev 114, Deshayes 2003: 508,
Schumacher 2000: 78.
*molto- ‘ram, wether’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. molt [o m] gl. vervex
W: MW mollt [m]
BRET: MBret. mout, maout
CO: OCo. mols gl. uerues , MCo. mols
GAUL: Moltus [PN]; Gallo-Lat. *multo > Fr. mouton
ETYM: A convincing IE etymology is lacking, so this word was probably
borrowed from some non-IE source.
REF: LEIA M-62, GPC III: 2482, LP 47, Delamarre 228, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 442, Gamillscheg 637.
*monetu- ‘going’ [Verbal Noun]
SEE: *mon-1- ‘go’
*monga ‘mane, hair’ [Noun]
276 *mon-t-
GOID: OIr. mong [8 f] gl. cirrus, ‘a lock or tuft of hair’
W: MW mwng [m]
BRET: OBret. mogou [p] gl. comas, MBret. moe, MoBret. moue [m]
PIE: *mon-g- ‘mane’
COGN: OE manu, Dan. manke
SEE: *moni- ‘neck’
ETYM: If this word is related to *mon-i- ‘neck’, the derivation with the
velar suffix is restricted to Celtic and Germanic.
REF: LEIA M-63, GPC III: 2508, DGVB 258, Deshayes 2003: 523, LP 34,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 60.
*mon-l- ‘go’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. muinithir ‘goes around’
W: MW mynet, myned, mynd [Verbal Noun]
BRET: MBret. monet,MoBret. moned [Verbal Noun]
CO: Co. mones [Verbal Noun]
GAUL: moni [Ipv] (St. Révérien) ‘go!’, or ‘come!’
PIE: *menH- ‘tread, stamp on’ (IEW 726)
COGN: Umbr. menes [Fut. 2s] ‘will come’, Lith. minti ‘tread on’, CS meti
‘tread, knead’
ETYM: The verbal nouns in Brittonic presuppose PCelt. *monetu-. The
meaning of MIr. muinithir is not completely clear, and the verb is poorly
attested. The laryngeal in this root is reconstructed on the basis of the acute
in Lithuanian. These words are sometimes related to MBret. tre-men ‘pass
by’, W tramwy ‘traverse’, etc., but in this dictionary these words are rather
derived from PCelt. *mi-nV- ‘change position’.
REF: GPC I: 40, IV: 3585, KPV 192, LIV 394, Meid 1980: 15f.
*moni- ‘neck’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. muin [i f] ‘the upper part of the back below the neck’
W: MW mw [m and f]
BRET: OBret. mun
PIE: *moni- ‘neck’ (IEW: 747f.)
COGN: Skt. manya- ‘neck’, Lat. monile ‘necklace’, OHG mana ‘mane’, Av.
manao@ri- ‘neck’
SEE: *monga ‘mane’
ETYM: Cf. also the derivative *moniklo- ‘collar, necklace’? (MW mwnwgl,
mwnwg, mynwegl, Olr. muinél).
REF: LEIA M-72, GPC III: 2509f., DGVB 261, EIEC 391f., de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 65, 310.
*moni- ‘protection, patronage’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. muin
W: MW mynawc (GPC mynog) ‘noble, eminent’, ‘prince’
*moniklo- 277
ETYM: DIL treats MIr. muin ‘protection’ as the same word as muin ‘upper
part of the back, top, surface’. It would have been abstracted from phrases
such as ar muin ‘on top of’, do muin ‘under the protection of’, etc. Olr.
muinter [a f] ‘community or group of persons connected by a bond, family,
household’ could be from *moni-tera and preserve the same root, but it has
also been derived from Lat. monasterium (< Gr. monastérion) ‘monastery,
community of monks’ (GOI: 570). MW mynawc is a derived adjective (with
the suffix *-ako-) from the underlying noun *moni- ‘protection’ (it is also
attested as a substantive with the meaning ‘nobleman’). These words have
been related to Lat. manus ‘hand’ (de Vaan 2008: 363), which is convincing
from the semantic point of view. However, since I prefer to derive Lat.
manus and Gr. mdré ‘hand’ from PIE *mehor / *mhynos, this etymology is
unlikely to be correct (we would expect *m4ni or *mani- in Celtic).
REF: LEIA M-72f., GPC III: 2538.
*moniklo- ‘collar’ [Noun]
SEE: *moni- ‘neck’
*moniyo- ‘mountain’ [Noun]
W: MW mynydd [m]
BRET: OBret. monid, MBret. menez, MoBret. menez [m]
CO: OCo. menit
PIE: *mon- ‘mountain, hill’ (IEW: 726)
COGN: Av. maiti-, Lat. mons, Olc. manir ‘ridge of a roof?
ETYM: MIr. moned, monad ‘mountain’ occurs only in Scottish toponyms
and is considered to be a Pictish loanword, cf. also Scot. monadh
‘mountain’. In terms of word formation, the closest parallel to PCelt.
*moniyo- is found in Germanic. Lat. mons and Av. maiti- seem to point to
PIE *mon-ti- / *mn-tey- (with unexpected o-grade deduced from Latin).
REF: GPC III: 2541, Deshayes 2003: 502.
*mori- ‘sea’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. muir [i n (later m and f)]
W: MW mor (GPC mér) [m]
BRET: OBret. mor, MBret. and MoBret. mor [m]
CO: OCo. mor gl. mare, MCo. mor
GAUL: Mori-ni [Ethnonym], Are-morica (ancient name of Bretagne)
PIE: *mori ‘sea, standing water’ (IEW: 748)
COGN: Lat. mare, OHG mari, meri ‘sea, lake’, OCS morje ‘sea’, Oss. mal
“standing water’
ETYM: W mor cannot be directly from *mori, since this would have given
**myr. Probably the original i-stem became o-stem in Brittonic. Fr. morue
‘cod’ (dial. also molue) could be from Gaul. *moritka, ultimately from the
same root as *mori ‘sea’ (Gamillscheg 634).
278 *morwi-
REF: LEIA M-73, GPC III: 2485, EIEC 503, DGVB 259, Delamarre 229,
Gamillscheg 634, Deshayes 2003: 518f., Sims-Williams 2006: 92f.
*morwi- ‘ant’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. moirb [i f]
W: MW mpyr [f] (GPC myr, myrr)
BRET: MBret. meryenenn [Singulative], MoBret. merion [Collective] ‘ants’
CO: MoCo. mwrrian
PIE: *morwi- ‘ant’ (IEW: 749)
COGN: Skt. vamra-, vamri-, Av. maoiri-, OE myre, ORuss. morovej, Gr.
myrmos
ETYM: The PIE form is notoriously difficult to reconstruct. The PIE i-stem
implied by the agreement between MIr. and Avestan is probably older than
the thematic forms found in Skt. (which also involves metathesis) and Greek
(with assimilation *morwo- > *mormo-, and subsequent change of *o > y
between a labial and a resonant).
REF: LEIA M-60, GPC III: 2542, EIEC 24, Deshayes 2003: 505, Matasovié
2004: 92.
*mora ‘female demon’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. mor-rigain [i f] ‘female demon’
PIE: *moreh, “female demon’ (IEW: 736)
COGN: OHG mara, Russ. mora, Croat. Mérana ‘a mythological figure,
female demon’
SEE: *marwo- ‘dead’
ETYM: Presumably an abstract noun derived from the root *mer- ‘to die’
(cf. PCelt. *marwo- ‘dead’).
REF: LEIA M-64, EIEC 181, 612, 634, Kalygin 2006: 117.
*moréna ‘girl’ [Noun]
SEE: *merka ‘maiden’
*moxs ‘early’ [Adverb]
GOID: Olr. mos-, m6 ‘soon’
W: MW moch
PIE: *moksu ‘early, soon’ (IEW: 747)
COGN: Skt. maksu ‘quickly’, Av. mou ‘soon’, Lat. mox ‘soon’
ETYM: Olr. moch ‘early’ is a loanword from Brittonic. The prefix mos-,
however, is inherited, cf. Olr. mos-riccub-sa ‘I will come immediately’. The
length in Olr. mo is due to lengthening in monosyllables (as in mé ‘TI’ from
*me, cf. me-sse ‘I’).
REF: LEIA M-65, GPC II: 2469.
*moyni- ‘treasure, precious object’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. moin [? f] (DIL main) ‘gift, benefit, treasure, valuable article’
*moyto- 279
W: OW muin [m], MW mwyn ‘worth, value’
BRET: OBret. moin gl. dulcis amica, MBret. moen, MoBret. moan ‘thin’
CO: OCo. muin gl. gracilis
PIE: *mey-n- ‘exchange’ (IEW: 710)
COGN: Lat. miinus ‘duty, charge, task’, Skt. meni- ‘revenge’, Go. ga-mains
‘common’, Lith. mainas ‘exchange’
ETYM: The development of meaning in Breton and Cornish was from
‘beautiful’ to ‘gracile’ and (in Breton) ‘thin’. The original meaning may
have been ‘(precious) piece of property for exchange’.
REF: LEJA M-60, GPC III: 2519, DGVB 258, Deshayes 2003: 515, EIEC
184, GPC 2519, Falileyev 115.
*moyto- ‘tender’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. moith [0] (DIL maeth (moeth))
W: W mwydion [p] ‘tender parts of the body’; mwydyn [m] ‘pulp, soft inner
part’
SEE: *méto-, *méti- ‘soft’
ETYM: MBret. boedenn, MoBret. bouedenn ‘pulp, marrow’ is sometimes
derived from the same root (by assimilation *m...d > b...d), but this is
improbable; it is rather derived from boued ‘food’ < PCelt. *bétu- ‘food’
(Olr. biad, etc.).
REF: LEIA M-61, GPC III: 2517, Deshayes 124.
*mraki- ‘malt’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mraich, [i m], MIr. braich
W: MW brag [m]
BRET: MBret. braguez,MoBret. bragez ‘wheat malt’ [m]
CO: Co. brag
GAUL: *brakis (genus farris quod Galli bracem uocant (Pliny))
PIE: *merk- ‘be soaked’ (IEW: 739)
COGN: Lat. marceo ‘to be withered, droop, shrink’, Ukr. dial. morokva
‘quagmire, swamp’, Lith. merkti ‘to soak, become wet’
ETYM: Fr. brais ‘barley malt’ is from Gaul. *braki- < *mraki-. The
vocalism in Celtic is puzzling, since PIE *mrki- should give PCelt. *mriki-.
Maybe the similarity to Lat. marceo etc. is accidental, and the PCelt. word is
borrowed from some unknown source (this would not be unusual for a term
from food-processing technology).
REF: LEIA M-66, GPC I: 306, Deshayes 2003: 131, Gamillscheg 145, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 65f.
*mrato- ‘deceit’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mrath [o nj, MIr. brath
W: MW brad [m and f] ‘treachery, trick’
BRET: OBret. brat gl. seditione, MoBret. barat, barad
CO: Co. bras
280 *mrixto-
SEE: *mar-na- ‘deceive’
ETYM: This is the old past passive participle from the same verbal root as
*mar-na- (which ended in laryngeal); the development was presumably
*mrHté- > *mraté- > *mrato- (by Dybo’s law).
REF: LEIA M-67, GPC I: 304, DGVB 89, Deshayes 2003: 92.
*mrixto- ‘variegated, diversified, painted, speckled’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. mrecht [o]
W: OW brith gl. pictam, W brith
BRET: MBret. briz, MoBret. brizh
CO: Co. bruit
PIE: *merg”- ‘dark, coloured’ (IEW: 733f.)
COGN: Gr. amorbos ‘dark’, Olc. myrkr ‘dark’, Lith. margas ‘variegated’
ETYM: Cf. also W denominal verb britho ‘speckle, colour’. Olr. mrecht is
not well attested, so this etymology is rather uncertain. The Celtic forms
point to the zero-grade *mrg”to- (> *mrikto- > *mrixto-); the acute
intonation in Lith. may be due to Winter’s law.
REF: LEIA M-67, GPC I: 326, EIEC 147, Falileyev 19, Deshayes 2003:
139, Hamp 1986.
*mrogi- ‘territory, region’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. mruig, [i m], MIr. bruig
W: MW bro [f]; brofvdd, broedd [p]
BRET: OBret. bro, MBret. and MoBret. bro [f]
CO: Co. bro
GAUL: Brogi-maros [PN]; brogae Galli agrum dicunt (schol. Juven.
8.234), cf. also Galatian Brogitarus [PN] and Nitio-broges [Ethnonym]
PIE: *morg- ‘frontier’ IEW: 738)
COGN: Lat. margo ‘frontier, margin’, Go. marka ‘frontier’, MoPers. marz
‘region’
ETYM: W Cymru‘Wales’ < *kom-mrogi-. The Celtic forms must be
explained by metathesis (*morgi- > *mrogi-). The causes of this metathesis
are unclear.
REF: LEIA M-68, GPC I: 329f., DGVB 90, EIEC 77, Lambert 1994: 36,
190, Delamarre 91, Deshayes 2003: 139f., Freeman 2001: 20, Sims-
Williams 2006: 56.
*miig- ‘conceal’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. for-muigthe, for-muchtha ‘smothered, concealed’
PIE: *mewg- ‘cheat, deceive’ (IEW: 743f.)
COGN: Lat. muger ‘dice-cheat’, ME micher ‘thief’, OHG muahho ‘bandit’
ETYM: A very dubious etymology, not only because of the difference in
meaning, but also in light of the unexpected long *t in Celtic.
REF: EIJEC 154.
*muk-V- 281
*muk-V- ‘smoke’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. much [8 f]
W: MW mwg [m]
BRET: MBret. mog, moug ‘hearth’
CO: Co. mok
ETYM: MIr. much is poorly attested, chiefly in glossaries. It presupposes
long *i, but cf. the verbal noun muchad (to muchaid ‘stifle, quench’); MIr.
muich, muich ‘gloom, dejection’ may be from a different root. The Brittonic
words must be from *muk-, with a short vowel. A connection with PIE
*(s)mewg"- ‘smoke’ (IEW 971) appears probable, but there are many
irregularities in the reflexes of this root. Gr. smykhoé ‘burn in moldering fire’
presupposes PIE *smuHg"-, while OE smeocan ‘to smoke’ appears to be
from *smew$g-.
REF: LEIA M-69f., GPC III: 2507f., LP 41, EIEC 529, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 58, 97.
*mino- ‘urine’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. mun [m, perhaps earlier n]
PIE: *mewH- ‘wash, make wet’ (IEW: 741)
COGN: Skt. mutram ‘urine’, OCS myti ‘wash’
ETYM: Cf. also the denominative verb MIr. munaid ‘piss’; both the verb
and the noun are attested rather late. The PCelt. form is compatible with PIE
*muH-no-. Olr. mur ‘mire, shoal’ may be from the same root and represent
*muHro-, but it is more likely to have been borrowed from ON myrr ‘slime’.
REF: LEIA M-74.
*musso- ‘dirty’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. mosach [o]
W: MW mws ‘stinky, smelly’
BRET: OBret. mos, MBret. and MoBret. mous [Collective] ‘litter, garbage’
CO: Co. mousak, mosek ‘smelly’
PIE: *mewd- (IEW: 742)
COGN: Gr. mysos ‘filth’
ETYM: The forms attested actually presuppose both *musso- and
*mussako-; cf. also OBret. admosoi gl. inrogauerit maculam and Olr. mosar
‘dirt’ (an old collective in *-aro-, as in clochar ‘heap of stones, rocky area’
from cloch ‘stone’). If the IE etymology is correct, PCelt. *musso- is from
*mud-so-, cf. also MoLG mussig ‘dirty’.
REF: LEIA M-65, GPC III: 2512, DGVB 54, Deshayes 2003: 525.
*mustako- ‘boy’ [Noun]
GOID: Ogam MOSAC [?Gen. s]
COGN: Lat. mustus ‘young’
ETYM: The connection with PCelt. *musso- > Olr. mosach ‘dirty’ (Ziegler
1994: 210) does not convince semantically. Olr. MOSAC is the translation of
282 *muto-
Lat. puer in the Ogam inscription of Crickhowel in Wales, CHC 327
(TVRPILLI IC IACIT PVVERI TRILVNI DVNOCATI = TURPILI
MOSAC TRALLONI). It is presumably a derivative in *-ako- from the same
root as Lat. mustus (cf. also Lat. mustax ‘a kind of laurel’), but a PIE
etymology cannot be found. It is possible that Sp. mozo ‘boy, servant,
waiter’ should be derived from Celtic (?Celtiberian) *musso-, from the same
root as *mussako- (Marcus Obaya, p. c.).
REF: Ziegler 1994: 210, McManus 1997: 72.
*muto- ‘penis’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. moth [o m] ‘penis, male being, masculine gender (in grammar)’
PIE: *muH-to- ‘penis’ (IEW: 753)
COGN: Lat. mito, miittd
ETYM: A possible cognate is Molr. mut ‘circumcised’, Scot. mutach. These
forms presuppose expressive gemination (*mutto-), cf. also Lat. mutilus
‘mutilated’. For the semantic connection, cf. Skt. kdrna- ‘ear’ and CS krono
‘maimed, with slit ears’. The short *u in PCelt. *muto- is due to shortening
by Dybo’s law. On the other hand, I do not see a particular reason to believe
that Luv. miiwa- ‘to overpower (vel sim.)’, Hitt. miwa- ‘an awe inspiring
quality’ (presumably borrowed from Luv.) are related to these words.
REF: de Vaan 2008: 397f.
*muxto- ‘soft, tender’ [Adj]
GOID: Mir. mocht [0] ‘soft, tender’
W: MW mwyth [m] ‘luxury, ease, pleasure’
PIE: *mewk- ‘soft’ (IEW: 744)
COGN: Lat. miicor ‘mould’, miicus ‘slime, mucus’, Gr. myksa ‘slime’,
Latv. mukls ‘marshy’
ETYM: This is a very problematic etymology. MIr. mocht is a glossary
word, and it is not in DIL; moreover, its meaning does not agree with MW
mwyth; it is possible that the meaning ‘luxury, pleasure’ developed from
something like ‘softness, the state of being relaxed’, cf. also MIr. mur
‘abundance’ which might be from *mux-sro- < *muk-sro- (presuming
vowels are lengthened before *-xsr- and *-xsl-, cf. PCelt. *taxslo- ‘axe’ <
*toxslo-). GPC adduces also W mwyth ‘fever, first signs of a disease’, but it
is unclear if this word is etymologically related at all.
REF: LEIA M-58, GPC III: 2525, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 438.
N
*nad-sko- ‘bind’ [Vb]
*namant- 283
GOID: Olt. nascaid, -naisc; ndiss, -na; nenais, -nenai [Fut.]; nenaisc [Pret.];
nassae, -nass [Pret. Pass. ]
BRET: MBret. nasca ‘bind’, MoBret. naskan
PIE: *neHd- (IEW: 758)
COGN: Lat. nassa ‘fish-trap made of wickerwork’, OE net ‘net’
ETYM: The Celtic forms can be derived from PIE *nHd-. In Lat. nddus
‘knot’ we might have the full grade of the root, in which case the laryngeal is
*hs. If this etymology is correct, Skt. nahyati ‘attaches, binds’ cannot be
from the same root, but implies PIE *Hned’- (LIV 227; the initial laryngeal
is reconstructed because of the lengthening of vowels in compounds, e.g.
Skt. upa-nah-; cf. PCelt. *nesso- ‘closer’).
REF: KPV 489ff., LIV 227, LEIA N-4, Deshayes 2003: 532, LP 383.
*namant- ‘enemy’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ndmae [t m]
GAUL: Namanto-, Namantius, Ad-namatus [PN]
PIE: *n(e)-h,em-nt-
ETYM: If this etymology, which stems from Cormac (7981), is correct, this
is a negated present participle of the verb related to Lat. amo ‘love’.
However, it looks dangerously like a folk etymology, and the root *hoem- (>
PCelt. *am-) is otherwise unattested in Celtic.
REF: LEIA N-2, Lambert 1994: 33, Delamarre 231, Meid 2005: 159f.
*nanti- ‘fight, battle’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. néit [i m]
PIE: *nent- ‘combat, fight’? (IEW: 755)
COGN: Go. ana-nanpjan ‘dare’, ON nenna ‘to strive’, OHG nenden ‘to
dare’, ToA nati ‘might, strength’
ETYM: According to DIL, Néit may have been the name of an old Irish
war-god. The PIE etymology is uncertain. I doubt whether the Tocharian
forms are related to this root (cf. also ToB nete ‘might, strength’), since the
*-n- should have been preserved.
REF: LEIA N-7, EIEC 201, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 284., Lindeman
1999.
*nantu-, *nanto- ‘stream, valley’ [Noun]
W: MW nant [m and f] ‘stream, river, brook, dale, valley’
BRET: MBret. nant [m]
CO: OCo. nans gl. vallis, MoCo. nance, nans
GAUL: nanto (Endlicher’s Glossary) *nanto- > Fr. dial. nant, Nanto-lium
[Toponym]
ETYM: Conceivably, PCelt. *nanto- can be from *nm-to- and related to
*nemeto- ‘grove’. The original meaning would have been ‘wooded valley’,
vel sim.
284 *naro-
REF: GPC III: 2551, Delamarre 231, Deshayes 2003: 532, Sims-Williams
2006: 93f.
*ndro- ‘noble, great-hearted’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. nar [o] ‘modest, magnanimous, noble, diffident’
PIE: *hyenr ‘manly strength’ (IEW: 765 (*ner-t-))
COGN: Lith. néras ‘will’, Hitt. innard ‘forcefully’
SEE: *nerto- ‘strength, force’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. naire ‘modesty, magnanimity’ < *narya. This is a
speculative etymology. If correct, we must assume PIE Nom. sg. *hondr
from which PCelt. *nar- would be derived regularly. Hitt. innara is from <
*en-honor-o-, and Lith. ndéras must have a secondary Baltic lengthened
grade, cf. also OCS nravo‘custom, habit? (< *honor-wo-). A different
etymology is found in LIV, where PCelt. *naro- is derived from *neh2-sr-o-,
and compared with Hitt. nahi ‘is afraid’ (cf. also Hitt. nahsaratt- ‘fear,
respect’). If this is correct, the meaning of *ndro- changed from ‘fearful’ to
‘respected’ and ‘modest, noble’ (the simplification of *rr < *sr after a long
vowel may be regular, cf. *miros ‘piece of meat, food’).
REF: LEIA N-3, EIEC 548, LIV 405, Schrijver 1995: 445f., Wodtko et alii
2008: 303f.
*narya ‘modesty, magnanimity’ [Noun]
SEE: *naro- ‘noble, great-hearted’
*natrik- ‘serpent’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol. nathir [k f]
W: MW neiar [f]; nadredd [p]
BRET: OBret. natrolion [p] gl. regulosis, MBret. (nJazr, aezr, MoBret.
naer [f]
CO: OCo. nader gl. vipera vel serpens vel anguis
PIE: *(s)nh2-tr ‘water snake’ (IEW: 747)
COGN: Lat. natrix, Go. nadre [Gen p], ON naodr ‘viper, snake’
ETYM: The PIE root is *sneh2- ‘swim’ (cf. PCelt. *sna-yo-). PCelt. *na- is
the regular development of PIE *nh.- before consonant, word-initially (cf.
*natu- ‘poem’). Note, however, that *sn- is regularly preserved in Olr., so s-
mobile has to be assumed.
REF: LEIA N-4f, GPC III: 2565, LP 46, DGVB 264, Deshayes 2003: 531,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 180ff.
*natu- ‘poem’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. nath [u n, m, and f] ‘poem, eulogy’
W: MW nad [f and m] (GPC nda) ‘clamor, cry, poem’
SEE: *snatu- ‘thread’
ETYM: Lambert (1994: 168) speculates that this PCelt. word might be
contained in Gaul. duscelinatia (Larzac), if the correct morphological
|
RY
*nawa 285
analysis of this form is dus-celi-nat-i-a. Cf. also the Gaul. PN Uo-nato-rix.
These Celt. words could be related to PIE *(s)neh,- ‘sew’ (W nyddu). The
semantic development could be explained in terms of the poetic metaphor,
whereby a poem is identified with a thread (Matasovic 1996: 150). PIE
*nh,tu-, without s-mobile, would have developed as PCelt. *natu- regularly.
The same root may be reflected in W nawdd ‘patronage, support’ < *nohjto-.
REF: LEIA N-4, GPC III: 2547, Delamarre 232, Lambert 1994: 168,
Matasovié 1996: 105.
*nawa ‘boat’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. nau [4 f] (DIL nd)
W: MW noe [f and m] ‘large vase, bowl’
BRET: MBret. neau, nev, MoBret. new [f] ‘vase’
PIE: *nehnu- ‘boat’ (IEW: 755f.)
COGN: Skt. ndu-, Lat. nduis, Gr. natis, Arm. naw, Olc. nor
ETYM: Cf. Gallo-Lat. nausum ‘ship’ (Ausonius). Originally an u-stem in
PIE, this noun became a feminine 4-stem in PCelt. (cf. Olr. Gen. sg. naue).
REF: LEIA N-5, GPC III: 2592, EIEC 74, Deshayes 2003: 537, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 27, 32, McCone 1994: 73.
*naw(inya ‘hunger’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. naunae, noine [ia f] (DIL nina) ‘hunger, famine’
W: MW neuynn (GPC newyn) [m] ‘hunger, famine’
BRET: MBret. naffn, MoBret. naoun, naon [m]
CO: OCo. naun gl. faimis, Co. nown
SEE: *nawito- ‘need’
ETYM: The original Olr. form, naunae, was changed to noine under the
influence of oine ‘fast’ (from Lat. ieiunium). W newyn could be from
*nawinV- (with *-i- under the influence of *nawito- ‘need’), but other
reflexes point to *nawnV-. The PIE root could be *neh2w- (or *newhy-, with
laryngeal metathesis) ‘need’ (OCS nuzda ‘need’, nuditi ‘compel’, OPr.
nautin [Acc. sg.] ‘need’, Cz. nutiti ‘compel, force’, ORuss. nyti ‘grieve’, Go.
naups ‘need’, IEW 756).
REF: LEIA N-21, GPC III: 2580, Deshayes 2003: 532.
*nawito- ‘need’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. nedit [i] ‘narrow, stingy’
W: MW neued (GPC neued, neuedd, neufedd) [m]
SEE: *naw(i)ny4 ‘hunger’
ETYM: The exact development of Olr. nedit is unclear to me. It may be
unrelated to W neued, although the etymology is almost generally accepted.
The PIE root could be *neh.w- ‘need’ (Lith. nauda ‘need’, Go. naups ‘need’,
IEW 756) as in *naw(i)nya ‘hunger’.
REF: LEIA N-10, GPC III: 2576.
286 *ne
*ne, *ni, *nI ‘not’ [Negation]
GOID: Olr. ni, ni
W: OW ni, MW ny, nyt (GPC ni)
BRET: OBret. ne, MBret. ne
CO: Co. ny
CELTIB: ne-
PIE: *ne (IEW: 756)
COGN: Skt. na, Lat. ne, Go. ni
ETYM: PCelt. *ne is preserved in Celtiberian, and perhaps also in the Olr.
imperative negation na (later nd). As the main clause negation *ne was
replaced by *ni, *ni in Insular Celtic; the particle added to the main clause
negation in Insular Celtic cannot be identified with certainty. It has to be
assumed, however, because there is gemination of the following word initial
consonant in both Goidelic and Brittonic. One possibility is that the particle
is the clitic 3sg. pres. of the copula, *esti > *est > *ess. For a discussion see,
e.g., Schrijver 1997: 158, Kortlandt 2000: 144f.
REF: LEIA N-14, GPC III 2581, DGVB 264, Falileyev 119f., Deshayes
2003: 533, Jordan Colera 1998: 103, Schrijver 1997: 158, MLH V.1: 269.
*nébo- ‘vigour, vital spirit? [Noun]
GOID: MIr. niab [0 m] ‘vigour’ (?)
W: MW nwyf [m] ‘passion, joy, strong feeling’
PIE: *neyb"o- ‘holy’ (IEW: 760)
COGN: OPers. naiba- ‘good, beautiful’
SEE: *neéma ‘brilliance’
ETYM: The meaning of MIr. niab is somewhat uncertain, but cf. the
denominative verb niabaid ‘provokes, incites’. Cf. also Ol. noib ‘holy’ [o] <
PCelt. *noybo-. Gaul. PN Noibio is probably from the same root.
REF: LEIA N-16, N-20, GPC III: 2600, Meid 2005: 202, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 280.
*nefti- ‘niece, sister’s daughter’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. necht [? f] gl. neptis
W: MW nith [f]
BRET: OBret. nith gl. nepta, MBret. nyz
CO: OCo. noit gl. neptis
PIE: *neptih, ‘niece’ (IEW: 764)
COGN: Skt. napti-, Lat. neptis, OHG nift, Alb. mbesé
SEE: *nefot- ‘nephew’
REF: LEIA N-15, GPC III: 2584.
*nefot- ‘nephew, sister’s son’
GOID: Olr. nia [d m], Ogam NIOTTA [Gen s]
W: MW ney, nei [m] (GPC nai)
BRET: MBret. ny, MoBret. niz [m]
*ne-kwe 287
CO: OCo. noi gl. nepos
PIE: *nepot- ‘nephew, descendant’ (IEW: 764)
COGN: Skt. napat-, Lat. nepds, OHG nefo, RCsI. netijo
SEE: *nefti ‘niece’
ETYM: The Celtic reflexes seem to preserve the stem of the PIE Nom. sg.
(PCelt. *nefiit- < PIE *nepot-)
REF: LEIA N-15, GPC III: 2549f., EIEC 239, 392, Campanile 1974: 83,
Deshayes 2003: 538, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 166.
*ne-k"e ‘not’ [Negation]
GOID: Olr. nach
W: MW nag, nac
CELTIB: nekue (Botorrita I)
PIE: *ne-k“e (IEW: 756)
COGN: Lat. ne-que
SEE: *ne, *ni, *ni (negation)
ETYM: The a-vocalism in Insular Celtic is the result of the change *e > *a
in proclisis, cf. e.g. 3 sg. of the (proclitic) Olr. copula ba vs. the stressed 3
sg. of the substantive verb boi; the final *-e was apocopated early in
Brittonic and Goidelic (Schrijver 1997: 160).
REF: LEIA N-14, GPC III: 2549, Jordan Célera 1998: 103, MLH V.1: 275.
*nek”o- ‘someone’ [Pron]
GOID: OIr. nech
W: OW nepp, MW neb
BRET: OBret. nep, MBret. nep, MoBret. neb
CO: Co. nep
GAUL: nepon [Acc. s] (Larzac)
PIE: *ne-k”o- (IEW: 645)
ETYM: Indefinite pronoun formed with the negative prefix. There is a
similar formation of indefinite pronouns from negated interrogatives, e.g., in
Slavic, cf. Croat. nétko ‘someone’. The meaning of Gaul. nepon is not
completely ascertained.
REF: LEIA N-6, GPC III: 2560, DGVB 26S, Falileyev 118, GOI 311,
Delamarre 235.
*nek(k)i ‘not’ [Particle]
GOID: OIr. nace, naicc
W: OW na, nac, MW na(d)
BRET: MBret. na, nac
CO: Co. na(g)
SEE: *ne, *ni, *ni (negation), *ne-k"e ‘not’
ETYM: The exact relationship of this word to the PIE negation *ne, *ne- is
unclear. The a-vocalism may be due to the development *e > *a in proclisis.
288 *néma
The geminate *-kk- may be expressive; the proto-form *ne-k”e assumed by
Schrijver (1997: 160) yielded Olr. nach, MW nag.
REF: LEIA N-1, GPC III: 2545, Falileyev 116, Schrijver 1997: 160.
*némai ‘brilliance, beauty’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. niam [A f]
PIE: *ney- ‘shine’ (IEW: 760)
COGN: Lat. niteo ‘shine’
SEE: *nébo- ‘vigour, vital spirit’
ETYM: The connection with Lat. niteo is uncertain. Ultimately, PCelt.
*néma (if from *ney-meh2) could be from the same root as *nébo- ‘holy’,
PIE *ney-, but there is an inflation of PIE roots meaning ‘to shine, be
radiant’, so this etymology is quite uncertain.
REF: LEIA N-16, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 246.
*nemeto- ‘sacred place, sanctuary’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. nemed [o n > m]
W: OW Eid-nivet [PN]
BRET: OBret. Jud-nimet [PN]
GAUL: neméton (Vaison, RIG G-153)
SEE: *nemos, *nanto-
ETYM: It is unclear whether MW nyfed ‘strength’ belongs here. The
development would have been from ‘sacred, endowed with power’ to
‘strong’ and ‘force, strength’.
REF: LEIA N-9, EIEC 248, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 455, Delamarre
233f., Sims-Williams 2006: 94.
*nemo- ‘poison’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. neim [s n]
PIE: *nem- ‘divide, take’, *nemos ‘that, which is taken’ (IEW: 763)
COGN: Go. niman ‘take’, Gr. némo ‘divide, take’
ETYM: Vendryés rejects this etymology on semantic grounds, but it is not
hopeless (cf. Germ. Gift ‘poison’ from the verbal root which is in geben
“give’).
REF: LEIA N-7, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 142.
*nemos- ‘heaven, sky’ [Noun]
GOID: OIF. nem [s n]
W: OW nem [f and m], MW nef
BRET: OBret. nem, MBret. neff, MoBret. nefiv [m]
CO: OCo. nef gl. celum, MCo. nef’
PIE: *neb"os ‘cloud, cloudy sky’ (IEW: 315)
COGN: Hitt. népis ‘sky’, Skt. nabhas- ‘cloud’, Gr. néphos, OCS nebo ‘sky’
ETYM: The irregular *-m- of the Celtic forms is best explained as the result
of assimilation (n...b" > n...m).
*nero- 289
REF: LEIA N-8, GPC III: 2561, DGVB 265, EIEC 110, Falileyev 118,
Campanile 1974: 82, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 140, 142, 148, Deshayes
2003: 534, Wodtko et alii 2008: 499.
*nero- ‘hero’
GOID: MIr. ner [?0 m] ‘boar’
W: MW ner [m] ‘chief, hero’ (GPC nér)
PIE: *honér ‘man’ (IEW: 765)
COGN: Skt. ndr-, Gr. anér, Alb. njeri ‘person’, Osc. ner-
SEE: *nerto- ‘strength, force’
ETYM: MIr. ner is a rare, poetic word. Cf. also W Nerys [PN] < *ner-issi.
The PIE ablaut pattern was Nom. sg. *honér / Acc. sg. *honer-m / Gen. sg.
*honr-os. The Celtic forms have generalized the full grade from the
Accusative sg.
REF: LEIA N-10, GPC II: 2571, Matasovié 2004: 83.
*nerto- ‘strength, force’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. nert [o n]
W: OW nerth [m and f] (OW and MW)
BRET: OBret. nerth gl. robur, MBret. nerz, MoBret. nerzh [m] ‘strength’,
Vannetais nerh
CO: Co. nerth
GAUL: Nerto-maros [PN]
CELTIB: Nerto-bi(s) [Toponym]
PIE: *honer-to- ‘virile, strong’ (IEW: 765)
COGN: Skt. ndr- ‘man, male’, Osc. nerum [Gen. p] ‘man’, perhaps the
Germanic theonym Nerthus (Tacitus)
SEE: *nero- ‘hero’
ETYM: Cf. also the denominal verbs Olr. nertaid ‘make stronger’, W
nerthu, MoBret. nerza, nerzhaf. Celtib. Nertobi(s) should be interpreted as
/nertobrixs/ and connected with the toponym Nertobriga in Spain.
REF: LEIA N-10f., GPC III: 2571f., DGVB 266, LP 47, EIEC 366, Jordan
Célera 1999: 121f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 240ff., Delamarre 235,
Falileyev 119, Deshayes 2003: 535, Ellis Evans 1967: 237, Sims-Williams
2006: 95.
*nesso- ‘closer’ (comparative) [Adj]
GOID: Olt. nessa
W: OW nes, MW nes
BRET: MBret. nes ‘close’
CO: Co. nes, nessa
GAUL: neddamon [Gen p] ‘proximorum’ (Banassac, CIL XIII 10016,13)
PIE: *Hned"- ‘bind’ (IEW: 758)
COGN: Osc. nessimas ‘proximae’
290 *ne-we
ETYM: The traditional connection of these words with *nad-sk- ‘bind’ is
impossible, if this verb is from PIE *nHd-, as argued here (see *nad-sko-
*bind’). However, there is another PIE root, *Hned"- ‘bind’ from which we
have Skt. nahyati ‘binds’; if PCelt. *nesso- is from this root, it comes from
PIE *Hned"-so-, or *Hned* -to-.
REF: LEIA N-12, GPC II: 2573, DGVB 266, LP 21, Falileyev 119,
Deshayes 2003: 535.
*ne-we ‘or’ [Conjunction]
GOID: OIr. nd
W: MW neu, nou
PIE: *ne-we ‘or... not? (IEW: 75, 757)
COGN: Lat. neue, neu
ETYM: In Celtic, we assume *newe- > *nowe; the final *-e was apocopated
in both Brittonic and Goidelic (Schrijver 1997: 160), hence regularly Olr.
no, W nou.
REF: LEIA N-18, GPC II: 2574f., Falileyev 121f., Schrijver 1997: 160.
*nexso- ‘wound’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ness ‘wound, lump or swelling on the body caused by a blow’
W: MW nych [m] ‘pain’
BRET: MBret. nech, MoBret. nec’h [m] ‘pain, confusion, panic’
PIE: *nek- ‘die, perish’ (IEW: 762)
COGN: Skt. ndsyati ‘perishes’, Gr. nekrés ‘body, dead person’, Lat. nex
‘death’, ToB ndk- ‘perish’
ETYM: The MIr. word is known only from glossaries, so its gender and
stem formation are unknown. PCelt. *nexso- can be derived directly from
PIE *nek-so-, cf. also *anku- ‘death’ from the same root.
REF: LEIA N-11, GPC III: 2602, Deshayes 2003: 534.
*nig-yo- ‘wash’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. nigid, -nig; néiss, -né [Subj.]; ninis, -nin [Fut.]; nenaig [Pret.];
nechtae, -necht [Pret. Pass. ]
PIE: *neyg”- ‘wash’ (IEW: 761)
COGN: Skt. nij-, a-nij-am [1s Aor.], Gr. nizo, nipto
REF: KPV 493ff., LIV 450, LP 358, LEIA N-16f., D-170f.
*ninati- ‘nettle’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. nenaid [i f]
W: MW aynat [p] (GPC danadl); danhadlen, dynhaden [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. lenhat, MoBret. linad [Collective]
CO: OCo. linhaden gl. urtica
PIE: *nehot/d- (EW: 758f.)
COGN: OE netele, OHG nazza, nezzila, Lith. nétryné, OPr. noatis.
*nino- 291
ETYM: The Brittonic forms can be explained by dissimilation (*n...n >
*d.inin W, *n...n > *1...n in MBret.), but the word-initial *]- could also be
due to the influence of *lino- ‘flax’ (stalks of nettles were used for weaving
clothes, Michiel de Vaan, p. c.). Correspondences in other IE languages with
alternations of *a and *4, *t and *d, imply that this is an old loanword from
some unknown non-IE source. The Germanic words for ‘nettle’ can be
derived from *natil6n and *natdn (Orel 2003: 281f.) < PIE *nad-, cf. also
Gr. adiké ‘nettle’, as if from *ndi-. Skt. ndda- ‘reed’, Hitt. natta- ‘reed’ and,
perhaps, Arm. net ‘arrow’ are from a different etymon, PIE *nedo- ‘reed’
(Mayrhofer, s. v. ndda-).
REF: LEIA N-9f., GPC I: 886, Deshayes 2003: 466, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 68.
*nino- ‘ash-tree’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. nin [o m]
W: OW nihn
ETYM: Cf. also Gaul. Toponym Ninittacum (today Nizy-le-Comte), which
may contain the same root. These isolated words were probably borrowed
from some non-IE language.
REF: LEIA N-17, Falileyev 120.
*nitu- ‘battle fury, anger’
GOID: Olr. nith [u m and n]
PIE: *niH-tu- ‘fury’ (IEW: 760)
COGN: Go. neip ‘jealousy’
ETYM: Olr. nia [t m] ‘hero’ and the first element of Ogam NETA-(CAGI)
may contain the same root in the full grade *neyH-to-, but details are
unclear. Cf. also W nwyd [m and f] ‘passion, emotion’, which may also
come from *neyH-to-, and perhaps also ToB /fidtse ‘distress, plague’.
REF: LEIA N-17, GPC III: 2600, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 288, 528,
Ziegler 1994: 116.
*nixt-o- ‘winnow’ [Vb]
W: MW nithiaw (GPC nithio)
BRET: MBret. niza, MoBret. nizhani
PIE: *neyk- ‘winnow’ (IEW: 761)
COGN: Gr. likmao, Lith. niekoti
ETYM: The Celtic words for ‘wheat’ are derived from the same root, cf.
Olr. cruth-necht, W gwenith, MBret. gwiniz, Co. gwaneth < PCelt. *nixto-,
*ufo-nixto- ‘winnowed; wheat’.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 538, GPC III: 2584f., Mallory & Adams 2006: 169.
*nixto- ‘clean, bright’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. necht [o]
PIE: *neyg”- ‘wash’ (IEW 761)
292 *nizdo-
COGN: Skt. niktd- ‘washed’, Gr. nizd ‘wash’
ETYM: MIr. necht is poorly attested (mostly in glossaries), so this
etymology is quite uncertain. If it is correct, PCelt. *nixto- is originally a
past participle of the PIE root *neyg”-, and the original meaning of *nig™to-
> *nixto- was ‘washed’. VLat. nectos .i. merus (CGL V 374, emendation of
netcos murus) has been interpreted as a Gaul. loanword, and also derived
from PIE *nig™to- > PCelt. *nixto- (LEIA N-6). However, this is quite
dubious, since the word is a hapax.
REF: LEIA N-6, Irslinger 2002: 271f.
*nizdo- ‘nest’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. net [o m, sometimes f]
W: MW nyth [m and f]
BRET: MBret. nez, MoBret. neizh [m]
CO: OCo. neid gl. nidus, MCo. nyth
PIE: *ni-sd-o- ‘nest’ (IEW: 887)
COGN: Skt. nida-, Lat. nidus, OHG nest, Lith. lizdas
ETYM: It is usually assumed that *ni- is a prefix in the word for ‘nest’ in
PIE, and that the root is *sed- ‘sit’. PIE *ni- would thus be the only prefix in
the proto-language. However, the proper reconstruction may also be
*hni-sd-o-, in which case *honi- is the petrified locative of an old root-noun
from which we also have Gr. ano ‘up, upwards’, Av. ana, Go. ana and other
spatial prepositions (as argued in Matasovié 2008a: 246f.).
REF: LEIA N-12, GPC III: 2604, EIEC 393, Campanile 1974: 82, Deshayes
2003: 534, Uhlich 2002: 416.
*now-slo- ‘cry, shout’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. nuall [o n]
PIE: *newH- ‘cry, roar’ (IEW: 767)
COGN: Skt. navate, ToB nu- ‘roar’
ETYM: Another possible cognate is Lat. nuntium ‘message’, but that word
has also been plausibly related to PIE *newo- ‘new’. Mayrhofer (s. v. NAV-)
thinks this root may be onomatopoetic.
REF: LEIA N-24, LIV 411.
*nowameto- ‘ninth’ [Ordinal Number]
GOID: MIr. nomad
W: MW nawfet (GPC nawfed)
BRET: MBret. nauvet, naovet, MoBret. nawved
CO: MoCo. nawhwas
GAUL: nametos
SEE: *nowan ‘nine’
REF: LEIA N-20, GPC III: 2557, Deshayes 2003: 533, Lambert 1994: 132.
*nowan ‘nine’ [Number]
f
|
f
*Nowdont- 293
GOID: Olr. noi [Nasalizing]
W: OW nauou, MW naw
BRET: OBret. nau, MBret. nau, MoBret. nao, naw
CO: Co. naw
PIE: *(h,)newn ‘nine’ (IEW: 318f.)
COGN: Skt. nava, Lat. nouem, Gr. ennéa, Go. niun, Lith. devyni, Russ.
dévjat’, Alb. néndé, ToB fiu
ETYM: The Brittonic forms can be derived from *nawan < *nowan by
vowel assimilation. Celtib. nouantubos [Dat. pl.] is sometimes derived from
this PCelt. root, but this is quite uncertain (it is more probably connected
with PCelt. *nowyo- ‘new’).
REF: LEIA N-20, GPC IH: 2555, EIEC 403, DGVB 264, Falileyev 118,
Deshayes 2003: 533, MLH V.1: 281f.
*Nowdont- [Theonym]
SEE: *snowdo- ‘mist, haze’
*nowyo- ‘new’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. nuae [io]
W: MW newydd
BRET: OBret. en neuidteruo gl. mensis nouorum, MoBret. nevez, newez
CO: Co. newyth
GAUL: Nouio-(dunum) [Toponym]
CELTIB: ? nou-iza
PIE: *newos ‘new’ (IEW: 769)
COGN: Hitt. newa-, Skt. ndva-, Lat. nouus, Gr. néos,Go. niujis, Lith.
naiijas, OCS nove, ToB fuwe, Arm. nor
SEE: *nu ‘now’
ETYM: The meaning of the Celtiberian form nouiza (Botorrita III, 1) is far
from ascertained, but it may be derivable from *nowiya if McCone (2003) is
right in positing the change *-iyV- > *-idV- > -izV- in Celtiberian (cf. also
PCelt. *gab-yo-, which may be attested as Celtib. kabizeti /gabizeti/). Celtib.
nouantubos has also been related to this PCelt. etymon (see under *nowan-
‘nine’). OBret. neguid, which is sometimes adduced here, appears to be
actually a verbal form (ne guid ‘does not know’). OBret. neuidterou is
probably a plural form of *neuid-ter ‘newness’.
REF: LEIA N-23f., GPC III: 2577, DGVB 161, 266, EIEC 393, Deshayes
2003: 536, Schrijver 1995: 283ff., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 202,
Delamarre 236, Jordan Célera 1999: 190, McCone 2003, Sims-Williams
2006: 95f., MLH V.1: 283.
*noxtV- ‘night’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. innocht ‘tonight’
W: OW he-noid ‘tonight’, MW peu-noeth ‘every night’
BRET: MBret. hanoez ‘tonight’
294 *noxto-
CO: Co. haneth ‘tonight’
GAUL: tri-nox(tion) ‘three nights’ (Coligny), decam-noctiacis (Limoges)
PIE: *nok"t- ‘night’ (IEW: 762)
COGN: Hitt. nekuz (méhur) ‘at night’, Skt. ndkt-, Gr. nyks, Lat. nox, Lith.
naktis, OCS note, Alb. naté, ToB nekciye ‘at night’
ETYM: MW vzos is a loanword from Latin (nox); the Celtic form is
preserved only in the adverbial form, just as in Olr. (but see Falileyev 121
for a different opinion: OW nos < PCelt. *noxt-stu-; for the suffix, cf.
*flenstu-, *adestu-, etc.).
REF: LEIA N-19, GPC III: 2790, EIEC 394, Falileyev 82f., de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 36, Delamarre 237, Meid 2005: 58.
*noxto- ‘naked’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. nocht [o]
W: MW noeth
BRET: OBret. noit, MBret. noaz, MoBret. noazh
CO: Co. noeth, noyth
PIE: *ndg”- ‘naked body’, *nog”o- ‘naked’ (IEW: 769)
COGN: Hitt. nekumanza, Skt. nagnas, Lat. niidus, OE nacod, Lith. nuogas,
OCS nago
ETYM: OBret. noit might be the same word, but the meaning of this gloss is
uncertain (it might mean ‘naked’). The Celtic forms can be derived from PIE
*nog”-to-. The root is attested with different suffixes, except in BSI., where
the simple thematic stem was built to the lengthened grade of the root
(Winter’s law would not operate in open syllables, cf. Matasovi¢ 1995). Cf.
also Gr. gymnos ‘naked’ < *nog”mos (metathesis). A root adjective, or,
more likely, a root noun meaning ‘naked body’ should be posited in PIE.
REF: LEIA N-19, GPC III: 2592, DGVB 271, EIEC 45, Deshayes 2003:
539, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 440, Beekes 1994.
*noybo- ‘holy’ [Adj]
SEE: *nébo- ‘vigour’
*nu ‘now’ [Adverb]
GOID: OIr. nu
W: MW nu
GAUL: nu (Lezoux)
PIE: *nu(H) ‘discourse particle’ (IEW: 770)
COGN: Hitt. nu ‘and, but’, Skt. nz, Gr. npn ‘now’, Lat. nunc ‘now’, Go. nu,
Russ. nyne ‘now, today’
ETYM: W uu presupposes *now, with the full-grade of the root (PIE
*newH or *nowH). The alternation between *nu and *nii observed in several
languages can be explained if we assume that the original form of the
particle was *nuH, but that the laryngeal was lost in pause (sentence-sandhi).
*niisso- 295
This is probably also the explanation for the alternation between *me and
*mé in Acc. sg. of the 1 sg. personal pronoun.
REF: LEIA N-23, GPC III: 2599, Delamarre 237, Schrijver 1997: 160.
*niisso-, *nowsso- ‘first milk, colostrum’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. nus [o and u m]
W: W nus [?m]
BRET: MBret. (leaz) lusen
ETYM: W nus is very poorly attested, and it is unclear whether it is a
masculine noun (as stated in GPC). The vocalisms of Goidelic and Brittonic
do not agree, since Olr. nus points to *niiss- and W nus to *nowss-. The
Brittonic words might actually be loan-words from Goidelic, or all of these
words were borrowed from some unknown source. Breton could have the
word initial /- by assimilation with the preceding word in the syntagm, or by
analogy with the stem of *liiss-, which is attested in Olr. /us(aid), which is
originally the s-subjunctive of ibid ‘drinks’ (GOI 471).
REF: LEJA N-25, GPC III: 2599.
*nuw-o- ‘nod, assent to’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. as-noi ‘swear’
W: MW dineu (GPC dinau) ‘flow, pour, spill’
BRET: MBret. dinou “pour out’
CO: Co. dynwa [3s Subj.]
PIE: *new- ‘nod’ (IEW: 767)
COGN: Lat. ad-nuo, Gr. neud
ETYM: MIr. as-noi < *exs-nuwo-, while the Brittonic forms presuppose
*di-new-o- (the simplex verb is unattested). MW nugio ‘shake, quiver’ could
be from PCelt. *now-k- < *new-k-. Another possible cognate is Lith. niaisti
‘to bend’; it may preserve the original meaning of the PIE root.
REF: KPV 491ff., LIV 455f., GPC I: 1021.
O
*obnu- ‘fear’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. omun [u m]
W: MW ofuyn (GPC ofn) [m]
BRET: MBret. oun, MoBret. ovn [m]
CO: Co. own
GAUL: Ex-obnus [PN]
SEE: *exs-obno- ‘fearless’
296 *odbo-
ETYM: Olr. omun is also attested with the long first vowel, 6mun > MIr.
uamun. The source of the vacillation is unclear to me (short vowel by
analogy with essamin ‘fearless’?). Cf. also the denominative verb W ofnaf
‘to fear’. The PIE etymology is unknown, but a connection with Croat. jéza
‘fear, terror’ appears possible. Cf. also Lith. éngti ‘to strangle’, ON ekki
‘convulsive sobbing’, OE inca ‘doubt, complaint’? (Orel 2003: 84). The
Slavic forms presuppose Early PSI. *endza or *indza, and can be derived
from PIE *h,eng”-, with the nasal infix from the verbal base (present stem),
cf. also Lith. éngti (the acute is regular because of Winter’s law). The PIE
root would be *h,eg”-. PCelt. *obno- or *obnu- can be from PIE *h,og”no-
or *h,og”nv-.
REF: LEIA O-22, GPC IH: 2631, Delamarre 170, Deshayes 2003: 470,
Schrijver 1995: 353, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 94.
*odbo- ‘knot, bulge’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. odb [0 m]
W: W oddf [m]
ETYM: Cf. also the Gaul. PNs with the first element Osbi- (e.g. Osbimaca,
Osbimanus). EIEC and Mallory and Adams 2006 relate these words to Skt.
ddga- ‘knot, joint’, Gr. éskhos ‘sucker, shoot’, éskhé ‘vine with grapes’ (PIE
*Hosgo-), but do not explain the sound developments, which would be
highly irregular. One could, in principle, derive the Celtic and Indo-Iranian
forms from PIE *h3edg”os, but then Greek dskhos is unrelated. Schrijver
(1995: 376) follows LEIA in deriving the Celtic forms from *ost-b"V- and
relates them to Gr. osphys ‘hip’, which I find less convincing. Lith. uodega
‘tail’ is probably also unrelated to these words.
REF: LEIA 0-9, GPC III: 2618, EIEC 336, Schrijver 1995: 376, Mallory &
Adams 2006: 157, Wodtko et alii 2008: 207f.
*ofi-ba ‘beauty, appearance’
GOID: OIr. oiph, oib [a f and m] ‘semblance, appearance, beauty’
PIE: *h,opi-b'eh2 (IEW: 104)
COGN: Skt. abhi-bha- ‘inauspicious omen’
ETYM: This old compound appears to contain the PIE root *b'ehy- ‘shine’
(Skt. bhati ‘shines’, Gr. phds ‘light’, etc.). However, Vendryés may be right
in claiming that this reconstruction ‘ne repose sur.rien’ (LEIA O-14).
REF: LEIA O-14, Joseph 1982a 176, Uhlich 2002 412.
*ofi-bela ‘spark, flame’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. oibell [a f]
W: MW zfel [m]
PIE: *hyopi-b'el- (IEW: 119)
ETYM: MoBret. fulenn [f] ‘spark’ may be related, if it is metathesized from
*uflenn. The reconstruction *ofi-bela proposed here is quite doubious.
ee ee ee ae ee ee ee eee ee a ee
*Ogmiyo- 297
Vendryés (LEIA O-15) doubts this etymology and relates the MIr. word to
oib ‘beauty, prosperity’, which does not seem convincing.
REF: LEIA O-15, GPC III: 3699, Deshayes 2003: 259.
*Ogmiyo- ‘a mythological name’
GOID: MIr. Ogma [?i0 m]
GAUL: Ogmios [Theonym]
ETYM: Gaul. Ogmius occurs on an inscription from Salins as an epithet of
Hercules, and Mir. Ogma mac Ethlenn is depicted as the inventor of the
Ogam writing. This theonym is usually derived from the name of Ogam, Olr.
ogum, ogom [o m] < PCelt. *ogmo-, but other etymological connections are
unknown. A problem for this etymology is that the development of PCelt.
*-9m- in Irish is uncertain: since *g is lost before *n with the lengthening of
the preceding vowel (cf. *wegno- ‘wagon’ > Olr. fén), it has been argued
that *ogmo- should have given MIr. **Gam. However, there are no other
examples to substantiate this development, so it is possible that *-gm- was
preserved.
REF: LEIA O-13f., Kalygin 2005: 125f.
*oketa ‘harrow’ [Noun]
W: MW ocet, (GPC oged) [f]
BRET: MBret. oguet, MoBret. oged [f]
CO: OCo., ocet, Co. oges
PIE: *Hoketeh, ‘harrow, rake’ (IEW: 22)
COGN: Lat. occa, OPr. aketes, Russ. osét’ ‘granary, rack for drying grain’,
OHG egida
ETYM: Although the shape of the reconstructed word for ‘harrow’ appears
non-Indo-European, the connection with the root *h,ek- ‘sharp’ (Lat. acus
‘needle’, etc.) seems likely (see PCelt. *akro-); in that case, the correct PIE
reconstruction is *h,oketeh. Note, however, that reflexes are limited to the
European branches of IE, which is typical of many words belonging to
agricultural terminology.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 545, Schrijver 1991: 52, Mallory & Adams 2006:
242, Oettinger 2003.
*okri- ‘edge’ [Noun]
SEE: *akro- ‘high’
*olinad ‘elbow, angle’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. uilen [a f]
W: OW elinou [p], MW elin [f and m]
BRET: MBret. elin, MoBret. elin [m]
CO: Co. elyn, elin
PIE: *hjelén ‘elbow’ (IEW: 307)
COGN: Lat. ulna, Gr. oléné, Go. aleina, perhaps ToB alyiye ‘palm’
298 *olo-
ETYM: Cf. also Gaul. hydronym Olina (Sims-Williams 2006: 97). W elin is
from *olin by i-Umlaut.
REF: LEIA U-18, GPC I: 1206, EIEC 98, 176, Falileyev 53, Deshayes
2003: 233, Matasovié 2004: 107, Sims-Williams 2006: 97.
*olo- ‘behind, beyond’ [Prep]
GOID: OlIr. ol 1. ‘beyond’ 2. ‘than’ (Preposition with the comparative)
W: MW ol [m] (GPC 6J) ‘track’, yn 6] ‘according to’
PIE: *hyel- (IEW: 24f.)
COGN: OLat. ollus ‘that’, OCS Jani ‘in the past year’
ETYM: The Olr. adverb and preposition o/ is used in comparative
constructions, e.g. Wb. 12a21 is sochrudiu ldam oldo-sa ‘hand is more
beautiful than I am’. Word initial *o instead of the expected a- may be due
to early assimilation (*alo- > *olo-), or we should start from *h,olo- which
would give PCelt. *olo- regularly (cf. also OLat. ollus < *hjolno-). PCelt.
*olo- is from the PIE demonstrative stem *hzel-, which is also in PCelt.
*alyo- ‘other’. Olr. defective verb o/ ‘(s)he said, inquit’ has also been related
to this root.
REF: LEIA O-18f., Quin 1960, Kortlandt 2007: 113ff.
*olyo- ‘all, whole, every’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. uile [io]
W: MW oll, holl
BRET: OBret. holl, MBret. holl, oll, MoBret. oll
CO: Co. hol, oll
GAUL: ollon [n] (Chamaliéres); Ollo-dagos [PN]
PIE: *h3ol-yo- ‘all’
COGN: Go. alls ‘all, whole’
ETYM: Another etymology, somewhat less viable, relates these words to
PIE *sol-yo- ‘whole’ (Skt. sdrva-, Gr. hélos < *sol-wo-). This would help
explain the traces of word initial *h- (< *s-) in Brittonic (but in most
instances that word-initial h- can be purely graphic, and positing PCelt. *s-
does not explain the Gaulish forms). In any case, these forms must be
distinguished from PCelt. *folno- ‘great’.
REF: LEIA U-17f., GPC HI: 2646, DGVB 213, Delamarre 241, Falileyev
87, Deshayes 2003: 546, Fleuriot 1976-7: 185, Schrijver 1995: 323,
McCone 1996: 49.
*omiyo- ‘copper, bronze’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. umae [io n]
W: OW (0) emid gi. ex aere, W efydd [m]
PIE *HoHmo- ‘raw’ (IEW: 777)
SEE: *omo- ‘raw’
ETYM: Both Olr. umae and W efydd mean ‘copper’ as well as “bronze,
brass’, and we may assume that the meaning ‘copper’ is earlier. For the —
*omo- 299
Welsh vocalism cf. PCelt. *olina ‘elbow’ > MW elin. A derivation of
*omiyo- from *omo- ‘raw’ appears formally possible, but the semantic
connection is weak. Was ‘copper’ conceived of as ‘raw metal’ in contrast to
iron, which is melted at much higher temperatures?
REF: LEIA U-24, GPC I: 1172, Pedersen I: 166, Schrijver 1995: 287,
Falileyev 53, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 355, Wodtko et alii 2008: 202.
*omo- ‘raw’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. om [o]
W: W of
PIE: *HoHmo- ‘raw’ (IEW: 777f.)
COGN: Gr. 6mos, Skt. dma-, Khot. hama-, Arm. hum
ETYM: As the Gr. and Skt. words are oxytona, this could be an instance of
pretonic shortening in Celtic (Dybo’s law). Note, however, that there are but
a few instances of this law operating on syllables with proper PIE vowels
(*e, *o), so in this particular case one is tempted to think that the second
laryngeal was lost by dissimilation (*HoHmo- > *Homo- > PCelt. *omo-).
The PIE reconstruction is uncertain, since the nature of the second laryngeal
cannot be ascertained (initial *h) is usually reconstructed on the basis of
Arm. hum). A connection with Lat. amdarus ‘bitter’ is doubtful (it may, in
principle, represent *ho.H-emo-).
REF: LEIA O-21, GPC III: 2629, EIEC 478, Wodtko et alii 2008: 202.
*onko- ‘at’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. oc [+Dat.]
W: MW wnc, wng ‘near’
SEE: *ank-o- ‘reach’
ETYM: If PCelt. *onko- is indeed related to the verbal root *ank-o- ‘reach’,
it probably presupposes a verbal noun *h,onko- petrified as the preposition
in Celtic. The development of meaning would be from ‘having reached’ to
‘at’.
REF: LEIA 0-5, GPC III: 3732, GOI 524f.
*orbo- ‘heir, inheritor’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. orb [o m]
PIE: *hjorb"o- ‘inheritance’ (IEW: 781)
COGN: Lat. orbus ‘orphan’, OCS rabo ‘slave’, Arm. orb
ETYM: Olr. orbe [io n] ‘inheritance’ is the exact parallel of PGerm.
*arbiya- (Go. arbi ‘inheritance’). I prefer to reconstruct the PIE root with *h,
rather than with *h; because this facilitates McCone’s connection of these
words with Olr. erbaid ‘entrusts’. Hitt. harp- ‘separate’ is therefore not
related, pace Weiss 2006.
REF: LEIA O-27f., EIEC 411, de Bernardo Stempel 391, McCone 1999,
Weiss 2006.
300 *ordo/a-
*ordo/a- ‘hammer’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ord [o m] gl. malleus
W: OW ord [f], MW orth
BRET: OBret. ord gl. maleus, MBret. orz [f]
ETYM: Gaulish ethnonym Ordo-vices has also been related to this PCelt.
etymon. Falileyev 126 and Pedersen (I: 114) relate these words to Arm. urn
‘hammer’ (? < *6rdn-) but this is highly speculative. One could also
speculate that this word is an old compound, PIE *hserg-d"h,o-, from *hjerg-
‘perish’ (see PCelt. *orgo- ‘destroy’) and *d°eh;- ‘do, make’ (Lat. facio,
OCS déti, etc.), although it is unknown what the development of the cluster
*-rgd- should be in Celtic (but cf. *horkto- ‘bear’ > Olr. art, so maybe
*h;erg-d"h,o- > *orxdo- > *ordo- is regular).
REF: LEIA O-29, DGVB 277, GPC 1468, Delamarre 243f., Pedersen I:
114, Falileyev 126.
*org-o- ‘destroy’ [Vb]
GOID: Ol. orgaid, -oirg; oirr, -orr [Subj.]; ieirr, -iarr [Fut.]; oirt, -ort
[Pret.]; ortae, ort [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW yny-orth [Impersonal Pass. ]
GAUL: orge [Impv.] ‘kill’ (CGL V 316, 70)
PIE: *h3erg- ‘perish’ (IEW: 819 (*perg-))
COGN: Hitt. harkzi, Arm. harkanem ‘strike’
ETYM: The Welsh simplex occurs only in Canu Aneirin (CA 13.315). Cf.
also the Gaul. PN Orgeto-rix (Caesar, De Bello Gallico I, 2, 1).
REF: KPV 499ff., LIV 301, LEIA 0-30, LP 386f.
*orgya ‘testicle’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. _uirge [ia f]
PIE: *hyorg*i- ‘testicle’
COGN: Hitt. arki-, Av. arazi- [Dual], Gr. érkhis, Alb. herdhe [p], Arm.
orjik’ [p]
ETYM: The Celtic ya-stem presupposed by Olr. uirge probably derives
from the original PIE collective, built to the neuter i-stem. A possible
cognate in Breton is MBret. orguet, MoBret. orged ‘lascivous’ (if it is from
PCelt. *orgeto-). Some linguists reconstruct PIE *hjerg"i- because of Alb.
herdhe, but Alb. h- can be secondary (Demiraj 1997: 199).
REF: Mallory & Adams 2006: 184, Hamp 1996a, Deshayes 2003: 547.
*osno- ‘ash-tree’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. onn [? ?] ‘pine tree, furze-bush (or ash ?)’; Olr. uinnius [4 f]
‘ash-tree’
W: MW onn [Collective]; ynn [p]
BRET: MBret. ounn, onn [Collective]
CO: OCo. onnen gl. fraxus [Singulative]
PIE: *h3es-n- ‘ash-tree’ (IEW: 782)
*owgro- 301
COGN: Lat. ornus, OHG asc, Lith. dosis, Russ. jasen', Alb. ah ‘beech’, Gr.
oksya ‘beech’, Arm. hac‘i.
ETYM: Celtic shares with Italic and Slavic the suffix *-(e)no- (other
languages have *-ko-, or *-sko-). I do not believe the evidence warrants the
reconstruction of the PIE root as *h3eHs-; the acute in Lith. is the result of
the secondary BSI. vrddhi (Matasovié 2008a: 130ff.).
REF: LEIA U-20, GPC III: 2649, Deshayes 546, LP 24, EIEC 32,
Campanile 1974: 84.
*owgro- ‘cold’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. uar [0] ‘cold, cool, ineffective’
W: MW oer
CO: OCo. oir gl. frigidam
GAUL: Ogron- ‘a winter month in the Calender of Coligny’ (fifth month of
the year)
PIE: *h3ewg- ‘cold’ (IEW: 783)
COGN: Arm. oyc ‘cold’, Latv. aiiksts ‘cold’
SEE: *owxtu- ‘cold’
ETYM: The Gaulish form attests to the (late ) change of *ow > 6. BSI. acute
implied by Latv. aiiksts may be the result of Winter’s law.
REF: LEIA U-8f., GPC III: 2624, Delamarre 239f., de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 228.
*owi- ‘sheep’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. of [m]
PIE: *hjewi- ‘sheep’ (IEW: 784)
COGN: Luv. hawi-, Skt. avi-, Gr. dis, Lat. ouis, OE ewe, Lith. avis, OCS
oveca, ToB awi [Nom p], Arm. hoviw ‘shepherd’
SEE: *owika ‘hind, doe’
ETYM: MIr. of is a rare, poetic word, known chiefly from glossaries and
Laws, but cf. Olr. oegaire ‘shepherd’ < *owi-garyo- lit. ‘sheep-caller’ (see
*gar-yo- ‘call, cry’. The PIE reconstruction of the word for ‘sheep’ is
disputed (some linguists reconstruct *h,owi-, which is also possible (see the
discussion in Wodtko et alii 2008: 335ff.).
REF: LEIA O-14, EIEC 510.
*owigno- ‘lamb’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. wan [o m]
W: MW oen [m and f]; wyn [p]
BRET: MBret. oen, MoBret. oan [m]
CO: OCo. oin gl. agnus, Co. oan, on
PIE: *h,eg”no- ‘lamb’ (IEW: 9)
COGN: Lat. agnus, Gr. amnoés, OE éanian, OCS agne
ETYM: It is impossible to derive the attested forms directly from PIE
*heg”no-, since this would be reflected as PCelt. **abno-, and the cluster
302 *owika
*bn would be preserved as Olr. mn, W bn (cf. *obnu- ‘fear’ > Olr. omun, W
ofn, *dubno- ‘world’ > W dufn). The word initial *o- in Brittonic must be
analogical in any case, presumably under the influence of *owi- ‘sheep’.
Olr. van would derivable from *owino- quite regularly (cf. *fowino- ‘foam’
> MIr. van), but this would presumably have yielded W **ofyn. However,
Olr. tian may also reflect *owigno-, which was either dissimilated from
*owi-g'no-, or it represents a compound with the suffix *-gno-. This form
could then have been changed analogically to *ogno- (under the influence of
*abno- < *h,eg™no-?), from which we can derive the Brittonic forms quite
regularly. Although some linguists reconstruct the PIE word for ‘sheep’ as
*hoeg”"no- (from which it would be much easier to derive both Olr. wan and
the Brittonic forms via PCelt. *ag’no- >> *og”no-), this is incompatible not
only with Gr. amnos, but also with OCS a- in agne, which must be due to
Winter’s law.
REF: LEIA U-7f., GPC III: 2623, Deshayes 2003: 543, EIEC 510, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 258, McCone 1996: 122.
*owika ‘hind, doe’ [Noun]
W: OW eguic, W ewig [f]
CO: OCo. euhig gl. cerva
PIE: *h3ewi-kehy ‘little sheep’ (IEW: 784)
COGN: Skt. avika-
SEE: *owi- ‘sheep’
ETYM: The development of meaning from ‘sheep’ to ‘hind, doe’ in Brit.
may appear unusual at first glance, but cf. Olr. oss ‘stag’ < PCelt. *uxso-,
*uxson- < PIE *uks6n ‘ox’.
REF: GPC I: 1262, Zimmer 2000: 509.
*owma ‘cave’
GOID: OIr. uiam [& f] ‘cave, den, boar’s lair’; ziaim [1 f], dama [d f]
PIE: *h,ew-n- ‘empty’ (IEW: 345)
COGN: Gr. edinis ‘deprived’, Arm. unayn, perhaps OE wan
ETYM: The connection with OCS jama ‘large hole, cave’ (LEIA) appears
improbable, because we would expect PIE *(y)eho3m- > Olr. **am.
Therefore, the etymology proposed by Hamp 1985 is to be preferred. The
Irish word can be derived from *h,ewn-meh, regularly. I doubt whether Lat.
uanus, Skt. aind- ‘lacking’ belong here, because they point rather to a root
ending in a laryngeal (PIE *weh,no-, *uh2no-).
REF: LEIA U-7, Hamp 19835.
*owxs-anata ‘sigh’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. osnad [8 f]
W: MW uwchenaid [f]; ucheneid(i)au, uchenediau, ucheneidion (p]
BRET: MBret. huanat, MoBret. huanad {m] ‘sigh’
SEE: *owxso- ‘above’, *ana- ‘breathe’
*owxsV- 303
ETYM: OBret. huan ‘breath’, MoBret. huan [m] appear to preserve the
underived *owxsano-, which is an old compound of *owxso- ‘high’ and
*an-o- ‘breathe’. Olr. osnad points to a variant *uxs-anata, cf. also MIr.
osnam ‘sigh, groan’ < *uxs-anama.
REF: GPC IV: 3697, GOI 526, DGVB 214, Deshayes 2003: 337f.
*owxsV- ‘high’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. vais ‘high, noble’
W: MW uwehaf ‘highest’
CO: Co. a-iigh
GAUL: Uxisama, Uxama [Toponyms]
CELTIB: usama [PN and Toponym] (Botorrita III)
SEE: *owxselo- ‘high, elevated’, *owxso- ‘above’
ETYM: MW wchaf, Gaul. Uxama and Celtib. usama are feminine forms of
superlatives derived with the suffix *-(s)amo- < *-(s)mmo- from this
adjective. Gaulish and Celtiberian may preserve the zero-grade of the root
(*uxs- rather than *owxs-).
REF: LEIA U-4f., GPC IV: 3692, Villar 1997, MLH V.1: 463f.
*owxselo- ‘high, elevated’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. uasal [o]
W: MW uwchel
BRET: OBret. uchel, uhel, MBret. huel, uhel, MoBret. uhel
CO: Co, huhel
GAUL: Uxello-dunum, Uxama [Toponyms]
PIE: *hjewp-s- ‘high’ (IEW: 1107)
COGN: Av. upara- ‘higher’, Gr. hypsos ‘height, summit’, hypsélos ‘high,
lofty’, Lat. sup-er ‘above’
SEE: *owxsV- ‘high’
ETYM: This adjective is derived from *owxsV- ‘high’. Celtic seems to
preserve the full grade of the PIE root, while other languages preserve the
zero-grade (*h3up-). Lat. s- in super is secondary (de Vaan 2008: 595).
REF: LEIA U-10, GPC IV: 3693, DGVB 326, Delamarre 330, Deshayes
2003: 755, Sims-Williams 2006: 116f.
*owxsos ‘above’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. ds [+Dat.] ‘above’
W: MW uch
BRET: OBret. uh, MBret. and MoBret. uc’h
CO: Co. (a) ugh
GAUL: (a) uz
PIE: *h3ewpso- ‘above’
COGN: Gr. hypsi
SEE: *owxselo- ‘high, elevated’
304 *owxtu-
ETYM: The zero-grade of this PIE root may be preserved in the Olt.
preverb uss-, oss- ‘up, off < *uxso- (GOI 525). The reflexes of this
preverb/preposition may have been mixed up with the reflexes of *usso- <
*ud-so- (PIE *ud ‘up, off’, cf. Skt. ud, Russ. vy-, OE at, etc.), but there is
otherwise no evidence for PIE *ud in Celtic.
REF: LEIA 0-32, GOI 527, Deshayes 2003: 755.
*owxtu- ‘cold’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. écht, uacht [u m]
PIE: *h3ewg- ‘be cold’ (IEW: 783)
COGN: Lith. dusti ‘become cold, Arm. oyc ‘cold’
SEE: *owgro- ‘cold’
REF: LEIA 0-7, EIEC 113.
*oxti ‘eight’ [Num]
GOID: Olr. ocht [Nasalizing]
W: OW oith, MW wyth
BRET: OBret. eith, MBret. eiz, MoBret. eizh
CO: Co. eath
GAUL: oxtumetos ‘eighth’
PIE: *hjektoh, ‘eight’ (IEW: 775)
COGN: Skt. astdu, Lat. octé, Gr. oktd, Go. ahtau, Lith. astuoni, Alb. teté,
ToB okt
ETYM: Gaul. oxtumetos and Olr. ochtmad point to PCelt. ordinal
*oxtumeto- ‘eighth’ (cf. Skt. astamd-).
REF: LEIA O-7, GPC III: 3746, EIEC 100, 402., Falileyev 124f., 153,
LHEB 405, Delamarre 246, Deshayes 2003: 212, Schrijver 1995: 350.
*oyget- ‘ guest’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. oegi {t m] ‘guest’
PIE: *hjeyg"- ‘go, tread’ (IEW 296)
COGN: Gr. ikhnos ‘footprint, sole’, Lith. eiga ‘path’
ETYM: The meaning ‘guest’ in Celtic could have developed from
‘wanderer, traveller’. The word formation with the suffix *-et- is commonly
used in Celtic to derive agent nouns, cf. PCelt. *kenget- ‘warrior’ (from
*keng-o- ‘tread, step’).
REF: Irslinger 2002: 57, Wodtko et alii 2008: 370.
*oynano- ‘alone, personally’
SEE: *oyno- ‘one’
*oyno- ‘one’ [Num]
GOID: OIr. den
W: OW un, MW un
BRET: OBret. un, MBret. and MoBret. un
*oyto- 305
CO: Co. un
PIE: *h3ey-no- ‘one’ (IEW: 281 ff.)
COGN: OLat. oinos, Lat. anus, Gr. oiné ‘one (at dice)’, Go. ains, OCS
ed-inw, Lith. vienas
ETYM: Other IE languages form the numeral ‘one’ from the same root
(*h3ey-), but with different suffixes, e.g. *-ko- in Skt. éka-, *-wo- in Av.
aiuua-, etc. In Celtic, there is a derivative *oynano- ‘alone, personally’ that
can be inferred from Olr. oéndn and MBret. unan, onan, and W hunan (with
secondary h-). Cf. also Olr. oentu [d m and f] < *oyno-tit- (Lat. unitas). The
acute in Lith. vienas is unclear, but it hardly justifies positing PIE *h;eyHno-
rather than *h3eyno-.
REF: LEIA O-10f., GPC Ill: 3702ff., DGVB 327, EIEC 12, Falileyev 154,
Deshayes 2003: 755.
*oyto- ‘oath’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. oeth [o m]
W: OW an-utonau gi. periuria [p]
PIE: *h,oy-to- ‘a going’ (IEW: 295)
COGN: OHG eid ‘oath’, ToB aittanka ‘directed toward’.
ETYM: Presumably, this is a derivative of the root *h,ey- ‘to go’; the
original meaning of ‘oath’ in Celtic and Germanic would be ‘a going, path’.
This could be motivated by the custom of walking between pieces of
sacrificed animals to give force to the oath, cf. also Gr. offos ‘course, fate’.
REF: LEIA O-12, EIEC 408f., Falileyev 8, Benveniste 1969, II, ch. 3.
R
*rad-I- ‘talk’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. radid, radid, -radi ‘talks’
W: OW amraud ‘thought, meditation’, W amrawdd [m] ‘mind’
PIE: *(H)reHd?- ‘perform successfully” (IEW: 59f.)
COGN: Skt. radh- ‘perform successfully’, OCS raditi ‘take care of, work’,
Go. rodjan ‘talk’, Lith. rodyti ‘show’
SEE: *ambi-rad-i- ‘think’
ETYM: The Celtic reconstruction *rad-i- presupposes PIE *(H)roHd’.,
*(H)rHd'- or *(H)rehpd"-; the primary meaning of the root may be preserved
in Skt. radh-, but the semantic development in separate IE branches is not
quite clear. if Lith. rodyti i is from the same root, the laryngeal might be *hp,
but LIV (s. v. *rehjd’-) and Mayrhofer (s. v. radh-) reconstruct *h, because
of Go. ga-redan ‘to intend, have a plan for’, OHG ratan ‘advise’ and the
related Germanic words (from *(H)reh,d"-).
306 *rano-
REF: LEIA R-3, Falileyev 6, GPC I: 199.
*rano- ‘mane’ [Noun]
GOID: Molr. rén [o m]; MIr. rdinne, ruainne [io m] ‘a single hair’
W: MW raun [m] (GPC rhawn)
BRET: MBret. reun [m]
CO: Co. riin
ETYM: According to Pedersen (I: 49) Olr. rén was borrowed from
Brittonic, but it is not obvious that it should be. In any case, the IE
etymology of the Brittonic words is uncertain. They could, in principle, be
connected to PSI. *pormy ‘lock (of hair)’, Croat. pradmen, Cz. pramen, Pol.
promien < PTE *porH-men. PCelt. *frano- would be regularly derivable from
*prHno- or *prHmno- (the development of PIE *-mn- in Celtic is uncertain;
all instances of *-mn- in PCelt. are from earlier *-bn-, cf. *obno- ‘fear’).
REF: LEIA R-42f., GPC IH: 3041, Deshayes 2003: 624.
*rasmiyo- ‘oar’
SEE: *ra-yo- ‘row’
*r§-yo- ‘row’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. rdid, -rda; reraid, -rera [Fut.], rerais, -rerae [Pret.]
PIE: *h,reh;- ‘row’ (IEW: 338)
COGN: Gr. (Myc.) e-re-e ‘row’, OE rowan, Lith. irti
ETYM: Olr. rdmae [io m, later also 4 f and o m] ‘oar’ probably reflects a
similar extension of this root as Lat. rémus ‘oar’. Both might be derived
from *h,reh,-smo- (Lat. rémus) viz. *h,rhj-smo- (PCelt. *rasmo-). PCelt.
*rd-yo- presumably preserved the zero-grade of the root (PIE *hrh,-), but
note that *h,rohj-yo- would have also given the same result (cf. Lat. fodio
‘dig’, also with the o-grade in the present stem typical of verbs denoting
physical activities). OE rodwan and the related Germanic verbs also
presuppose the o-grade.
REF: KPV 529f., LIV 251f., LEIA R-1f., LP 387.
*razd-o- ‘scrape, scratch’ [Vb]
W: MW rathu (GPC rhathu)
BRET: MoBret. rahein (Vannetais) ‘scrape, shave’
PIE: *(H)rehys-d"(h,)o- ‘shear, scratch, shave’ (IEW: 854 (*réd-))
COGN: Lat. rado ‘shave’
ETYM: A connection of these words with Germ. Ratte ‘rat’, Eng. rat, and
the related Germanic words is possible, if their original meaning was
‘rodent’ vel sim.
REF: KPV 528f., LIV 496, GPC III: 3040.
*rédi- ‘simple, easy’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. réid [i] ‘simple, easy, flat’
*rédo- 307
W: OW ruid gl. uacuum, W rhwydd ‘easy, quick’
BRET: OBret. ruet, MBret. and MoBret. rouez
PIE: *(H)reyd’- ‘ride, drive’ (IEW: 861)
COGN: OHG bi-reiti ‘ready’
SEE: *réd-o- ‘ride’
ETYM: If the derivation from PIE *(H)reyd’- ‘ride, drive’ is correct, the
semantic development was from ‘riding, driving’ to ‘ready’ (cf. OHG
bi-reiti, Eng. ready) and ‘easy, simple’.
REF: LEIA R-17, GPC III: 3112, Deshayes 2003: 634, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 70.
*rédo- ‘the act of riding, chariot’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. riad [o n] ‘riding, driving, voyage’
W: MW gorwydd [m] ‘horse’
GAUL: Gallo-Lat. réda (Isidore of Seville) > MLat. réda ‘chariot’
SEE: *réd-o- ‘ride’
ETYM: MW gorwydd is from *ufo-rédo- ‘a ride’. Cf. also Gallo-Lat.
paraveredus ‘work-horse’ (attested in Codex Iustinianus X, 48, 12, 2), which
is the source of Germ. Pferd ‘horse’, Dutch paard.
REF: GPC II: 1506f., LEIA R-26, Delamarre 256.
*réd-o- ‘ride’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. réidid, -réid; reraid [Pret.]
PIE: *(H)reyd"- ‘ride’ (IEW: 861)
COGN: OE ridan, Lith. riedéti ‘roll’
SEE: *ufo-rédo- ‘horse’, *rédi-‘simple, easy’
ETYM: Cf. W rhwyd-hau ‘hurry’. The same root is preserved in PCelt.
*ufo-rédo- ‘horse’ and, probably, *rédi- ‘simple, easy’.
REF: KPV 535, LEIA R-26.
*réd-sman-, *réssman- ‘movement, course’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. réimm [n n] ‘course, movement’
SEE: *réd-o- ‘ride’
ETYM: OlIr. réimm is the verbal noun of réidid (cf. *réd-o- ‘ride’).
REF: LEIA R-18, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 551
*regini- ‘hard, stiff
GOID: OIr. rigin [i] ‘tough, hard, slow’
W: MW rein ‘stiff, rigid’ (GPC rhain)
SEE: *reg-o- ‘stretch’
ETYM: The meaning ‘hard, stiff’ could have developed from ‘stretched’,
which would have been the primary meaning of this adjective (cf. PCelt.
*rig-o- ‘stretch’).
REF: LEIA R-30, GPC III: 3033.
308 *reg-o-
*reg-o- ‘extend, stretch, straighten’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. a-t-raig ‘stands up, rises’ (DIL at-reig); -ré [Subj.], -ré [Fut.];
-recht [Pret.]; -recht [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW re (GPC rhe) ‘get up, rise’
BRET: OBret. gurre ‘rise, get up’, MBret. re ‘leads, drives’
GAUL: regu-c [1s Pres.] (Chamaliéres)
PIE: *h3reg-o- ‘extend, stretch, rule’ (EW: 854ff.)
COGN: Skt. rfijanti [3p] ‘rule’, Gr. orégd ‘extend, stretch’, Lat. rego ‘rule’,
Go. rikan ‘to heap up’, ME reken ‘to stoke a fire’, ToB rak- ‘extend, cover’
SEE: *rig-s ‘king’, *rig-o- ‘extend, stretch’
ETYM: Olr. at-raig < *exs-reg-o- (the simplex is unattested in Goidelic).
OBret. gurre < *ufor-reg-o-. Gaul. reguc may end in the particle -c < *ke,
but Lambert 1994: 157 gives another possible interpretation. He derives it
from a noun *regut- corresponding to MIr. rig [f ], Gen. sg. riged ‘fore-arm’.
REF: KPV 530ff., GPC III: 3042, DGVB 202, 293, LIV 304f., LEIA R-
13f., LP 388f., RIG I1.269f.
*rég-sman- (*réxsman-) ‘bond’ [Noun]
W: OW ruimmein [p]
SEE: *rig-o- ‘bind’
REF: Falileyev 140.
*rek-o- ‘arrange’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ad-eirrig ‘repeats, changes’
PIE: *(H)rek- ‘set in order’ (IEW: 863)
COGN: Go. -rahnjan ‘calculate’, OCS resti ‘say’, ToB reki ‘word’
ETYM: Olt. ad-eirrig < *ati-feri-rek-o-. This Olr. verb is usually related to
PCelt. *reg-o- ‘extend’; I follow KPV 536f. in attributing it to PIE *(H)rek-
‘set in order’. The semantic development was presumably from ‘set in order’
to ‘repair’ and ‘repeat’, but details are unclear.
REF: KPV 536f., LIV 506, LEIA R-13
*rék-o- ‘tear apart’ [Vb]
W: MW rwygaw (GPC rhwygo)
BRET: MBret. roegaff, MoBret. roegah
PIE: *h,reyk- ‘crush’ (IEW: 858)
COGN: Gr. ereiko, Lith. riékti ‘cut (bread)’
ETYM: The palatalized *k is implied by Skt. risati ‘tear off, but I am not
sure whether this is from the same root (note also & instead of § in Lithuanian
riékti).
REF: KPV 535f., LIV504, GPC III: 3115, Deshayes 2003: 631, LP 41.
*remesso- ‘period of time’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. reimes, reimis [o m]
BRET: MBret. remsy, MoBret. rems [m]
*rem(r)o- 309
ETYM: MIr. reimse ‘time’ (DIL, s. v.) is derived from reimes. It may be
from *remessya, but the stem formation is uncertain. The etymology of
PCelt. *remesso- is problematic; we could start from *remes-to-, a derivative
from an s-stem *remos-, and compare PCelt. *rom-i- ‘place, put’. Since
*rom-i- is a causative to *rem- ‘be at rest’, the semantic development could
have been from ‘rest, period of rest’ to ‘time, period of time’, but this is not
completely persuasive.
REF: LEIA R-17, Deshayes 2003: 621.
*rem(r)o- ‘great, fat, thick’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. remor [o] ‘great, fat’
W: MW ref (GPC rhef) ‘thick, stout, large’
ETYM: Olr. remor presupposes *remro-, while MW ref can be from
*remo-. The IE etymology is unknown.
REF: LEIA R-19, GPC III: 3047, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 233ff.
*rendi- ‘point, peak’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. rind [i m]
BRET: OBret. gabl-rinn ‘fourche a pointe, forked branch’
ETYM: The OBret. compound gabirinn has the exact parallel in Ir. gabhal-
rind. It is unclear whether Olr. rind [i n] ‘star’ is originally the same word,
or an accidental homonym without etymology. The semantic connection
would be clear if stars were mythologically represented as spear-points. A
convincing IE etymology is lacking.
REF: LEIA R-232, DGVB 297.
*réno- ‘large expanse of water’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. rian [o m] ‘sea, ocean, course, route’
GAUL: Rénos > Lat. Rhénus ‘Rhine’
PIE: *(H)reyH- ‘flow’ (IEW: 330)
COGN: Skt. riyate ‘flows’, OE rid ‘stream’, Lat. rivus ‘river’
SEE: *riya-tro- ‘torrent’
ETYM: Gaul. rénos ‘river’ is the source of OFr. rhin ‘stream’. PCelt. *réno-
presupposes PIE *(H)reyH-no-. If Gr. orind ‘to whirl’ is from the same root,
the initial laryngeal can be identified as *h3.
REF: LEIA R-27, Delamarre 257, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 254.
*rentu- ‘thing, matter’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ré¢ [u m]
PIE: *(H)ren-t- ‘possession’ (IEW: 865)
COGN: Skt. rdtna- ‘possession, precious object’
ETYM: Quite a speculative etymology, since the reflexes of the PIE root are
limited to just two branches, and a metathesis of *nt > must be assumed in
Sanskrit. Mayrhofer (s. v. rdtna-) leaves the Sanskrit word without a PIE
etymology.
310 *ret-o-
REF: LEIA R-22, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 93.
*ret-o- ‘run’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. reithid, -reith; reiss, -ré [Subj.]; reiss, -ré [Fut.]; raith [Pret.];
ressae, -ress [Pret. Pass.]
W: OW retit [3s Pres.], MW redec; red [3s Pres.] (GPC rhedeg)
BRET: MBret. redec, MoBret. redeg
CO: Co. resek
PIE: *(H)reth,- ‘run’ (IEW: 866)
COGN: Lat. rota ‘wheel’, Skt. ratha- ‘chariot’
SEE: *roto- ‘wheel’, *retu- ‘course’
ETYM: In Welsh, the element -reto- > -red was generalized as a suffix
forming abstract nouns (e.g. W brith-red [m] ‘confusion, strife’, cf. Zimmer
2000: 446ff.). Words for ‘wheel, chariot’ (Olr. roth) are also derived from
this PIE root.
REF: KPV 538, LEIA R-23, GPC II: 3043, LIV 507, Falileyev 137,
Deshayes 2003: 617, Zimmer 2000: 44 6ff.
*retu- ‘course’
GOID: OI. riuth, rith [um]
W: MW red (GPC rhea) [f and m]
BRET: MBret. red [m]
CO: Co. rés
SEE: *ret-o- ‘run’
REF: LEIA R-34f., GPC III: 3043, Deshayes 2003: 617, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 95, 288.
*rextu- ‘fury, outburst of anger’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. recht [u m] ‘paroxysm, outburst of anger’
ETYM: W rhaith ‘plunder, booty’ adduced by LEIA R-12 seems not to
exist. GPC (I: 153) has anrhaith [f] ‘plunder, booty, foray’ which is clearly
from the negation an- and rhaith ‘law’. The derivation from PIE *h,rep-tu-
(Skt. rdpas ‘wound, lesion’, Gr. eréptomai ‘devour, snatch away’, perhaps
Hitt. arpa- ‘bad luck, misfortune’, cf. IEW 865) may be possible.
REF: LEIA R-12, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 288.
*rextu- ‘rule, law’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol. recht [u m]
W: MW reyth (GPC rhaith) [f] ‘law, sermon, jury, verdict’
BRET: MBret. rez, reiz ‘law, rule, arrangement’, MoBret. reizh [m]
CO: Co. ryth ‘sex, kind’
GAUL: Rextu-genos
CELTIB: retu-keno [Gen s, PN] (Bottorita III)
SEE: *reg-o- ‘extend, stretch’
*rig- 311
ETYM: Gaul. Rextugenos and Celtib. Retukeno are completely parallel
compounds that could be derived from PCelt. *rextu-genos.
REF: LEIA R-12, GPC III: 3033, EIEC 485, Deshayes 2003: 619, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 291, Meid 1994: 45f., Meid 2005: 125f., MLH V.1:
302f.
*rig- ‘king’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ri [g m], Ogam VOTECO-RIGAS
W: OW ri, MW ri [m] (GPC rhi)
GAUL: Rigomagus [Toponym], Catu-rix [PN]
CELTIB: Teiuo-reikis [PN] (K.6.1)
PIE: *(H)rég- ‘king’ (IEW: 855)
COGN: Skt. raj-, Lat. rex
SEE: *rigani ‘queen’
ETYM: Celtib. Teiuoreikis is interpreted as a compound name parallel to
Gaul. Devorix. However, the spelling -ei- in -reikis is unclear, since Celtib.
-ei- is usually from PCelt. *é (< PIE *ey) rather than from PCelt. *1 (the
exact reflex of which in Celtib. is not quite certain, although i is expected).
Moreover, the ending -is looks like the Nom. sg. of an i-stem, rather than of
a consonant stem. On the PIE side of this etymology, there have been some
justified doubts about the existence of the PIE word for ‘king’ (see
Matasovié 2004: 85 and the literature quoted there). Perhaps PIE *(H)régs
meant ‘power, force’, or something similar.
REF: LEIA R-25, GPC III: 3065, EIEC, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 30ff.,
177, Delamarre 261, McCone 1998, Schrijver 1995: 193, Jordan Colera
1998: 21, Matasovi¢ 2004: 85, Ziegler 1994: 115, Sims-Williams 2006:
102f., MLH V.1: 371f.
*rigani ‘queen’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. rigain {i f]
W: MW riein [f] ‘young girl, virgin’ (GPC rhiain)
GAUL: rigani (Lezoux)
PIE: *(H)régnih, ‘queen’ (IEW: 856)
COGN: Skt. rajfi-, Lat. régina
SEE: *rig- ‘king’
ETYM: Cf. also Gaul. theonym Rigina (CIL XIII 6021, Ingwiller). PIE
*(H)régnih, should have given Olr. **rin, so we must assume that Celtic
generalized the stem *rigan- from the oblique cases (e.g. the PIE Gen. sg.
*(H)régnyeh2-s > *riganyads, where the development *-Cny- > *-Cany-
would be regular).
REF: LEIA R-20, GPC HI: 3065, EIEC 280, 329, Lambert 1994: 145f.,
Delamarre 258, McCone 1998.
*rig-o- ‘bind’ [Vb]
312 *rig-o-
GOID: Olr. con-rig ‘binds together’; con-ré [Subj.]; con-rir [Fut.]; con-
reraig [Pret.]; con-recht [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW ewarwy ‘play’ (GPC gwarwy, gwary)
BRET: MBret. hoari ‘play’
CO: Co. guariow [p] ‘games’
GAUL: regu (Lezoux) [1 s Pres.]
PIE: *(H)reyg- ‘bind, reach’ (IEW: 861)
COGN: Lat. rigeo ‘be stiff’, MHG ricken ‘bind’, OHG reihhen ‘reach’, OE
raec(e)an ‘reach’, Lith. réizti ‘stretch, tighten’, rdiZytis ‘keep stretching’
ETYM: Olr. con-rig < *kom-rig-o-, MW gwarwy and MBret. hoari <
*ufo-rig-o-; cf. the parallel compounds Olr. cuimrech ‘binding’ and MoBret.
kevre < *kom-riga-(ko-). This verb should be distinguished from the
homonym PCelt. *rig-o- ‘stretch’. Lith. réizti has the acute by Winter’s law.
REF: GPC II: 1589, KPV 546ff., LIV 503.
*rig-o- ‘go’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. rigaid, -riga, -rega ‘will go’ [Fut. of téit ‘goes’]; eirgg ‘go’
[Impv. ]
PIE: *h,erg"- ‘go’ (IEW: 326ff.)
COGN: Gr. érkhomai ‘go’, orkhéomai ‘dance’, Alb. erdha ‘I came’
ETYM: The PCelt. form points to PIE *h,rg"-o-, with the zero-grade of the
root. Gr. érkhomai and orkhéomai are usually compared to Skt. rghayati
‘tremble’, but Mayrhofer (s. v. rghay-) doubts this etymology. Since the
Greek words have also been derived from PIE *hjer- ‘rise’ (Gr. drnymi, Lat.
orior < *hjor-, etc.) with the present-stem suffix *sk-, it is possible that the
Celtic words are actually unrelated, and that they should be derived from the
root *hjreg- ‘extend, stretch’ > PCelt. *rig-o- and *reg-o-. The semantic
evolution would be from ‘extend (one's legs)’ to ‘step’ and ‘walk, go’.
REF: KPV 549ff, LIV 238f., LP 399ff., LEIA R-15f.
*rig-o- ‘stretch’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. rigid, -rig ‘stretches’; réiss, -ré; riris, -rir [Fut.]; reraig [Pret.];
rechtae, -recht [Pret. Pass. ]
PIE: *hsreg- ‘extend, stretch’ (IEW: 854ff.)
COGN: Skt. rjyate ‘extends itself’, Gr. orégo ‘extend, stretch’, Lat. rego
‘rule’, Go. rikan ‘to heap up’, ME reken ‘to stoke a fire’, ToB rdk- ‘to
extend, to cover’
SEE: *reg-o- ‘extend, stretch’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. do-rig ‘to lay bare’ < *to-rig-o- and, perhaps, Olr.
ringid ‘to torture’ < *ri-n-g-o- (an infixed present formation with the original
meaning ‘to stretch’). Some linguists, e.g. McCone (1991), prefer to derive
Olr. rigid from a Narten-type present (from PIE *h;rég- ‘extend’, with the
lengthened grade), but I believe the evidence for this present type is
insufficient both in Celtic and elsewhere (see de Vaan 2004). PCelt. *rig-
can be from the PIE zero-grade *hj3rg-. MBret. renaff ‘lead, govern’,
*rima 313
MoBret. renafi may also be from this root, but they have also been plausibly
interpreted as denominative verbs built to OFr. ren ‘reign’ (Deshayes 2003:
621).
REF: KPV 543f., LIV 503, LEIA R-13f., Delamarre 256, Deshayes 2003:
621.
*rima ‘number, count’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. rim [4 f]
W: MW rif [m] (GPC rhif)
BRET: OBret. ri(m) gl. summa, MoBret. rifiv [m]
CO: Co. ryvow [p] ‘numbers’, Co. ryf
PIE: *hyreyH- ‘count’ (IEW: 60)
COGN: Gr. arithmoés ‘number’, OE rim ‘number, calculation’, ToB ydadrm
‘measure’
ETYM: PGerm. *riman ‘number’, from which OE rim is derived, could be a
loanword from Celtic (Orel 2003: 305). The lack of the reflex of the second
laryngeal in Greek is puzzling. Maybe the second laryngeal was lost by
dissimilation, especially if it was *h, (*h2erih2- > *heri-).
REF: LEIA R-30f., GPC III: 3069, DGVB 296, Deshayes 2003: 628, EIEC
397, LP 6, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 246.
*ri-na- ‘count, sell, exchange’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. renaid ‘sells, exchanges’; rieid, -ria [Subj.]; ririd, -rir [Fut.]; rir
{Pret.]; rithae, -rith [Pret. Pass.]
PIE: *hareyH- ‘count’ (IEW: 60f. (*ari-))
COGN: Gr. arithmos ‘number’, néritos ‘countless’, Lat. ritus ‘religious
observances’
SEE: *rima ‘number’
ETYM: Another possibility is to relate these words to Olr. ernaid ‘bestow’,
cf. PCelt. *far-na-.
REF: KPV 551f., LEIA R-19f.
*ri-n-g-o- ‘torture’ [Vb]
SEE: *rig-o- ‘stretch’
*rinno- ‘quick, fast’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. renn [o] ‘quick, swift’, substantivized rend, renn ‘foot, leg’
W: MW rin (GPC rhyn) ‘unyielding, stiff, brave, fierce, cold’
CO: Co. rynny ‘trembling’
PIE: *h3reyH- ‘flow’ P
COGN: Skt. rinati ‘makes flow’, Gr. orind ‘whirl’, OHG rinnan ‘run’, OCS
réjati ‘flow’
ETYM: The range of meanings of the reflexes of the assumed PCelt.
*rinno- is considerable, so it is possible that two different etyma became
confused. The origin of the geminate *-nn- is unknown. The usual derivation
314 *riya-tro-
from *rinwo- is impossible, since *-nw- is preserved as Olr. -nb-, cf. Olt.
menb < *menwo- ‘small’. It seems probable, however, that the PIE root is
*HreyH- ‘flow’. A derivative from this root *HriH-n-do- would have given
*rindo- and then, by Osthoff-like shortening, *rindo- > *rinno-. The
meanings ‘to flow’ and ‘to run, flee’ are often expressed by a single verb, cf.
OCS testi and Croat. téci ‘flow, run’.
REF: LEIA R-20, GPC III: 3140, LIV 271f.
*riya-tro- ‘torrent, waterfall’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. riathor [o m] gl. torrens
W: OW reatir [p] gi. torrentum, MW rhaeadr [f and m] (GPC rhaeadr,
rheaadr); reydr [p]
SEE: *réno- ‘large expanse of water’
ETYM: The PCelt. form is derivable from the zero-grade of the PIE root
*(H)riHetro- (for cognates in other JE languages see *réno- ‘large expanse of
water’). Note that *(H)reyHtro- would give PCelt. *rétro- (> MW **rwydr),
while *(H)riHtro- would be reflected as PCelt. *ritro- (Olr. **rithor). This
could mean that we have to posit the suffix *-etro- rather than the more usual
*-tro-. Another possibility is that *-atro- was introduced analogically from
other roots in which *-H- > *a is regular (cf. *aratro- < *hyerh;-tro- ‘plow’,
*taratro- < *terh,-tro- ‘auger’).
REF: LEIA R-28, GPC III: 2997, Falileyev 135, LHEB 337, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 309, Schrijver 1995: 258, 385, McCone 1996: 52.
*rom-I- ‘place, put’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. fo-ruimi, -fuirmi (in MIr. as simplex /uirid)
PIE: *h,rem- ‘be still’ (IEW: 864)
COGN: Skt. rdmate ‘places oneself, stops’, Gr. éréma ‘quiet’, Go. rimis
‘rest’, Lith. rimsta ‘becomes quiet’
SEE: *remesso- ‘period of time’
ETYM: Olt. fo-ruimi < *ufo-rom-i-, presumably a causative to unattested
*rem- ‘be at rest’. The semantic development would have been from ‘put to
rest’ to ‘place, put’. The acute in Lith. rimsta is the result of regular
metatony in sta-presents, and does not presuppose a laryngeal in the root.
REF: LEIA R-31.
*roto- ‘wheel, chariot’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. roth [o m]
W: MW rot, rod [f] (GPC rhod)
BRET: MBret. rot, X
(f]
CO: MoCo. rés
GAUL: Roto-magus [Toponym] > Rouen
PIE: *(H)roth.0- ‘wheel’ (IEW: 866)
COGN: Skt. ratha- ‘chariot’, Lat. rota, OHG rad, Lith. ratai ‘chariot’
*rowd-smon- 315
SEE: *ret-o- ‘run’
ETYM: Originally from the root *(H)reth:- ‘to run’ (PCelt. *ret-o-); the
wheel is conceived of as ‘the runner’.
REF: LEIA R-45f., GPC III: 3083, Deshayes 2003: 631, EIEC 98, 491, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 45, 525, Matasovié 2004: 114, Delamarre 262.
*rowd-smon- ‘red dye’ [Noun]
SEE: *rowdo- ‘red’
*rowdo- ‘red’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. ruad [o], ? Ogam ROD-AGNI
W: OW rud, W rhudd
BRET: OBret. rud gl. rufus, MoBret. ruz
CO: OCo. rud gl. ruber, Co. ruth, ruyth
GAUL: Roudius [PN]
PIE: *hyrewd?- ‘red’ (IEW: 872)
COGN: Skt. rudhird-, Lat. ruber, Gr. erythrés, OE réad
ETYM: Another derivative from this root in Celtic, but probably with PIE
pedigree, is Olr. riam ‘red dye’ < PCelt. *rowd-smon-, cf. Stifter 1998. Cf.
also Gallo-Lat. rodarum ‘a plant with red leaves’ (Pliny) and Olr. rz (Dat.
sg. roid) ‘red dye’. Olr. ruis [f] ‘holly; name of the letter r in Ogam’ has
could reflect PCelt. *russi- < *h,rud’-ti-, while Olr. rus [u m] ‘face, cheeks’
has been derived from *russu- < *h;rud’-tu- (Irslinger 2002: 124f.).
REF: LEIA R-47, GPC III: 3099, EIEC 481, Delamarre 263, Deshayes
2003: 637, Falileyev 139, Campanile 1974: 91, Stifter 1998: 208f., Ziegler
1994: 115, Irslinger 2002: 213, 124f.
*rowesya ‘field, open ground’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. roe [14, f] ‘level piece of ground, battlefield’
PIE: *(H)rewHos- ‘open space’ (IEW: 874)
COGN: Lat. ris ‘village, countryside’, Av. rauuah-, OE rum ‘space, room’
ETYM: It seems probable that we have to start from a PIE s-stem
*(H)rewos / *(H)rewes-os (cf. Lat. ris). This could have first given *rowes-
(with PCelt. *ew > ow) and hence PCelt. *rowesya.
REF: LEIA R-38f., EIEC 534, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 205.
*rowk(k)-/*ruk- ‘tunic, mantle’
GOID: MIr. rucht
W: W rhuch, rhuchen [f] ‘film, pellicle, layer, jerkin, coat’
PIE: *(H)rewk- ‘garment’ (?)(IEW: 874)
COGN: OHG rocko ‘overcoat’, OE rocc ‘upper garment’, ON rokkr ‘jerkin’
ETYM: The words attested in Celtic are not perfect matches, but they must
be related. MIr. rucht probably represents PCelt. *ruxtu- (it is not well
attested), while W rhuch must be from *rowkka. The Germanic
correspondences point to PGerm. *rukkaz (Orel 2003: 308), cf. also OCS
316 *rowtro-
ruxo ‘garment’, which may be from *rowk-so-. Vacillations in vocalism and
consonantism, as well as the fact that correspondences are limited to
Germanic, probably point to a borrowing from some unknown source.
REF: LEIA R-50.
*rowtro- ‘assault, onrush’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ruathar [o m, perhaps originally n]
W: MW ruthyr (GPC rhuthr) [m] ‘rush, attack, invasion’
PIE: *h3rew- ‘hurry, rush’
COGN: Lat. ruo, Gr. oroud
REF: LEIA R-49, GPC IH: 3106.
*royno- ‘route, road’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. roen [o m] (DIL rden, rden)
BRET: OBret. runt, MoBret. run [f] ‘mound’
PIE: *(H)royno- ‘? landmark’ (IEW: 857)
COGN: OHG rein ‘demarcation line on the ground’, ON rein ‘strip of land’
ETYM: Although formally impeccable, this etymology is weak on the
semantic side. However, according to DIL, rden (rden) “is used loosely of
surfaces, spaces and in other derived senses”, cf. Molr. rdon na sliabh ‘the
range of the mountains’. The original sense may have been ‘landmark’, vel
sim.
REF: LEIA R-39, Deshayes 2003: 636.
*rud-t- ‘redden, become red’ [Vb]
GOID: MIv. ruidid, -ruidi
PIE: *hrewd'- ‘red’ (IEW: 872f.)
COGN: Lat. rubeo ‘be red’, OHG rotén ‘be red’, OCS redéti
SEE: *rowdo- ‘red’
ETYM: PCelt. *rud-i- is from PIE stative *h,rud"eh,-, completely parallel to
Lat. rubére, OCS rodeéti, etc.
REF: KPV 553, LIV S08f., Stifter 1998: 210.
*riina ‘secret, magic’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. run [4 f] ‘mystery, secret’
W: MW rin [m and f] ‘mystery, charm’ (GPC rhin)
BRET: MBret. rin [m] ‘secret, wisdom’
CO: Co. Rin-duran [PN]
GAUL: Cob-runus (?) [PN]
LEP: Runatis (?) [PN]
PIE: *(H)rewH- (IEW: 867)
COGN: Go. rina ‘secret’
ETYM: Gaul. Cobrunus, if related at all, reflects *kom-rino-. The
Germanic words for ‘secret’ and ‘runes’ could be early loanwords from
Celtic, in which case PCelt. *riino- is isolated in Indo-European. I find the
*ru-n-d-o- 317
connection of these words to Skt. rduti ‘roars’, OCS ruti ‘roar’, etc. (IEW
867) difficult to believe for semantic reasons. The connection with Gr. eréd
‘ask’ is also unlikely, since this is from *h,rh,-ye- (LIV 224, cf. Hitt. ariye-
‘ask an oracle’). Both Germanic and Celtic words may have been borrowed
from some non-JE language.
REF: LEIA R-53f., GPC III: 3075, Deshayes 2003: 628, Ellis Evans 1967:
183, Delamarre 123.
*ru-n-d-o- ‘paint red’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. rondaid, -roind; roiss, -r6 [Subj.]; roraid [Pret.]; rossae, -ross
[Pret. Pass. ]
PIE: *h,rewd?- ‘red’ (IEW: 872f.)
COGN: Gr. ereutho ‘paint red’
SEE: *rud-1- ‘redden’
REF: KPV 553f., LIV 508f.
*riisk()o-, *rusko- ‘bark’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. rusc [o m] gl. cortex
W: MW risgl [m] (GPC rhisgl, rhisg)
BRET: MBret. rusquenn, MoBret. rusk [Collective] ‘bark’, ruskenn
‘beehive’
CO: OCo. rusk gl. cortex, MCo. risc
GAUL: rusca (MLat. > Fr. ruche ‘beehive’)
ETYM: Gaul. rusca is actually attested only indirectly, via the Medieval
Latin (9th century) loanword rusca ‘beehive’. It is possible that some of the
Brittonic forms (with -u-) were borrowed from Goidelic, or Romance, in the
prehistoric period. The vocalism of Olr. rusc is probably original, though
DIL states that it was borrowed from Brittonic. If it is inherited from PIE,
then perhaps PCelt. *rtisko- should be analyzed as *ri-sko- and related to
ON ryja ‘shear (of sheep), OCS ryti ‘dig’, Lat. ruo ‘dig out’, ToB ru- ‘pull
out’, etc. (PIE *HrewH-, LIV 461, IEW 868). The original meaning would
have been ‘that which is plucked, scratched, sheared’. Olr. rtsc, etc. would
then be substantivized adjectives (similar formations are well attested in
Celtic, cf. *trussko- ‘dirty’, *brisko- ‘weak’, perhaps also *dolisko-
“seaweed’).
REF: LEIA R-54, GPC III: 3079, Delamarre 264, Deshayes 2003: 637,
Gamillscheg 784.
*ruxtu- ‘noise’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. rucht [? uj
PIE: *(H)rewk- ‘cry, make noise’ (IEW: 867)
COGN: Latv. rikt, OCS rykati
ETYM: The gender and stem formation of MIr. rucht are uncertain, and the
word is not very well attested, so this etymology is quite problematic. OCS
rykati represents a Balto-Slavic vrddhi formation; words with similar
318 *sado-
meaning with the voiced stop adduced by IEW (p. 867, e.g. Lat. riigio, Gr.
orygma, Russ. rugadt’, etc.) probably belong to another root, also
onomatopoetic.
REF: LEIA R-50.
*sado- ‘easy’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. asse [io]
W: MW hawdd; haws [Comparative]
ETYM: As shown by Hamp (1974: 281), Olt. asse goes back to
*ad-sad-syo- ‘very easy’ (with the intensive prefix *ad-), cf. also the
irregular W comparative haws < *sad-so-. Olr. annse ‘difficult’ contains the
productive negative prefix an-.
REF: LEIA A-96, Hamp 1974.
*sag-yo- ‘seek’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. saigid, -saig; sdiss, -sa [Subj.]; sieis, -sia [Fut.]; siacht [Pret.];
sachtae, -sacht [Pret. Pass.]
PIE: *sehog- ‘search, follow tracks’ (IEW: 876f.)
COGN: Hitt. sadgai- ‘omen’, Gr. hégéomai ‘direct, lead’, Lat. sagio
‘perceive’, sdgus ‘prophetic’, Go. sokjan ‘seek’
ETYM: The Brittonic parallels are denominatives, cf. W haeddu ‘attempt’,
Co. hethy, hedhy, MBret. dir-haes. The Gaulish ethnonym Tecto-sagi is
probably also related (the name would mean ‘house-seekers’), as well as the
PN Curmi-sagius (‘beer-seeker’?) attested in Pannonia (Meid 2005: 152).
Cf. also Gaul. sagitiontias (Larzac), where we may have the attestation of
the 3p Pres. of the verb ‘to seek’ in Gaulish. Cf. also Galatian ethnonym
Rigosages.
REF: GPC II: 1803, KPV 555ff., LIV 520, LEIA S-9ff., LP 391f.,
Delamarre 265, Meid 2005: 152, Freeman 2001: 22, Sims-Williams 2006:
104ff.
*sakro- ‘ugly’ (?) [Adj]
W: MW hagr ‘ugly’
BRET: MBret. hagr ‘ugly’
CO: Co. hager ‘ugly’
GAUL: Sacro-bena [PN]
PIE: *shk-ro- ‘consecrated’ (IEW: 878)
COGN: Lat. sacer ‘holy, consecrated’, Hitt. sak/ai ‘custom, rites’, perhaps
ToB sakre ‘happy’
*sala 319
ETYM: If related, the Gaulish PN Sacrobena would have to mean ‘ugly
woman’, hardly a very appealing name for a girl. Celtib. sankilistara
(Botorrita I) may mean ‘money-fine’, but it is very dubious whether it
belongs here. Wodtko (MLH V.1: 316f.) considers the meaning of this word
as unknown. Since the meaning of the IE cognates is ‘sacred, consecrated’
rather than ‘ugly’, we have to suppose that the original meaning in Celtic
was ‘consecrated to infernal, malevolent deities’, hence ‘ugly’, see
Delamarre 264f. and Deshayes 2003: 319. The full grade of the PIE root
(*seh2k-) is attested in Lat. sacer, sacris ‘worthy to be sacrificed’ (de Vaan
2008: 532).
REF: GPC II: 1811, Delamarre 264f., Deshayes 2003: 319, Schrijver 1991:
97, 144, Schrijver 1995: 383, MLH V.1: 316.
*sala ‘dirt’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sal [a f] ‘filth, impurity’
W: OW halou gi. stercora; OW halauc ‘dirty’, W halog
BRET: OBret. haloc gl. (in ueste) lugubri
COGN: OE salu ‘dirty’
ETYM: W halog and OBret. haloc have the exact parallel in Olr. salach
‘dirty’ < *salako-. Some linguists derive this word from the PIE root *sehpl-
‘salt’, but I find this dubious on semantic grounds. A connection with Lat.
saliua ‘saliva’ is possible, but also not wholly convincing.
REF: LEIA 8-16, GPC II: 1816, DGVB 206, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
51, 58, Matasovié 2004: 130.
*salano- ‘salt’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. salann [o ?] gl. sal
W: MW halen [m] (GPC halen, halaen)
BRET: MBret. holen, halen [m]
CO: Co. haloin
PIE: *sehyl ‘salt’ (*shl-os [Gen s]) (IEW: 878)
COGN: Lat. sal, Gr. hals, Go. salt, Lith. dial. sdlymas ‘saltpan’, OCS sole
ETYM: It is difficult to reconcile the attested forms with a single proto-
form. The Brit. words can be derived from PCelt. *saleno- < *sh,l-eno-,
while Olr. salann points to a PIE derived stem *sh2]-Hno- > PCelt. salano-.
The simplex may be reflected in W hdl, MoBret. hal ‘salty water, saline’
(Deshayes 2003: 320), but it might also be a back-formation (under the
influence of Lat. sa/?). The full grade of the PIE root is preserved in MIr. sal
[o m] ‘sea, ocean, seawater’ < *salo- < *sehyl-o-.
REF: LEIA S-18, GPC II: 1816, EIEC 498, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 130.
*salik- ‘willow’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. sail [k f] gl. salix
W: MW helyg [p], helygen [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. halek, MoBret. haleg [m and Collective}
320 *saltro-
CO: Co. helyk
GAUL: Salico-genne [Dat. PN]
PIE: *shzelik- ‘willow’ (IEW: 879)
COGN: Lat. salix, OHG salaha
ETYM: Because of their vocalism, these words are difficult to reconcile
with Gr. heliké ‘willow’. Maybe one should reconstruct *selHik-, and derive
the Italic and Celtic words from the zero-grade *slH-ik- (*CIHV- > *CalV-
in Celtic is regular). The Germanic word for ‘willow’ may be a prehistoric
loanword from Celtic. In any case, the shape of this root looks non-Indo-
European, so it is probably an early borrowing from some unknown source.
REF: LEIA S-13, GPC II: 1846, EIEC 643, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 179,
Delamarre 265, Deshayes 2003: 321.
*saltro- ‘trampling’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. saltraid ‘tramples’
W: MW sathr [m] ‘trampling’
BRET: MBret. sautr, saotr ‘trampled, polluted’
PIE: *sh2l- ‘jump’ (IEW: 899)
COGN: Lat. salio, Gr. hallomai, ToA salat ‘flying’
ETYM: Olr. saltraid is a denominative verb from unattested *saltar, cf. also
W sathru ‘to trample’. For the development of *ltr in W cf. *altrawon- > W
athro ‘teacher’. The reconstruction of the PIE root is problematic. LIV
reconstructs *sel-, but *slt- would yield PCelt. *slit- rather than *salt-, and
*sly- would probably yield Lat. **sol- rather than sal-.
REF: LEIA S-19, GPC IV: 3183, Deshayes 2003: 644, LIV 477.
*samali- ‘similitude, description’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. samail [i f]
W: MW hafal
BRET: MBret. -hemel [in PN], MBret. heuel, MoBret. hefivel ‘similar’
PIE: *smhyel- (IEW: 903)
COGN: Lat. similis ‘similar’, Gr. homalds ‘equal’, OHG simble ‘always’,
Go. simle ‘once’
ETYM: The Celtic forms could be derived from a proto-form *semhzyli- by
Joseph’s rule (*ema > *ama), but *smheli- would yield the same result, and
this is in better accordance with Lat. similis.
REF: LEIA S-21f., GPC II: 1808, EIEC 499, Deshayes 2003: 326, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 51, 499ff.
*samalo- ‘like, as’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. amal [Aspirating, +Acc.]
W: OW amal, MW val, mal
BRET: MBret. hanual, MoBret. hafival ‘similar’
CO: Co. haval ‘similar’
SEE: *samali- ‘similitude’
i
|
|
i
*samo- 321
ETYM: Word-initial *s- is lost regularly in clitics in Insular Celtic, cf., e.g.
McCone 2006: 64. The stem is the same as in *samali- ‘similitude’ (PIE
*smhyel-) with the thematic vowel.
REF: DGVB 208, GOI 500f., Deshayes 2003: 322, McCone 2006: 64.
*samo- ‘summer’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. sam [o m]
W: OW ham, MW haf [m]
BRET: OBret. ham, MBret. haff, MoBret. hafiv
CO: OCo. haf gl. estas
GAUL: Samo-gnatius [PN]
PIE: *sem- ‘warm season, summer’ (IEW: 905)
COGN: Skt. sdma- ‘season, year’, Khot. hamdana- ‘summer’, OE sumor
‘summer’, Arm. am ‘year’, TOA sme ‘summer’
ETYM: Cf. also Gaul. toponym Samaro-briva Ambianorum, perhaps from
an adjectival derivative *sam-aro- (Sims-Williams 2006: 106). For W
Mehefyn, MoBret. Mezeven ‘June’ see *medyo- ‘middle’. The vocalism in
PCelt. *samo- probably presupposes PIE *smHo-.
REF: LEJA S-19, GPC II: 1808, DGVB 206, EIEC 504, LHEB 513,
Falileyev 81, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 36, 47, 252, Delamarre 266,
Deshayes 2003: 321, Campanile 1974: 61, Sims-Williams 2006: 107.
*sAmo- ‘calm, easy, pleasant’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. sam [o]
PIE: *somo- ‘same’ (IEW: 902)
COGN: Skt. samana- ‘calm’, OCS samp ‘alone’
SEE: *somo- ‘same’
ETYM: Cf. also MIr. samae [ia f] ‘peace, tranquility’ < *samya. If this
etymology is correct, PCelt. *samo- would be a vrddhi formation based on
*somo- ‘same’ (PIE *somo-, cf. OCS samp; the existence of Skt. sGmand- is
somewhat doubtful, cf. Mayrhofer II: 724); the underlying root is *sem-
‘one’ (Gr. hén). However, the semantic side of the connection leaves much
to be desired.
REF: LEJA S-20, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 39.
*samo-sisk"I ‘heifer, sterile cow’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. samaisc {i f]
W: W Hafesp [Hydronym]
BRET: MBret. hanvesk, hanveskenn ‘sterile cow’, MoBret. hajivesk ‘sterile’
SEE: *samo- ‘summer’, *sisk”o- ‘dry, sterile’
ETYM: An old compound; the original meaning was preserved in W Hafesp
(‘dry in summer’) and MoBret., where hanvesk denotes a cow that remained
sterile during the summer. However, final -k in Breton is unexpected: maybe
the word was borrowed from Goidelic, or an early delabialization of *k”
must be assumed (LEIA S-23).
322 *samoni-
REF: LEIA S-23, Deshayes 2003: 321.
*samoni- ‘assembly, (feast of the) first month of the year’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. samain ‘(assembly on the) 1st of November’ [i f]
GAUL: samon- (Coligny)
PIE: *smHon- ‘reunion, assembly’ (IEW: 905)
COGN: Skt. samanda- ‘together’, Go. samana ‘together’
ETYM: The Gaulish form, occurring in the Coligny Calender, is
abbreviated; it can be reconstructed either as Nom. s. *samonios, or as
*samonos (or *samonis), if it is the Gen. sg. The original meaning of
*samoni- would be ‘assembly of the living and the dead’ (Delamarre 267),
cf. also Olr. bech-samain ‘bee-swarm’. The development of *smH- > *sam-
in Celtic is regular (laryngeals were lost after the development of syllabic
resonants).
REF: LEIA S-22f., EIEC 646, Delamarre 267
*sanesto- ‘(secret) advice’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. sanas, sanais [m and f] ‘whisper, secret advice, counsel’
W: MW hanes [m and f] ‘history, secret’
CO: Co. hanas, hanys ‘sigh’
ETYM: In the light of the comparison with W hanes, MIr. Nom. sg. sanais
is presumably older than sanas, but the original stem-formation cannot be
established (both Gen. sg. sanaise and sanais occur). The IE etymologies
mentioned in LEIA S-24 and IEW 1047 are too speculative. The connection
with PCelt. *swan-na- ‘sound’ is impossible because PCelt. *sw- > W chw-.
However, if the primary meaning of PCelt. *sanesto- was ‘advice’ rather
than ‘whisper’, then the connection with the PIE root *sen- ‘old’ is possible;
the semantic development would be from ‘wisdom of the elders, ancient
lore’ > ‘advice’. Maybe we should start from PIE *sn-Hes-to- which would
give PCelt. *sanesto- regularly. But since the word formation of this
compound is unclear, this must remain a mere speculation.
REF: LEIA S-24, GPC II: 1819, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 51.
*sani ‘different’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. sain [i] ‘particular, different, distinct’
W: OW han gl. alium, W hdn [m] ‘separation’. Also used as a preposition,
OW hanaud ‘from him’, MW ohanaw
BRET: OBret. han ‘except, different from’, MBret. a-hanoff ‘from me’
CO: Co. o-hanaw ‘from him’
PIE: *senH-/snH-i- ‘without’ (IEW: 907)
COGN: Lat. sine ‘without’, Skt. sanutar ‘away, aside’, Gr. dneu ‘without’,
ToA sne ‘without’, Go. sundro ‘apart’, perhaps Hitt. sanna-' hide, conceal’
ETYM: The Celtic forms, together with Lat. sine, presuppose PIE *snHi,
which looks like a petrified locative of a root noun. For the sound
development cf. PIE *smHeli- > PCelt. *samali- ‘similitude’.
*san-na- 323
REF: LEIA S-14f., GPC II: 1818, DGVB 206, EIEC 24, Falileyev 81.
*san-na- ‘reach’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. seinnid, -seinn ‘reaches, brings someone to something’; séiss,
-sé [Sub}j.]; sifais, -siffe) [Fut.]; sephaind [Pret.]; séssae, -séss [Pret. Pass.]
GAUL: soniti ‘gets’ (Lezoux)
PIE: *senh,- ‘reach, find, attain’ (IEW: 906)
COGN: Hitt. sanahzi ‘seeks’, Skt. sandti ‘attains’, Gr. anyo ‘finish’
ETYM: The Olr. preterite sephaind, sephainn must be from another verbal
stem, *se-swon-e (cf. PCelt. *swan-na- ‘sound, play and instrument’), and
the future stem sif- is also easily reconciled with *si-swen-s-; however, the
semantic connection between *san-na- ‘reach’ and *swan-na- ‘sound’ should
not be accepted too lightly (see KPV 559); there may have been a prehistoric
development from ‘to reach for’ to ‘to call’ and to ‘resound’. Celtib. uer-
zoniti [3sg. Pres.] (Botorrita I) is sometimes adduced under this etymon, but
this would be possible only under the assumption that PCelt. *s > Celtib. z
(perhaps after *r). In any clase, the meaning of this form is quite unclear.
REF: KPV 558ff., LIV 532f., Lambert 1994: 173f., LEIA S-86f.,
Delamarre 278, Jordan Colera 1998: 89, 186, MLH V.1: 445f.
*santero- ‘half, middle’ [Adj]
SEE: *somo- ‘same’
*sAss-a- ‘satisfy’ [Vb]
SEE: *sati- ‘sufficiency, fill’
*sasyo- ‘barley’ [Noun]
W: MW heidd (GPC haidd) [m]
BRET: MBret. heiz; heizen(n) [Singulative], MoBret. heiz [Collective]
CO: Co. héth
GAUL: (s)asia (?) ‘rye’
PIE: *sh,-s- / *shyes- ‘grain, corn’ (IEW: 880)
COGN: Skt. sasyd- ‘corn-field, corn, grain’, Hitt. sésa-
ETYM: Gaul. asia is known only from Pliny (secale Taurini sub Alpibus
asiam vocant) and its form is not quite reliably established. Delamarre does
not mention it. The PIE root is probably *seh,- ‘to sow’, but derivations are
difficult: the Celtic forms must be from the zero-grade *sh,s-, Skt. sasyd-
(and Ved. sasd- ‘food, corn’) are from *sh)-es-, while Hitt. sésa- might
represent *seh,-s- and *sh,e-s-, but the meaning and formation of this word
are somewhat uncertain (Kloekhorst 2008: 749). Perhaps one should
reconstruct a PIE neuter *shjes / *shjs-os.
REF: GPC II: 1814, Deshayes 2003: 325, Hamp 1985.
*sati-, *satyo- ‘swarm, throng’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. saithe [io m)}
324 *sati-
W: MW heyd (GPC haid) [f]; heidiau [p] ‘a swarm (of bees), flock, pack (of
hounds)’
BRET: MBret. het, MoBret. hed [m]
CO: Co. hés
PIE: *sh,-ti- (IEW: 890)
SEE: *silo- ‘seed’
ETYM: Olt. saithe is from PCelt. *satyo-, but the Brittonic forms point to
an i-stem, *sati-, which may be primary. The PIE root is *seh,- ‘sow’ (Lat.
sero, etc.). A different etymology derives these words from PIE *seh,- ‘have
one’s fill’, cf. Gr. datos ‘insatiable’, Germ. satt ‘full, satiated’, Lat. satis
‘enough’ (IEW 876, see also Watkins 1979). If it is correct, the meaning
‘swarm’ must be derived through a metaphor ‘satiety of bees’ for which
Watkins adduces some evidence.
REF: LEIA S-16, GPC II: 1813, Deshayes 2003: 324, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 445, 527, Watkins 1979: 191-194.
*sati- ‘sufficiency, fill’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sath, saith [a f (earlier ? 1-stem)]
PIE: *seh,-t- ‘sufficient? (IEW: 876)
COGN: Lat. satis ‘enough’, Lith. sdtis ‘sufficiency’, Go. ga-sopjan ‘satisfy’
ETYM: From the same root we also have Olr. sdsaid ‘satisfies, feeds’ (<
PCelt. *sass-4- < *sehot-t-) and, perhaps, sds [o m] ‘snare, implement’ <
*sehot-to-. We should start from a PIE ablauting paradigm *sehpti- / *shotey-.
The Celtic forms preserve the full grade, while Lat. satis must be from
*shoti-. The 4-stem in Olr. must be secondary.
REF: LEIA S-15f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 294, 527.
*sawol- / *siili- ‘sun’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sail [i f] ‘eye’
W: MW haul [m and f]
BRET: OBret. houl, MBret. heuul, heul
CO: OCo. heuul gl. sol, MCo. houl
PIE: *seh.w6l ‘sun’ :
COGN: Skt. surya-, Gr. hélios, Lat. sol, Go. sauil, Lith. sdulé
ETYM: The change of meaning in Olr. is understandable from the
mythological context. ‘Sun’ is viewed as ‘the eye of the Sky’. It appears that
there was still an ablauting paradigm in PCelt., Nom. sg. *sawol, Gen.
*siil-os, from which Olt. sail was abstracted. Another possibility would be to
start with *sh,wol- > *saiil- (with the regular change of *6 > *@ in the final
syllable), thence *stl-.
REF: LEIA S-201, GPC II: 1826, DGVB 214, LP 12, EIEC 188, 438, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 72, Campanile 1974: 63, Matasovié 2004: 98, 102
*saytlo- ‘age, lifetime’ [Noun]
W: MW hoed!, hoedyl [f] (GPC hoed!, hoeddl)
*saytro- 325
BRET: OBret. hoidl, hoedl, MBret. hoazl, MoBret. hoal [m]
GAUL: Setlo-cenia [Theonym]
PIE: *sehzi-tlo- (EW: 889f.)
COGN: Lat. saeculum, saeclum ‘life-span, generation’
ETYM: The Celtic forms are parallel to Lat. saeculum, and the meanings
are close. The original meaning of the PIE root *sehyi- was ‘link, bind’
(Watkins 1995: 351), cf. Hitt. ishai’ bind’, Skt. sinati ‘binds’.
REF: LEIA S-12f., GPC TH: 1883, Delamarre 272f., Deshayes 2003: 333,
Watkins 1995: 351.
*saytro- ‘work, labour’ [Noun]
SEE: *saytu- ‘labour, illness’
*saytu- ‘labour, illness’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. saeth [u m] ‘trouble, hardship, distress’
W: MW hoed [m] ‘pain, regret’
PIE: *shyey-tu- (IEW: 877)
COGN: Hitt. sai” ‘to become sullen, angry’, Lat. saeuus ‘wild, ferocious’,
OE sar ‘sore’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. saethar [o n] ‘work, labour’ < *saytro-. Lat. saeuus
must be from PIE *shgey-wo-, while OE sdr and the related Germ. words
reflect *shyey-ro-. The underived root PIE *sehzy- is attested in Hitt. sai-*.
REF: LEIA S-6f., GPC II: 1883, ETEC 413.
*sébro- ‘demon, spectre’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. siabar [0 m]
W: MW -hwy/far in Gwen-hwyfar [PN]
SEE: *soyto- ‘magic’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. séeb, sdeb [0] ‘crooked, misleading, false’, which may
be from PCelt. *soybo-, with the o-grade in the root. W Gwen-hwyfar is
Guinevre, Arthur’s wife in the Arthurian romances; this name is
etymologically identical to Olr. Findabair, who is the daughter of Ailill and
Medb in the Ulster Cycle. Quite probably the name was inherited from the
pagan Celtic mythology. Its meaning was ‘white spectre’. Pokorny’s
derivation of these words from PIE *sehzi- ‘bind’ (IEW 891, cf. Hitt. ishiya-,
Skt. sydti, sinati) with a labial suffix (*-b"-) is possible, but uncertain. The
semantic derivation would have been from ‘binder’ to ‘one who binds by
magic’ and ‘demon’, cf. also PCelt. *soyto- ‘magic’ < *sh,oy-to-.
REF: LEIA S-103, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 230, 235.
*sed-o- ‘sit’? [Vb]
GOID: Olt. saidid, -said; seiss, -sé [Subj.]; seiss, sé (Fut.]; do-essaid (Pret. ]
BRET: MBret. hezaff ‘stop’, MoBret. hezafiv
CO: Co. hedhi ‘stop’
PIE: *sed- ‘sit? (IEW: 884-887)
326 *sedlo-
COGN: Skt. sidati, Lat. sedeo, sido, Go. satjan, Lith. sésti, OCS sésti
SEE: *sedo-, *sidos ‘tumulus’, *sedlo- ‘seat’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. compound ar-neat ‘awaits’ < *fare-ni-sed-. The a-
vocalism in Olr. saidid is problematic. McCone (1996: 111) explains it by
analogy with laigid ‘lie’.
REF: KPV 560ff., LIV 513ff., LEIA S-7f., LP 391, Deshayes 2003: 330,
McCone 1996.
*sedlo- ‘seat’ [Noun]
GAUL: caneco-sedlon (Autun)
PIE: *sed-lo- ‘seat’ (IEW: 885f.)
COGN: Lat. sella, Go. sitls ‘throne’
SEE: *sedo-, *sidos ‘tumulus’
ETYM: The exact meaning of caneco-sedion is unclear, but it appears
probable that the second element of this compound means ‘seat’.
REF: Delamarre 269.
*sedo-, *sidos- ‘tumulus (inhabited by supernatural beings), peace’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sid [s n] ‘peace, tumulus’
W: MW hedd [m and f] ‘peace’
BRET: OBret. hed, MBret. and MoBret. hez [m] ‘peace’
GAUL: Mello-sedum [Toponym], Viro-sidum [Toponym]
PIE: *séd-s / Gen. *sed-os ‘seat’ (IEW: 885)
COGN: Gr. hédos ‘seat’, Lat. sédés
SEE: *sed-o- ‘sit’, *sedlo- ‘seat’
ETYM: It is possible, but far from certain, that Lep. sites (Prestino) is from
*sédns (Acc. pl.) ‘seats’, with lengthened grade as in Olr. sid and Latin
sédés, cf. Prosdocimi 1984: 73. In any case, it seems probable that an
ablauting paradigm must be assumed for the PCelt. word for ‘tumulus’.
Gaul. toponyms show evidence for both stems, *sed- and *sid- (Sims-
Williams 2006: 107, 111). The strange combination of meanings ‘tumulus’
and ‘peace’ must have its roots in Celtic mythology. Cf. also W sedd [f]
‘seat’, which may be from *seda, with s- instead of *h- as in seith ‘seven’
(cf. PCelt. *sextam).
REF: LEIA S-106, GPC II: 1834, Deshayes 2003: 330, EIEC 62, 152, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 52, 146ff., Zimmer 1994, Sims-Williams 2006:
107, 111f.
*seg-eto- ‘seed’ [Noun]
W: OW segeticion [p] gl. prolis, MW se, he ‘scattering’
PIE: *seg- ‘attach, touch, sow’ (IEW: 887)
COGN: Lat. seges ‘cornfield, crop’
SEE: *segno-, *sogno- ‘trap, snare’, *seg-(y)o- ‘sow, put’
ETYM: Mir. séimed ‘seed, descendants’ is presumably from the same root.
LEIA S-73 and DIL claim that this word is based on Lat. sémen ‘seed’; there
*segno- 327
may have been some influence of the Latin word, since the word-formation
of séimed seems unusual (it is not certain whether *segmeto- would yield
this, cf. Olr. ogum ‘Ogam alphabet’, Ogmae, and Gaul. theonym Ogmios).
According to Walde & Hoffman (s. v. seges) Thurneysen thought that
séimed was just a modification of Lat. sémen.
REF: LEIA S-73, GPC II: 1830.
*segno-, *sogno- ‘trap, snare’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. sén ‘trap (esp. for catching birds)’
W: MW hoenyn, hwynyn [m] ‘net, trap’ (IEW: 887)
PIE: *seg- ‘attach, touch, sow’
SEE: *segeto- ‘seed’, *seg-(y)o- ‘sow, put’
ETYM: The gender and stem formation of Olr. sén are unknown. This word
is attested mostly in glossaries, and it presupposes the proto-form *segno-;
W hoenyn, which is more reliably attested, points to *sogno-. The attribution
to the PIE root is uncertain. If correct, it presupposes the semantic
development from ‘attach’ to ‘catch’, hence ‘snare’.
REF: LEIA S-85, GPC II: 1885.
*sego- ‘force’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. seg [o m] (DIL sed, seg) ‘strength, heed, interest, an equal’
W: MW hy ‘bold, brave’ (GPC hy, hyf)
GAUL: Sego-maros [PN], perhaps Segestica [Toponym]
LEP: seye@u (?) ‘Lepontic coin’
CELTIB: Segouia (?) [Toponym], Sekobirikez [Abl. s, Toponym] (A8)
PIE: *seg"- ‘hold (by force)’ (IEW: 888f.)
COGN: Skt. sdhate ‘be able, support’, Gr. ékhd ‘hold, have’, Go. sigis
‘victory’
ETYM: MIr. and Early Molr. seg is sometimes spelled sed (Gen. sg. seda,
seadha). Celtib. asekati (Botorrita I) might reflect *ad-seg- (Eska 1989). W
hoel [m] ‘nail, peg, stake’ has been derived from the o-grade of the root (?
PCelt. *sogla), but this is not wholly convincing for semantic reasons. MW
hoen [m and f] ‘joy, ‘gladness, vigour’ could be from *sogno-, but again the
difference in meaning is conspicuous. Finally, Olr. sar [o m] ‘outrage’, sar-
‘exceeding, excellent’ may be related, if we start from PIE *saxsro- < PIE
*sog"-sro- and accept the lengthening of vowels before *xsL (cf. *taxslo-
‘axe’ < *tok-slo-),
REF: LEIA S-68, GPC II: 1945, 1884f., LIV 467, EIEC 123, Delamarre
269f., Jordan Célera 1998: 31, Sims-Williams 2006: 107f., MLH V.1: 329f.
*seg-(y)o- ‘sow, put’ [Vb]
W: MW heu ‘sow’ (GPC heu, hau), heaf [1 s Pres.]
PIE: *seg- ‘attach, touch, sow’ (IEW: 887)
COGN: Lat. seges, -etis ‘sowing field, arable land’, perhaps Skt. sdjati
‘attaches’, Lith. ségti ‘fasten, pin’
328 *sekw-o-
SEE: *segeto- ‘seed’, *segno-, *sogno- ‘trap, snare’
ETYM: The etymological connection to Lat. seges is obvious; however, the
attribution to the PIE root *seg- ‘attach, grasp’ is open to doubt on semantic
grounds. KPV 562f. explains the development of meaning as ‘to imprint’ >
‘put in’ > ‘sow’, but I am not quite convinced.
REF: GPC II: 1862, KPV 562f., Schrijver 1995: 336.
*sek"-o- ‘follow’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. sechithir, -sechethar
PIE: *sek”- ‘follow, be associated with’ (IEW: 896f.)
COGN: Skt. sdcate, Gr. hépomai, Lat. sequor, Go. saihwan ‘to see’, Lith.
sékti ‘to follow’
SEE: *sek”- ‘say’
ETYM: The deponent inflection in Olr. agrees well with the fact that the
reflex of this verb is a deponent in Lat. and that it belongs to media tantum in
Gr. and Skt. There may have been a connection between this PIE root and
*sek"- ‘say’ (> PCelt. *sek”-o- ‘say’) at a deeper level, but in Late PIE it is
best to treat them as homonyms.
REF: KPV 564, LIV 525f., LP 394, LEIA S-62.
*sek”-o- ‘say’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. sechid, sichid; sich [Pret.] (DIL sichid) ‘asserts, declares’
W: OW hepp [3 s Pres.], MW hebu
BRET: OBret. hep
PIE: *sek”- ‘say’ (IEW: 895)
COGN: Gr. enn-épé ‘tell’, Lat. in-seque ‘say!’, inquit ‘says’, OHG sagen
SEE: *sek”- ‘follow’, *sk”etlo- ‘story’
ETYM: The exact relationship of PIE *sek’- ‘say’ and *sek”- ‘follow’ is
unclear, but there was probably a single verb with both meanings.
REF: LEIA S-64f., GPC II: 1830, DGVB 209, LIV 526f. KPV 565f.,
Falileyev 83, Hamp 1974.
*sek”o- ‘besides, without’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. sech {Aspirating, +Acc.]
W: OW hep, MW heb ‘without’
BRET: OBret. ep gl. secus, MBret. hep ‘without’, MoBret. heb
CO: Co. heb
PIE: *sek”- ‘follow’ (IEW: 897)
COGN: Lat. secus ‘1. along; 2. differently, otherwise’, Skt. saca ‘with’
ETYM: If this etymology is correct, the development of meaning was from
‘following’ to ‘along’ (Lat. secus), and then to ‘besides’. Another possibility
is to derive Lat. secus and PCelt. *sek”o- (or *sek”a) from the root *sek- ‘to
cut’ (Lat. seco, secare, etc., cf. de Vaan 2008: 565). An abstract noun *sek-
weh, ‘separation’? would yield PCelt. *sek”4 regularly, and the meaning
‘besides’ can easily be derived from this.
*seket- 329
REF: LEIA S-60f., GPC II: 1829, DGVB 161, GOI 530, EIEC 646,
Falileyev 83, Deshayes 2003: 324.
*seket- ‘hide, skin’ [Noun]
SEE: *sexta/i- ‘rushes, sedge’
*selga ‘hunt’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. selg [4 f]
W: OW helgha [Impv] gl. uenando, MW hela ‘to hunt’ (GPC hel, hela,
hely)
BRET: MBret. hemolch, MoBret. emolc’h, emholc’h [m] ‘a hunt’
CO: Co. helghya ‘to hunt’
PIE: *selg- ‘send away, set loose’ (IEW: 900f.)
COGN: Skt. srjdti ‘sets loose, discharges’, Gr. (dial.) lagasai ‘to set free’,
MHG selken ‘to trickle, to drip’
ETYM: MoBret. emholc’h is from *ambi-selg-o-. The evolution of meaning
in Celtic was presumably from ‘set (the hounds) loose’ to ‘hunt’.
REF: LEIA S-80f, GPC II: 1844, LP 33, Falileyev 82, Deshayes 2003: 214,
EIEC 481.
*selwa ‘possession’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. selb [a f]
W: MW helm, elw [mm] (ar helw ‘in possession of’)
GAUL: Lugu-selua [PN]
PIE: *selh,- ‘take, grasp’ (IEW: 899)
COGN: Gr. heilon ‘I took’, Go. saljan ‘offer as sacrifice’
SEE: *to-sli-yo- ‘earn’
ETYM: The Celtic forms are derivable from *selhj-wo-, a thematic
adjectival formation. Go. saljan is from the causative *solh,-eye-, cf. also
OCS svlati ‘send’ from the zero-grade of the root (*slH-).
REF: GPC I: 1208, LEIA S-79f, EIEC 564, Delamarre 270.
*semiti- ‘also’
GOID: Olt. emid ‘as it were, nearly’
W: MW hefyd ‘also, too, either’
PIE: *sem- ‘one’ (IEW: 902)
COGN: Lat. semel ‘once’
SEE: *samali- ‘similitude’, *samalo- ‘like, as’
ETYM: Initial *s- was lost in proclisis in Olr. (the same phenomenon is
found in Olr. amal ‘as’ < PCelt. *samalo-). The same root in the zero-grade
is probably contained in Olr. cumme ‘similar’ < PCelt. *kom-smiyo-. The
word formation of *semiti- is puzzling. One may start with the PIE root
*sem- ‘one’, while the second element, *-iti-, may, perhaps, be compared
with Skt. iti ‘thus’ (A. Lubotsky, p. c.).
REF: GPC II: 1837.
330 *sem-0-
*sem-o- ‘pour’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. do-essim; to-esma [Subj.]; to-esset [Pret. Pass]
W: MW gwehynnu ‘pour’
BRET: OBret. douohinnom gl. haustum
PIE: *semH- ‘pump, draw water, scoop’ (IEW: 901f.)
COGN: Lith. sémti ‘pump, scoop’, Lat. sentina ‘bilgewater’
ETYM: Olr. do-essim < *to-exs-sem-o-; MW gwehynnu < *ufo-sem-o-;
OBret. douohinnom < *to-ufo-sem-o- (the simplex verb is unattested). An
alternative reading of OBret. douohinnom is douohinuom, but the former
makes more sense. The Celtic forms point to a thematic present, PIE *semH-
o-. The laryngeal is confirmed by the acute intonation in Lith.
REF: KPV 569f., GPC II: 1618, DGVB 151, LIV 531, LP 395, LEIA S-
82f.
*seno- ‘old’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr, sen [o]
W: MW hen
BRET: OBret. hen, MBret. and MoBret. hen
CO: Co. hen
GAUL: Seno-gnatos [PN], Senones [Ethnonym]
PIE: *seno- ‘old’ (IEW: 908)
COGN: Skt. sana-, Gr. hénos, Lat. senex, Go. sineigs, Lith. sénas, Arm. hin
REF: LEIA S-83f., GPC II: 1848, DGVB 208, EIEC 98, 409, Delamarre
270f., Deshayes 2003: 325, Meid 2005: 205f., Sims-Williams 2006: 109.
*sentu- ‘path’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. sét [u m]
W: MW hint, hynt [f]
BRET: OBret. hint, MBret. and MoBret. hent [m]
CO: Co. hins
GAUL: Sento-latis [Toponym] (> Satolas)
PIE: *sent- ‘head for, go” (IEW: 908) ;
COGN: Lat. sentire ‘feel’, OHG sind ‘path’, Lith. sintéti ‘think’
ETYM: Cf. also the Brittonic Toponym Gabro-senti (?’Goat-paths’). Olr.
sétig [1 f] ‘wife’ is derived from the same root (PCelt. *sent-ak-1); the earlier
meaning was presumably ‘companion’. MW hennydd [m] ‘companion,
friend, the other’, MoBret. hentez ‘neighbor’, and Co. hynsa ‘neighbor’ are
from *sentiyo-.
REF: LEIA S-98f., GPC II: 1978f., 1862, DGVB 211, EIEC 488, 637,
Delamarre 271, Deshayes 2003: 326, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 45, 80,
Sims-Williams 2006: 110f.
*serra ‘sickle’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. serr [4 f]
*serwa 331
W: OW serr
BRET: OBret. ser g!. fiscina (instead of fuscina)
PIE: *serp- ‘sickle, cut’? (IEW: 911f.)
COGN: Lat. sarpere ‘cut (twigs in the vineyard)’, Gr. harpé ‘sickle’, Latv.
sirpis ‘sickle’
ETYM: For W s- instead of *h- cf. *sextam ‘seven’ > W seith. Some
consider these Celtic forms to be loanwords from Lat. serra ‘saw’, but the
meanings do not match, so it is at least equally possible that they are
inherited; the PIE form from which PCelt. *serpaé developed would be
*serpeh2, with the full grade of the root, while Greek, Latin, and Latvian
generalized the zero-grade (*srp-).
REF: LEIA S-95, GOI 95, DGVB 305.
*serwa ‘theft’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. serb [a f]
W: MW herw [rn] ‘raid, outlawry’
PIE: *soru- / Gen. *srwo- ‘booty’ (IEW: 910)
COGN: Hitt. saru- ‘booty’, Lat. seruus ‘slave’
ETYM: Like Latin, Celtic built a thematicized paradigm from the original
u-stem, which is preserved in Hittite. Then the abstract noun *serw-eh2
(PCelt. *serwa) was built from *serw-o- (Lat. seruus).
REF: LEIA S-90f., GPC 11:1859, EIEC 77, Watkins 1976, Hamp 1984b.
*sex-ska/i- ‘rushes, sedge’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. seisc [i f] ‘rushes, rushy place’
W: MW hescenn (GPC hesg [Collective])
BRET: MBret. hesg, MoBret. hesk
CO: Co. heschen gl. canna, arundo, Co. hesc
PIE: *sek- ‘cut’? EW: 895)
COGN: Lat. seco, secdre, OHG sega, saga ‘saw’, Lith. -sékti, OCS sésti,
sé€eto ‘cut?
ETYM: The semantic motivation for this etymology lies in the sharp,
cutting leaves of rushes and similar plants, cf. OE sedg ‘sword, sedge’. The
PIE root *sek- is probably also attested in MIr. seiche [t f] “skin, hide’ which
may be from *sek-et- (cf. Olc. sigg ‘hard skin’), and Mir. eiscid, -eisci ‘cuts
off < *en-sek-.
REF: LEIA S-75f., GPC II: 1861, Deshayes 2003: 329.
*se(x)sman ‘nail, rivet’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. seim(m) [n n]
W: MW hemm [f] (GPC hem)
SEE: *sego- ‘force’
ETYM: Ol. seimm is masculine in Irish Grammatical Tracts, and is attested
only in Middle and Modern Irish. It is presumably built to the root *seg- ‘to
hold’ (it is probably the original verbal noun to that root).
332 *sextam
REF: LEIA S-71f., GPC II: 1847, Stiiber 1998: 66f.
*sextam ‘seven’ [Num|
GOID: Olt. secht [+Nasalization]
W: MW seith (GPC saith)
BRET: OBret. seith, MBret. seiz, MoBret. seizh
CO: OCo. syth, MCo. seyth
GAUL: sextan-
PIE: *septm ‘seven’ (IEW: 909)
COGN: Hitt. siptamiya- ‘a potion with seven ingredients’, Skt. saptda, Lat.
septem, Gr. hepta, Go. sibun, Lith. septyni, OCS sedmo, Alb. shtaté
ETYM: Brittonic *s- instead of *h- is explained as the unlenited sandhi-
variant (*s was not changed to *h after consonants).
REF: LEIA S-66, GPC IH: 3170, ETEC 100, 402, Delamarre 273, Deshayes
2003: 648.
*sextameto- ‘seventh’ [Ordinal]
GOID: OI. sechtmad
W: MW seithfed
BRET: MBret. seizvet, MoBret. seizhved
CO: Co. seythves, seythes
GAUL: sextametos ‘seventh’ [Ordinal]
REF: GPC III: 3216, Delamarre 273, Deshayes 2003: 649.
*sfelga ‘spleen’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. selg [4 f]
BRET: MBret. felch, MoBret. felc’h [f]
PIE: *spelHg"- ‘spleen’ (IEW: 987)
COGN: Skt. plihdn-, Gr. splén ‘intestines’, splagkhna ‘intestines’, Lat. lién,
Lith. bluznis, OCS slézena, Arm. p‘aycatn
ETYM: In the OW manuscript Angers 477, there is the hapax felchou ([p]
gl. placentarum, but it is possible that the gloss containing this word is Old
Breton, rather than Old Welsh (see Falileyev 57). The PCelt. form seems to
go back | to *spelg’-eh); if we start from a PIE paradigm with Nom. sg.
*spelHg"- / Acc. sg. *spolHg” -m / Gen. sg. *splHg"-os, the laryngeal would
have been lost regularly in the Acc. sg. by de Saussure's rule. Celtic may
have rebuilt this noun from the stem of the Acc. sg. with the new full-grade
*snelg°-. Although sound developments in other IE languages are also highly
problematic, there is little doubt that these words are related.
REF: LEIA S-81, EJEC 538, Falileyev 57, Delamarre 2003: 230, Hamp
2002, Matasovié 2004: 106.
*sfémi- ‘thin’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. séim [i] ‘slender, thin, mild’
PIE: *spey- ‘thin’ (IEW: 982)
*sfenyo- 333
COGN: Gr. spinds ‘thin’
ETYM: Cf. Olr. séime [ia f] ‘thinness, meagreness’ < *sfémya. PCelt.
*sfémi- presupposes PIE *spey-mi-. This is essentially a root etymology,
and there do not appear to be any other certain derivatives from the root
*spey-, but cf. Lat. spica ‘ear of corn, spike’, OE spaka ‘spoke’(from PIE
*spey-k-, *spey-g-, all denoting long objects; the meanings ‘long’ and ‘thin’
are close, and words with such meanings are often etymologically related) .
REF: LEIA S-72.
*sfenyo- ‘teat, pap’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sine [io and t m]
PIE: *psten- ‘teat’ (IEW: 990)
COGN: ON speni, OE spanu, Lith. spenys
ETYM: Cf. Olr. bo thri-phne = tri sine ‘cow with three teats’. A probable
Gaulish reflex of this word (? *sanyé < *sfanya) is reflected as Fr. dial.
senyo ‘milking vessel’ (FEW 11: 183). The comparison with Gr. sténion
‘breast? and Av. fXtana- justifies the reconstruction of a PIE root noun
*pstén, Gen. sg. *psten-s or *pstn-os. The difficult cluster *pstn- was
simplified in different ways in different languages (perhaps already in PIE).
REF: LEIA S-113, FEW 11: 183, Mallory and Adams 2006: 180, Lubotsky
2006.
*sfera ‘heel’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. seir [4 f]
W: MW ffer [f and m] ‘ankle’ (GPC ffér)
BRET: MBret. Fergant [PN]
CO: OCo. fer gl. crus
PIE: *sperh-o- / *sprh)-o- ‘heel’ (IEW: 993)
COGN: OE spor ‘footprint’, ToB sprane [Dual] ‘flanks’
ETYM: MoBret. fer ‘heel’ is a loanword from W. (Deshayes 2003: 232).
Gr. sphyron ‘ankle(bone)’ is probably related, but the aspirate is unexpected.
The vowel y in Gr. sphyron ‘heel’ might be the result of Cowgill’s law (0 > y
between labials and resonants). The reflexes in other IE languages probably
justify the reconstruction of a paradigm *sperh,- / *sporhi-m / *sprhj-os.
Celtic generalized the full grade (*sperh)-), while Germanic generalized the
zero-grade (PIE *sprh,;o- > PGerm. *spura- > OE spor). Lubotsky (2006)
relates these forms to Skt. sphurdti ‘kicks away’, Lat. sperno ‘push away,
despise’ and reconstructs the root *tsperH- ‘kick with the heel’. The same
root might, perhaps, be posited for Skt. parsni- ‘heel’, Gr. ptérna ‘heel’, Lat.
perna ‘leg, haunch’ (< *tperH-sneh,).
REF: LEIA S-73, GPC I: 1283, EIEC 265, Deshayes 2003: 232, Schrijver
1995: 348, 374, Campanile 1974: 46, Hamp 1982a, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 172, Lubotsky 2006.
*sfiyonV- ‘foxglove’ [Noun]
334 *sfondo-
GOID: MIr. sion (DIL sian)
W: OW fionou [p], MW ffion (GPC ffion, ffuon) ‘rose, purple fox-glove’
BRET: OBret. fionauc gl. rosarium
ETYM: These words are related to (or borrowed from ?) Lat. spionia ‘a
kind of grape-vine’ (this Latin word is scarcely attested; it is uncertain if the
-o- was long (Oxford Latin Dictionary) or short (Lewis and Short)).
Probably a Wanderwort of some kind.
REF: LEIA S-115, GPC I: 1288, Falileyev 57, Schrijver 1995: 281.
*sfondo- ‘stick, staff’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. sond [0 m] ‘stake, beam, palisade’
W: OW finn [p], MW ffonn [f] (GPC ffon); ffyn, ffonnau [p]
PIE: *sphyen- ‘piece of wood’ (IEW: 980f.) ;
COGN: Lat. sponda ‘bedstead, bed’, OE spon ‘sliver, shaving’, Gr. sphén
‘wedge’
ETYM: The Italic and Celtic reflexes can be derived from *sph,ondo-.
Another etymology derives PCelt. *sfondo- and Lat. sponda from PIE
*(s)pend- ‘to spin’ (de Vaan 2008: 582). Although this shape of the root
seems more in line with the PIE canon, the semantics of the connection are
less appealing.
REF: LEIA S-172, GPC I: 1302, EIEC 431, Falileyev 57, Schrijver 1995:
444, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 298.
*sfrawo- ‘crow’ [Noun]
BRET: MBret. frao, MoBret. fraw [m]
CO: Co. frau
PIE: *(s)per-w- ‘a kind of bird’ (IEW: 991)
COGN: Lat. parra ‘a kind of bird’, OE spearwa ‘sparrow’, OPr. spurglis
‘sparrow’
ETYM: PCelt. *sfrawo- could be from PIE *sprh.wo-, but short *a is
unexpected (could it be the result of Dybo’s law?). Lat. parra lacks the s-
mobile and is probably derivable from *prHs-. The etymology is uncertain,
since the meanings in other IE languages do not match exactly the meaning
in Celtic. Like many bird names, this word can be a loanword from some
unknown non-IE source.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 253, Schrijver 1991: 211f.
*sfraxto- ‘fluent, eloquent, lively’ [Adj]
W: MW ffraeth
BRET: MBret. fraez, MoBret. fraezh ‘intelligible’
CO: Co. freth
PIE: *sperhog- ‘crackle, sputter’ (IEW: 996f.)
COGN: Gr. spharagéomai ‘crackle, hiss’, Lith. sprageti ‘crackle’, ON
spraka ‘crackle, rattle’ .
*sfrusso- 335
ETYM: The Brittonic forms point to PIE *sprhogto-; since this form (to-
participle) was probably oxytone, the shortening in Celtic may be due to
Dybo’s law (otherwise, *sfraxto- would be expected). The IE etymology is
uncertain because of semantic differences, but a development of ‘crackling’
to ‘lively’ and ‘eloquent’ is possible.
REF: GPC I: 1308, Deshayes 2003: 251.
*sfrusso- ‘quick, fast’ [Adj]
W: MW ffrwst [m] ‘rush, haste’
PIE: *sprew-d- ‘quick’ (IEW: 994f.)
COGN: Go. sprauté ‘quick’
ETYM: PCelt. *frusso- > W ffrwst presupposes PIE *sprud-to-. W ffrau
‘stream, flow’, adduced by IEW (982) in this connection, is much more
likely derived rom *srew- ‘to flow’, cf. PCelt. *srowman-, *srutu-. The
equation of Olr. srdb ‘torrent’ and W ffrawdd ‘passion, ardour’ found in
IEW 993, GPC I: 1311f., LEIA S-180 is implausible on both semantic and
formal grounds (W dd cannot correspond to Olr. b, and positing two
suffixes, *-do- and *-bo- is ad hoc).
REF: GPC I: 1311f.
*sI ‘she’ [Pron]
GOID: OIr. si
W: MW hi
BRET: MBret. hy, hi
CO: Co. hy
PIE: *s- + -ihy
COGN: Go. si ‘she’
SEE: *sindo- ‘that’
ETYM: The Celtic personal pronouns for the 3sg. f. were formed by adding
the ‘motion suffix’ *-ih, to the pronominal stem *s- (from which we have,
e.g., Skt. sd, Gr. ho, etc.); the same development yielded PGerm. *si (Go. si,
OHG siu, si, etc.).
REF: LEIA S-101f., GPC II: 1864, Deshayes 2003: 331, Schrijver 1997: 56.
*sido- ‘elk, stag’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. sed, seg
W: MW hit, hyd (GPC hydd) [m]
BRET: MBret. heizes [f] ‘hind, doe’
ETYM: The Early Molr. spelling seg reflects the phonetic merger of [6] and
[y], cf. also *sego- ‘strength’ > Mir. seg, but sometimes spelled sed. The
Irish word is attested scarcely, and rather late (in MIr.). It is sometimes
written with long é, and is attested in the Gen. sg. sétha, which may point to
an u-stem. The proto-form *sido- is confirmed by MI. sideng ‘elk’, which is
from sid- and eng ‘wild’. IE cogrfates are lacking, so this word may be a
borrowing from some unknown source.
336 *sil-n-
REF: LEJA S-67f., S-107, GPC II: 1956, Deshayes 2003: 325.
*sil-n- (7) ‘look’ [Vb]
GOID: Mir. sellaid, -sella ‘looks’
W: MW syllu ‘stare, gaze’ (GPC syllu, syllio)
BRET: MBret. sellout, MoBret. selloud, sell [m] ‘view’
CO: Co. sellos
ETYM: All of these verbs are originally denominative, but the original form
of the noun from which they are derived cannot be reconstructed with any
certainty, cf. Olr. sel] ‘eye, iris’ [?n], W syll, MoBret. sel] ‘look’. Schrijver’s
connection with the word for ‘star’ (PCelt. *ster-) is far-fetched from the
semantic point of view, but possible (cf. the semantic development of *sili-
from ‘sun’ to ‘eye’, Olr. szil). The proto-form would have been *stillo- <
*stirlo-. For the initial *s- instead of *h- in Brittonic cf., e.g., *sextam
‘seven’ > MW seith.
REF: LEIA S-82, GPC III: 3384, Deshayes 2003: 649, Schrijver 1995: 421,
Wodtko et alii 2008: 348.
*silo- ‘seed, descendants’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. sil [o n]
W: MW hil [f and m] ‘race, lineage’
BRET: MBret. hil-
PIE: *seh,- ‘sow’ (IEW: 890)
COGN: Lat. sémen ‘seed’, OE s@wan ‘sow’
ETYM: Celtib. zizonti (Botorrita I) might be the 3 pl. Pres. of the verb ‘sow’
(from PIE *seh,-), parallel to Lat. sero < *si-sh;-, but I think it is somewhat
more plausibly interpreted as belonging to PCelt. *da-‘give’, since PCelt. *d
is the only certainly established source of Celtib. z (see MLH V.1: 99f).
REF: LEIA S-108f., GPC II: 1806, Deshayes 2003: 331, LP 7, EIEC 505,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 224, 364.
*sin4 ‘weather’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sin [4 f] ‘bad weather, storm, good weather, season’
W: MW hin [f] ‘weather, bad weather, air’
BRET: MBret. hynon, hinon [f] ‘nice weather’, MoBret. hinon
ETYM: MoBret. hin [f] ‘climate’ is borrowed from W hin ‘id.’ JE
etymology is unknown, but a connection with PCelt. *si-ni- ‘stretch, extend’
appears possible, at least formally. The semantic development could have
been from ‘a stretch of time’ to ‘time’ and ‘weather’. Note that many
languages do not distinguish between ‘time’ and ‘weather’ (e.g. Fr. temps
and MoBret. amzer).
REF: LEIA S-112, GPC II: 1867, Deshayes 2003: 332.
*sindo- ‘this’ [Demonstrative Pronoun]
GOID: Olr. sin
*si-ni- 337
W: OW hinn, MW hynn [n s and p]
CO: Co. hen-ma
GAUL: sinde, (s)indas (Larzac)
PIE: *so- ‘that’
ETYM: W demonstrative hwn together with Olr. sund ‘here’ points to
PCelt. *sondo-; it may be that *sindo- is from *sindo- (by an Osthoff-like
shortening), and that it contains the Acc. sg. of the feminine demonstrative
stem *sih)-m plus a particle *do (? or *de, cf. Gr. -de). *sondo- could then
be the masculine Acc. sg. (*so-m) plus the same particle.
REF: LEIA S-111f., Delamarre 274, Lambert 1994: 66, 166.
*si-ni- ‘stretch, extend’ [Vb]
SEE: *siro- ‘long’
*siro- ‘long’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. sir [o]
W: OW hir, MW hir
BRET: MBret. Air, MoBret. hir
CO: Co. hir, hyr
GAUL: Sirus [PN]
PIE: *seh,-ro- ‘long lasting’ (IEW: 891)
COGN: Skt. saya- ‘evening’, Lat. sérus ‘late’, Go. seibu ‘evening’
ETYM: Cf. the irregular comparatives Olr. sia, W hwy < *sé-yo- (< PIE
*seh,-yo-). W hwyr ‘late’ is probably borrowed from Lat. sérus (Haarmann
1970: 112). The root *si- < PIE *seh,- is also attested in Mlr. sinid
‘stretches, extends, straightens’ (PCelt. *si-ni-). If the IE etymology is
correct, the non-operation of Dybo’s law is unexpected (adjectives in *-ro-
are mostly oxytone in PIE, but there are exceptions, cf., e.g., Gr. eleutheros
‘free’ vs. erythros ‘red’).
REF: LEIA S-116, GPC II: 1869, EIEC 357, Falileyev 85, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 229ff., 526ff., Delamarre 276, Deshayes 2003: 332.
*sisk”o- ‘dry’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. sesc, seisc [o and i] ‘dry, barren’
W: MW hysb, hysp; hesb [f]
BRET: MBret. hesp ‘dry, sterile’
PIE: *sisku- ‘dry’ (IEW: 894)
COGN: Av. hisku-, Lat. siccus, Gr. iskhnos
SEE: *samo-sisk"1- ‘heifer, sterile cow’
ETYM: In PCelt., PIE *sisku- was thematized (*sisku-o- > *sisk”o-). I
doubt whether Gr. iskhnds also belongs here, since the aspirated kh is
unexpected. The sound development of Lat. siccus is also highly irregular
(de Vaan 2008: 568).
REF: LEIA 5S-96, GPC III: 1983, Deshayes 2003: 329, EIEC 170, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 290.
338 *si-sta-
*si-sta- ‘put, stand’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. sissidir, -sissedar ‘stands’; siasair [Pret. ]
CELTIB: SISTAT [3s Pres.] ‘puts, constructs’ (Pefialba, K.3.3)
PIE: *steho- ‘stand’ (IEW: 1004f.)
COGN: Lat. sto, stare, Gr. histémi, Lith. stoti, OCS stojati, OHG stan
SEE: *td-yo- ‘be, find oneself’, *sta-tla ‘heel’, *eni-sti ‘island’
REF: KPV 57if., LIV 590ff., LEIA S-118ff., LP 395f., Hull 1960/61,
Jordan Célera 1998: 207ff., MLH V.1: 334f.
*siti- ‘length’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. sith-
W: OW hit ‘length’, MW hyt [m and f] (GPC hyd)
BRET: OBret. hit, MBret. het, MoBret. hed [m] ‘length’
CO: Co. hes
SEE: *siro- ‘long’
ETYM: Gaul. toponym Sitillia might be related (as well as some other
toponyms, cf. Sims-Williams 2006: 112f.). These words may be connected
to Olr. sir ‘long’ < PCelt. *siro-, but the short *i in PCelt. is unexpected.
One way to account for it would be to start from a PIE participle *seh,-td-
‘lengthened’, and then apply Dybo’s law (shortening in pretonic position).
But Dybo’s law is thought to have applied early, almost certainly before the
change of PIE *eh, > *é > PCelt. *I (see Introduction). A possible solution
would be to assume that PCelt. *siti- is from *shj,i-ti- rather than from
*sehiti-.
REF: LEIA S-120f., GPC II: 1948ff., Deshayes 2003: 324, Isaac 2002,
Sums- Williams 2006:112f.
*sitl& ‘vase’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. sithal [4 f] gl. situla
W: MW hid [f] ‘filter, strainer, sieve’ (GPC hid, hiddl)
BRET: MBret. siz/
ETYM: It is possible that these words were influenced by Lat. situla ‘urn,
vessel’, but it is improbable that they are direct borrowings from Latin. Both
the long *i in Celtic and the meaning development in Welsh are unexpected.
The IE etymology is unknown.
REF: LEIA S-120f., GPC II: 1865.
*sk”etlo- ‘story’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. scél [o n]
W: MW chwedl [f and m] (GPC chwedl, chweddl)
BRET: MBret. que-hez/, MoBret. kehel [m] ‘information, intention’
CO: Co. whethel
PIE: *sek”- ‘say’ (IEW: 898)
COGN: Lat. in-quam, OHG saga ‘tale’, Lith. sakyti
*skwiyat- 339
ETYM: It is difficult to derive the Brittonic forms directly from PCellt.
*sk”etlo- (the expected outcome would probably have been initial *sp- > W
ysp-, cf. *sk”iyat- ‘hawthorn’). They may be loanwords from Goidelic, or we
would have to assume an early metathesis of *sk”- to *k”s- > *xs-, with the
subsequent regular development to W chwedl (cf. *xswib-1- ‘move, recede’
> W chwythu). MoBret. kehel is from *kom-sk”etlo-.
REF: LEIA S-39f., GPC I: 846, Deshayes 2003: 379, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 302, Schrijver 1995: 375.
*sk"iyat- ‘hawthorn’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. scé [d and k, f] ‘thorn bush, whitethorn’
W: OW ispidattenn [Singulative], MW yspidat [f and m] (GPC ysbyddad,
(y)sbaddad)
BRET: MBret. spezadenn [Singulative], MoBret. spezad [Collective]
CO: Co. spethes, spethas
PIE: *skwey- ‘thorn’ (IEW: 958)
COGN: Russ. xvojd ‘needles and branches of a conifer’, Lith. skuja ‘fir-
needle and cone’
ETYM: All of the cognates can be accounted for by starting from a PIE
paradigm with Nom. sg. *skwéy-s / Acc. sg. *skwoy-m / Gen. sg. *skw(i)y-
os. Celtic preserves the zero-grade *skwi(y)- (cf. Lith. skuja, with different
syllabification, from *skuy-), and Russ. xvojd is derived from the o-grade
(*skwoy-).
REF: LEIA S-37, GPC III: 3828, Deshayes 2003: 684, EIEC 80, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 159, 172, 183, Oettinger 2003: 191.
*skamo- ‘light’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. scam [o m] ‘lung’ (attested only in the plural, scaim)
W: MW ysgafn ‘light’; ysgefeint ‘lung’ (GPC ysgafn, ysgawn, ysgon)
BRET: MBret. caff, scanff, MoBret. skafiv ‘light’
CO: Co. scaff, schaff
COGN: OHG scamm ‘short’
ETYM: The original meaning was presumably preserved in W ysgafn
‘light’. For the semantic connection of ‘lungs’ and ‘light’ cf. OHG lunga
‘lung’ < PIE *hjlng™’- (Gr. elaphros ‘light, quick’) and OHG Jzhti ‘light’ <
PIE *h,leng”’-to-. OHG scamm and its Germanic cognates have been related
to Av. kamna- ‘little’ (Orel 2003: 333), but the connection is quite dubious.
The a-vocalism in Celtic is unusual, and a proto-form *skh,m- would be
artificial.
REF: LEIA S-31, GPC III: 3829, Deshayes 2003: 659.
*skan-n-d-o- ‘jump’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. sceinnid, -sceinn; sescaind [Pret.] “springs, darts’
W: MW ysgeinnyaw ‘disperse, spread, scatter’ (GPC ysgain, (y)sgeinio,
ysgeino)
340 *skara-
PIE: *skend- ‘jump’
COGN: Skt. skdndati ‘jumps, leaps’, Lat. scando ‘ascend, mount’
ETYM: Cf. also W cy-chwynnu ‘to arise, start’ < *kom-skend-, and the Olr.
verbal noun sceinm < *skand-men-. The a-vocalism in Celtic is expected
(syllabic *n > *an before obstruents), if one starts from the PIE zero-grade of
the root (*sknd-). Latin -a- can be the result of the development of *e > *a
after *k.
REF: KPV 574, LIV 554, LEIA S-41, GPC III: 3834, LP 393, Schrijver
1991: 431f.
*skara- ‘divide, separate’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. scaraid, -scara ‘divides, separates’; scaraid, -scara [Subj.];
scarais, scar [Pret.]
W: MW yscar, ysgar (GPC (y)sgaru, ysgar, ysgario, ysgarad)
BRET: MBret. discar ‘divide, cut off, MoBret. diskar, skar [m] ‘interstice’
PIE: *(s)kerH- ‘divide’ (IEW: 938ff.)
COGN: Umbr. kartu [Impv.]; Lith. skirti ‘cut, divide’
ETYM: MBret. discar < *di-skara- (the simplex verb is unattested in
Breton). PCelt. *skara- is from *skera- (by Joseph’s rule) < PIE *skerH-.
Olr. scurid ‘unyokes, ceases, desists’ is from the causative of the same verb,
PIE *skorH-eye-.
REF: KPV 576, LIV 558, LEIA S-33, GPC III: 3832, LP 392f., Pedersen I:
44, Deshayes 2003: 660, McCone 1991: 110f.
*skato- ‘shadow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. scath [o n]
W: MW ysgawd [m] ‘shade, darkness’ (GPC ysgod)
BRET: MBret. squeut
CO: OCo. scod gl. umbra, MCo. schus ‘terror’
PIE: *skehst- ‘darkness, shadow’ (IEW: 957)
COGN: OE sceadu, Gr. sk6tos
SEE: *ufo-skato/u- ‘shelter, shadow’
ETYM: The Celtic forms are sometimes derived from PIE *sk6to-, which
would represent a vrddhi-formation from the root *skot- ‘shadow’, while
the Germanic and Greek words are derivable from *skotu- and *skoto-
respectively. It is far more probable that we should assume a PIE root-noun
with the ablaut pattern *skeh;t- / *skh3to-, with Celtic preserving the full
grade of the root, and Germanic and Greek the zero-grade from the oblique
cases.
REF: LEIA S-36, GPC III: 3838, EIEC 508, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
324, 528.
*skAx-slo- ‘demon, supernatural being’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. scal [o n]
W: MW yscawl [m] ‘young hero, warrior’ (GPC ysgawl)
*skédo- 341
COGN: Go. skdhsl ‘demon’
SEE: *skek- ‘move, stir’ (IEW: 922f.)
ETYM: W yscawl is not very well attested and its meaning is rather vaguely
established. The relation to the PIE root *skek- is purely conjectural, but see
Hamp 1965a. The long vowel in the root may be the result of regular
lengthening before the cluster *xsl, cf. PCelt. *taxslo- (if from *tok-slo-
rather than (*t6k-slo-).
REF: LEJA S-30, GPC III: 3834, Hamp 1965a.
*skédo- ‘wing, shoulder’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. sciath [o m] ‘wing’
W: MW ysgwydd [f] ‘shoulder’
BRET: MBret. scoaz, diou scoaz ‘shoulders’
CO: OCo. scuid gl. scapula, MCo. dyw-scoth ‘shoulders’
SEE: *skéto- ‘shield’
ETYM: Olr. sciath may have the final -th rather than -d because of the
influence of the word for ‘shield’, Olr. sciath < *skéto-. However, it is also
possible that sciath ‘shield’ was borrowed from Brittonic before the lenition
of *t > th, and that sciath ‘wing’ is the original Olr. word for ‘shield’, with
metaphorical change of meaning. The Brittonic words for ‘shoulder’ then
must have a different etymology.
REF: LEIA S-44, GPC III: 3851.
*skek- ‘move, stir’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. scuichid, -scuichi ‘goes away’; sceiss, -scé [Subj.]; scdich
[Pret.]
W: MW ysgogi ‘move, stir, tremble’ (GPC ysgogi, ysgog)
PIE: *skek- ‘move fast’ (IEW: 922f.)
COGN: OHG gi-skehan ‘pass, happen’, OCS skociti ‘jump’, perhaps Lith.
Sokti ‘dance’
ETYM: The Slavic and Celtic forms of the present point to a PIE causative
*skok-eye-; the original present stem with the e-grade is preserved in
Germanic and in the Olr. subjunctive. Lith. Sokti, if related, has the
secondary BSI. vrddhi which is characterized by acute intonation (in
contradistinction to PIE lengthened grade, which always bears the
circumflex, cf. Matasovic 2008a: 131ff.).
REF: KPV 580f., LIV 551f., GPC III: 3839, LEIA S-56f., LP 393.
*skéno- ‘knife’ [Noun]
SEE: *skiy-o- ‘cut’
*skerd-(y)o- ‘scrape off [Vb]
GOID: Olr. scerdaid, -sceird ‘peels, scrapes off; scaird [Pret.] (DIL
sceirtid)
PIE: *skerd"- ‘cut, pierce’ (IEW: 940)
342 *skéto-
COGN: Lith. skerdziu ‘I cut’
ETYM: In all likelihood the PIE root *skerd"- is ultimately the same as
*skerH- ‘cut, pierce’ (cf. PCelt. *skara-).
REF: KPV 582, LIV 558, LEIA S-39.
*skéto- ‘shield’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sciath [o m]
W: MW ysgwyd [f and m]
BRET: MBret. scoed
PIE: *skoyto-, *skeyto- ‘shield’ (IEW: 921)
COGN: OCS Stite, Lat. sciitum, Lith. skiétas
SEE: *skédo- ‘wing, shoulder’
ETYM: The relationship of this word to PCelt. *skédo- ‘wing’ is not
completely clear. PCelt. *skéto- must be from PIE *skeyto-. The ablaut
*skeyt- / *skoyt- in PIE is impossible to reconcile with a thematic noun, so
we can either reconstruct a root-noun (Nom. sg. *skoyt-s / Gen. sg. *skeyt-
os), or assume that the e-grade is analogical after a verb *skeyt- ‘to protect,
to shield (?)’, but such a verb is not attested anywhere. The word for ‘shield’
is a typical European word, with reflexes only in the European branches of
IE.
REF: LEIA S-43, GPC III: 3852, EIEC 512, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
557, Campanile 1974: 94, Irslinger 2002: 254f., Oettinger 2003.
*skissu- ‘weariness’ [Noun]
SEE: *skito- ‘tired’
*skito- ‘tired’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. scith [o] ‘weary, tired’
W: MW escud, esgud (GPC esgud) ‘quick, vivid’
BRET: MBret. escuit ‘quick’
CO: Co. uskys ‘quick, vivid’
PIE: *skeh,t(H)- ‘injure, harm’ (IEW: 950)
COGN: Go. skabjan ‘damage’, OHG scado ‘harm, loss’
ETYM: The Brit. forms are from a compound *exs-skito-, where *exs- is a
negative prefix (cf. PCelt. *exsobno- ‘fearless’). The vocalism of MW esgud
(for expected *esgid) is unaccounted for, cf. Olr. escid ‘tireless’, and scis [o
and u mj, also [a f] ‘fatigue, tiredness’ < *skissu- < *skehj,d-tu-. Gr. a-
skéthés ‘unharmed’ might be related, but th (instead of *t) in this word is
difficult to account for. OHG scado and the related Germanic forms must be
from *skh,t(H)-, with the zero-grade of the root.
REF: LEIA S-46f., GPC I: 1245, EIEC 312.
*(s)kitto- ‘left, clumsy’ [Adj]
GOID: MI. cittach [0] ‘left-handed, awkward’
W: MW chwith ‘left, left-handed, sinister, sad, wrong’
*skiy-o- 343
PIE: *skhoey- ‘left’
COGN: Lat. scaeuus, Gr. skaids
ETYM: MIr. has also the variant cettach, showing a-affection, expected if
the i was short. The form cittach might point to *kit-, but i is never written
long. W chw- is from the initial cluster *sk- metathesised to *ks-. The Greek
and Latin words for ‘left’ can be derived from *skh,ey-wo-, while in order to
account for the Celtic forms we must assume the zero-grade (*(s)khzit-) and
‘expressive’ gemination (*(s)kh»i-tto-), which renders this etymology rather
speculative.
_ REF: LEIA C-108, EIEC 349, GPC I: 858.
*skiy-o- ‘vomit, spew’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. sceid, -scé
W: MW chwydu
BRET: MBret. huedaff
CO: Co. huedzha
PIE: *skey-(d)- ‘defecate’ (?) IEW: 920f.)
COGN: Lith. skiesti ‘to have diarrhoea’, ON skita ‘defecate’, Eng. shit
ETYM: The Brittonic forms are secondary verbs derived from the verbal
noun (MW chwyt), cf. KPV 579. For the sound development of *skiyet >
Olr. -scé, cf. PCelt. *sk”iyat-. The acute in Lith. skiesti is the result of
Winter’s law. I am not sure whether these words are related to Lat. scindo,
Gr. skhizé6 < PIE *skeyd- ‘break, divide’, as claimed by IEW (920), Orel
(2003: 342), and others, because of the considerable difference in meaning.
REF: KPV 578f., LEIA S-37f., GPC I: 860.
*skiy-o- ‘cut’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. scian [4 f] ‘knife’
BRET: MBret. squeiaff, squeigaff ‘cut’; MoBret. skejan ‘cut’
PIE: *skey- ‘cut’ IEW: 919f.)
COGN: Lat. sacéna, scéna ‘dolabra pontificalis’, Olc. skeggia ‘axe’, skeina
‘lightly wounded’
ETYM: W ysgien [f] is probably an Irish loanword corresponding to Olr.
scian ‘knife’ (from PCelt. *skéno- < *skey-no-).
REF: LEIA S-42f., Deshayes 2003: 661, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 254,
Schrijver 1995: 107.
*skolta ‘fissure, cleft’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. scoilt, scolt (4 f] ‘splitting’
W: MW hollt [m and f]
BRET: MBret. faout {m] ‘fissure’
CO: Co. fals ‘fissure’
PIE: *skel(H)- ‘divide’ (IEW: 924)
COGN: Hitt. iskalla’- ‘tear apart, slit open’, Gr. skalld ‘hoe’, ON skilja
‘divide’, Lith. ské/ti ‘split’
344 *skribb-a-
ETYM: It is difficult to derive the British and Irish forms from exactly the
same PCelt. prototype, but they are definitely related, see LEIA S-48f. W
hollt must be derived by metathesis (PCelt. *sko- > *xso- > *x“o- > ho-),
and MoBret. faout is even more difficult to account for, perhaps by *x”- >
f-, which is not a well established sound change. Deshayes (2003: 228)
denies the connection, and derives faout from OF r. falder ‘fold, wrinkle’, but
the semantic connection is weak. In Irish, scoilt is attested late, only in
Modern Irish. However, there is a denominative verb scoiltid ‘break, split’ in
Olr., cf. also the W denominative verb hollti, holli ‘slit, split, open’. In PIE
*skel(H)- the laryngeal is assumed because of the acute in Lith. skélti (it
could have been lost in Celtic regularly after *ol by Saussure’s rule).
REF: LEIA S-48f., GPC II: 1894. Deshayes 2003: 228.
*skribb-4- ‘scratch’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. scripaid ‘scratches’
PIE *skri(H)b'- (?) (IEW: 947)
COGN:
‘write’
ETYM: The connection of MIr. scripaid and Lat. scribo appears probable,
but the exact relationship of these two verbs is uncertain. MIr. -p- points to a
geminate in PCelt., and the long *-1- is difficult to reconcile with Umbr.
screhto, Osc. scriftas < *skrib’-to- (Lat. scribo is presumably from
*skreyb"-). Cf. also Latv. skripdt ‘scratch, scribble’ (as if from *skrip-).
REF: LEIA S-55.
*skublo- ‘bird of prey’ [Noun]
W: MW ysglyf[m] (GPC ysgiyf sgh fO, ysglyff, ysayfl, ysgylf)
BRET: OBret. scubl, MoBret. skoul
CO: OCo. scoul gl. milvus
GAUL: Scubli [Ethnonym]
ETYM: In light of the absence of cognates in other IE languages, this word
was probably borrowed from some non-lE language.
REF: GPC III: 3837, Delamarre 269.
*skuta ‘point, edge’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. scoth [4 f]
PIE: *skewt- ‘cut’ (IEW: 954)
COGN: Lith. skutu, skusti ‘peel’
ETYM: MIr. scothaid, scathaid ‘cuts off, shears’ is denominative from
*skuta. MIr. scoth [a f] ‘word, saying’ and ‘flower, blossom, lock of hair’
are probably the same word. The connection to Skt. skundti ‘makes incisions
in the ears of cattle’ is improbable, because this Sanskrit verb is from a root
ending in a laryngeal (note that the accent in Lith. skusti shows that it is from
*skewt-, not **skeHut-).
REF: LEIA 8-52.
*slad-yo- 345
*slad-yo- ‘hit, slay’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. slaidid, -slaid; sldaiss, -sla [Subj.]; selais, -sela [Fut.]; selaid
[Pret.]; s/assae, -slass [Pret. Pass. ]
W: OW ledit [3s Pres.]; MW Iladd; lladdawd [{Pret.]; llas [Pret. Pass.]
BRET: OBret. /adam gl. caedo, MBret. lazaff
CO: Co. ladha, latha
ETYM: No convincing JE etymology has been proposed so far.
REF: GPC II: 2079f., KPV 583f., LEIA S-125f., Falileyev 101, LP 396,
Schrijver 1995: 178, McCone 1994: 74.
*slano- ‘safe, whole, sane’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. slan [o]
PIE: *selh- ‘favorable’ (IEW: 900)
COGN: Lat. sdlor ‘comfort, relief’, Gr. hilaskomai ‘appease’, perhaps Go.
séls ‘good, kind’
ETYM: Lep. s/aniai is compared to Olr. s/an by Solinas (1995: 322), but
the exact meaning of this form is uncertain (it is probably a proper name in
the Dat. sg.). The PIE etymology is somewhat weak on the formal side, see
EIEC 236. The PCelt. from would have to be from the zero-grade *slHno-.
Go. sé/s and the related Germanic words have also been plausibly related to
Go. saljan ‘sacrifice’ (Orel 2003: 327), cf. *to-sli-yo- ‘earn’. Lat. sdlor, if it
is derived from *selh,-, would have to reflect the lengthened grade *sdlhp-
(de Vaan 2008: 572), which is unmotivated in a present stem.
REF: LEIA S-126f., EIEC 236, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 252, Solinas
1995: 322.
*slatta ‘stalk, staff [Noun]
GOID: MIr. s/at [4 f] ‘stalk, stem, branch, twig’
W: MW Ilath [f] ‘rod, staff’
BRET: OBret. Jath gl. stipite, MBret. Jaz
CO: Co. lath
ETYM: This could easily be a loanword from some non-IE language of NW
Europe. Both the geminate and the a-vocalism testify to a foreign origin. The
same source may have been the origin of the Germanic words such as OHG
latta ‘plank’ (but note the absence of the intial *s-). The formation in Celtic
must be new, since original *tt > *ss in PCelt. In any case, the root could be
the same as in *slad-yo- ‘hit, slay’? The semantic connection can be seen in
Croat. Sibati ‘beat’ from Siba ‘staff, rod’.
REF: LEIA §8-127f., GPC H: 2100, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: S10f.,
Schrijver 1995: 431, Kluge 505.
*slébos- ‘slope’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. sliab [s n, later m] ‘mountain, moor’
W: W lIlwyfan [f and m] ‘stage, platform’
346 *slig-o-
BRET: OBret. /ibiriou gl. lapsus
SEE: *slimono- ‘polished, smooth’
ETYM: The relationship of OBret. Jibiriou to the other words is unclear.
PCelt. *slébo- could be from PIE *sley-b’o-, with the root *sley- ‘smear’
identical as in *slimono- ‘polished, smooth’. The basic meaning of *slébo-
would have been ‘slippery surface, slope’. However, the semantic
connection is weak. W /lwyfan has also been related to Mir. /éibenn [o m]
‘open surface, terrace, threshing-floor’, but this could have been borrowed
from Brittonic at an early stage.
REF: LEIA S-131, GPC II: 2243f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 46, 143ff.
*slig-o- ‘strike, hew’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. sligid, -slig; sléiss, -slé [Subj.]; silis, -sil [Fut.]; selaig [Pret.];
slechtae, -slecht [Pret. Pass.]
PIE: *sleyg- ‘smear, creep’ (IEW: 663f.)
COGN: OHG slihhan ‘sneak’, OCS slozoke ‘slippery’, perhaps Hitt. salik-
‘to touch, have contact with’
ETYM: The meanings ‘smear’, ‘sneak’ and ‘hit’ are not easily reconciled,
but cf. Germ. Streich ‘blow’ and streichen ‘smear’ (LIV 566).
REF: KPV 591f., LIV 566f., LP 396, LEIA S-133.
*slimono- ‘polished, smooth’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. slemon, slemain [0] ‘smooth, sleek, polished’
W: OW limnint [3p Pres.] ‘polish’, MW JJyfn ‘polished, smooth’
BRET: OBret. limn gl. lentum, MBret. di-leffn ‘hard’, MoBret. levn
‘smooth’
CO: Co. leven
PIE: *sley- ‘smear (with grease), polish’
COGN: Lat. limo ‘polish’, OHG slimen ‘polish’
ETYM: This PCelt. word seems to contain the suffix *-ono- (cf. *antono-
‘forehead’).
REF: LEIA S-130, GPC II: 2254, DGVB 242f., EIEC 527, Falileyev 103,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 437, 540.
*slowgo- ‘troop, army’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. siiag, slog [o m]
W: MW Iu [m]
BRET: OBret. mor-lu ‘great army’, -/u (in toponyms)
CO: OCo. Juu listri gl. classis, Co. lu
GAUL: Catu-slugi [Ethnonym]
PIE: *slowg™o- ‘retinue’ (IEW: 965)
COGN: OCS sluga ‘servant’, Lith. slauga ‘servitude’
SEE: *tego-slowgo- ‘household’
REF: LEIA S-136, GPC II: 2215, DGVB 247, EIEC 506, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 45.
*slu-n-k-o- 347
*slu-n-k-o- ‘swallow’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. slucaid, -slucai; sloicis [Pret.]; -slogeth [Pret. Pass.] (DIL
sluicid, slocaid)
W: MW llyncu
BRET: OBret. ro-/uncas gl. guturicauit, MBret. louncaff
PIE: *(s)lewk-, *(s)lewg- (IEW: 964)
COGN: Gr. 1z6 ‘swallow’, Ukr. lykaty ‘swallow’, Germ. schlucken
‘swallow’
ETYM: The root-form *(s)lewk- is a variant of *(s)lewg- (LIV 964), from
which we have Germ. schlucken, etc. and Olr. loingid ‘eat’ (< PCelt.
*lu-n-g-o-). The variation *k/g is unexplained, but such irregularities are not
uncommon in expressive verbs.
REF: LEIA S-139, GPC I: 2273, KPV 593f., LIV 568, LEIA S-139, LP
396.
*smeko- ‘chin’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. smech [o n]
PIE: *smekru- ‘chin, jaw’ (IEW: 968)
COGN: Hitt. zamankur ‘beard’, Skt. smagru- ‘beard’, Lith. smakra ‘chin’,
Alb. mjekér, perehaps Arm. mawru-k* ‘beard’ ;
ETYM: Cognates in other IE languages point to PIE *smekru-, or
*smokru-, which is probably the result of metathesis from erlier *smokwr
(cf. Hitt. zamankur, and the similar development in PCelt. *dakro- ‘tear’).
The underived stem in PCelt. *smek-o- is isolated.
REF: LEIA S-140, EIEC 107, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 60, 341,
Matasovié 2004: 110.
*sméro- ‘blackberry’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. smér [?0 m]
W: MW mwyar, mwyaren [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. mouar [Collective]
CO: OCo. moyr-bren gl. morus
ETYM: Olr. mér, which also means ‘a berry, blackberry’ is a Brittonic
loanword. Formally, the Brittonic words could be collectives in *-aro- (cf.
*klukaro- ‘heap of stones’ from *kluka ‘stone’). However, the IE etymology
is unknown, so this Celtic word for ‘berry’ may have been borrowed from
some non-IE source.
REF: LEIA S-141, Deshayes 2003: 523, Pedersen I: 67.
*smeru- ‘marrow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. smiur [u] gl. medulla (DIL smir)
W: MW mer (GPC mér) [m]; meirion [p]
BRET: MBret. mel [Collective]
PIE: *smer- ‘marrow?’ (IEW: 970)
348 *snad-o-
COGN: OE sméoro ‘butter, fat’, Lat. medulla ‘marrow’
ETYM: MoBret. -/- instead of *-r- is unexplained. It may be due, according
to Hamp (1973: 155) to the analogical influence of the word for ‘honey’,
PCelt. *meli- (v.). Lat. medulla was dissimilated from *merulla.
REF: LEIA S-142, GPC II: 2432, EIEC 194, Deshayes 2003: 500, Hamp
1973: 155f.
*snad-o- ‘hew, carve’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. snaidid, -snaid;, sndiss, -sna {Subj.]
W: MW naddu
PIE: *sneH23d"- ‘hew’ (IEW: 972f.)
COGN: OHG snatta ‘scar’
ETYM: Another possibility would be to relate these Celtic words to ON
snata ‘spear’, OHG snazo ‘pike’ (Orel 2003: 357), and perhaps to ORuss.
snastp ‘instrument, weapon’, Russ. dial. snast’ ‘penis’ (Vasmer, s. v.). The
PIE root would be *sneHd-. The short vowel in the present tense of the
Celtic reflexes may be the result of Dybo’s law, if the original inflection was
of the Skt. tudati-type (PIE *snHdé- > *snadé- > PCelt. *snade-).
REF: GPC III: 2548, KPV 594f., LIV 571, LEIA S-146, LP 397.
*sna- ‘swim’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. snaid, -snd ‘swims, floats, sails, flows’
W: MW nawf [m] ‘swimming’
BRET: MBret. neuff ‘swimming’, MoBret. neufiv [m]
PIE: *sneho- ‘swim, bathe’ (IEW: 971f.)
COGN: Skt. snati ‘bathes’, Lat. no, ndre, ToB nask- ‘bathe’
ETYM: Brittonic verbal nouns (W nawf, MoBret. neuf) are parallel to Olr.
snam [o m] ‘swimming’ < PCelt. *snamo- < PIE *snh)-mo-.
REF: KPV 596, LIV 572f., LEIA S-145f., LP 397, Deshayes 2003: 536.
*snad-i- ‘protect’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. snadid, -snddi
W: MW nawdd [m and f] ‘protection, defence’
ETYM: PIE etymology is controversial. A connection with Skt. ndthd-
‘help’ appears possible if one assumes a PIE root *(s)neh,- with different
dental suffixes in Celtic and Skt. Gr. oninémi ‘be useful, help’ (fut. onésd)
must then be unrelated, because it requires the reconstruction *h3neh,- (cf.
also Go. ansts ‘beneficence’).
REF: LEIA S-146f., GPC III: 2556.
*snamo- ‘swimming’ [Noun]
SEE: *sna- ‘swim’
*snato- ‘thread’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. snath [o m or n]
*snida 349
BRET: OBret. notenn gl. a filo, MBret. neut, MoBret. neud [Collective]
PIE: *sneh,- ‘spin’ (IEW: 973)
COGN: OE sndd ‘headband, snood’, Latv. snate ‘linen cover’
SEE: *sniy-o- ‘spin, weave’
ETYM: PCelt. *snato- can be both from PIE *snh,to- and *snohjto-; at first
sight, the former seems more probable, since zero-grade is expected if we
start from the past participle *snh,td-, but in that case the first syllable would
presumably have been shortened by Dybo’s law. However, Latv. snate must
be from *snoh;to-. ;
REF: LEIA S-148, EIEC 571, Deshayes 2003: 535, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 342, 441.
*snida ‘nit’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sned [24 f] gl. lens
W: MW nedd [Collective], nedden (Singulative]
BRET: MBret. nez [Collective], nezenn [Singulative]
CO: Co. nedhen [Singulative]
PIE: *konid- ‘nit? (IEW: 608, 437)
COGN: Gr. konis, OE hnitu, Russ. gnida
ETYM: Although it appears certain that the Celtic words adduced here are
related to the PIE word for ‘nit’, the exact phonetic development is unclear.
Word-initial *kn- should be preserved in Celtic. Is it possible that the cluster
*skn- (with s-mobile) was reduced to *sn-?
REF: GPC III: 2561, EIEC 357, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 58, Deshayes
2003: 537, Matasovié 2004: 89.
*snig”-(y)o- ‘snow’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. snigid, -snig; sinis, -sin; senaig
PIE: *sneyg’"- ‘snow’ (IEW: 974)
COGN: Gr. neiphei ‘it snows’, Lat. ninguit ‘it snows’, OHG sniwan,
perhaps Skt. snihyati ‘adheres to’
ETYM: Some think that W nyf [m] ‘snow’ (a late, poetic word) is a
loanword from Lat. (niuem), but it could also be inherited (*snigo-?), cf.
also Olr. snige [ia f] ‘snow’ < PCelt. *snig”ya and Olr. snechtae [io m]
‘snow’.
REF: GPC III: 2603f., KPV 597f., LIV 573, LEIA S-153, LP 397, Schrijver
1995: 316, Sims-Williams 1981, McCone 1996: 38f.
*snis ‘we’ [Pron]
GOID: OIr. sni
W: MW ni
BRET: MBret. ni, ny
CO: Co. ny
PIE: *no- ‘we’ (IEW: 758)
COGN: Lat. nés, Hitt. anzas ‘us’, Go. uns ‘us’, OPr. notison, Alb. ne
350 *sniy-0-
SEE: *swis ‘you’
ETYM: The vocalism of PCelt. *snis may have been influenced by *swis
‘you’. The infixed form of the pronoun (Olr. -nn-, MW -n-) may reflect the
original *snds (LP 215).
REF: LEIA 150f., GPC III: 2581, LP 215.
*sniy-o- ‘spin, weave’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. sniid, -sni; sénaid, -séna [Fut.]; sénais, -sénai [Pret.]; snithae,
-snith [Pret. Pass. ]
W: MW nyddu, nyddaf
BRET: MBret. nezaff; MoBret. nezafi
CO: Co. nedha
PIE: *sneh,- ‘spin’ (IEW: 973)
COGN: Lat. neo, nére, Gr. néth6, OHG naen
SEE: *snato- ‘thread’
REF: GPC III: 2603, Deshayes 2003: 537, KPV 599, LIV 571f., LEIA S-
151f., LP 397.
*snowdo- ‘mist, haze’ [Noun]
W: W nudd [m and f]
PIE: *snewd'- ‘mist, cloud’ (IEW: 978)
COGN: Lat. nubés ‘clouds’, Av. snaoda- ‘cloud’
ETYM: The PCelt. formation is a pure conjecture, since we have only the
W reflex. The theonym *Nowdont- (MIr. Nuadu [n m], Gaul. Nodonti,
Nodenti [Dat. sg.], CIL VII 138, 140, MW Ludd from earlier *Nudd) may, in
principle, be from the same root (the alternative derivation of this name from
PIE *neh.w- ‘need, compel’ (cf. PCelt. *nawito-) is formally quite difficult).
MIr. nuiada, nuadu ‘hero, champion’ is probably just the euhemerized name
of this Celtic deity.
REF: GPC III: 2599, Schrijver 1991: 375, Mallory & Adams 2006: 129,
Kalygin 2006: 124.
*so- ‘this’ [Demonstrative Pron. ]
GOID: OIr. -so
GAUL: so-sin (Vaison, RIG G-153)
PIE: *so- ‘this’ (IEW: 979)
COGN: Gr. ho, Skt. sa-
SEE: *si ‘she’
ETYM: In OIr., -so is a clitic demonstrative particle; the Celtic pronominal
stem *so- is also contained in MBret. ho-n ‘our’, ho-z ‘your’, as well as in W
demonstratives hwn [m], hon [f], etc.
REF: LEIA S-154f., Deshayes 2003: 334, Lambert 1994: 86.
*sodyo- ‘seat’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. suide [io n] ‘sitting, seat’
*somo- 351
PIE: *sodyo- ‘seat’ (IEW: 884)
COGN: Lat. solium < *sodiom ‘throne, high-backed chair, bath-tub’
SEE: *sed-o- ‘sit’
ETYM: Cf. also MIr. fothae ‘ground, basis’, which can be from *ufo-
sodyo-.
REF: LEIA S-200, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 209.
*somo- ‘same’ [Pron]
GOID: Olr. -som [emphatic particle 3s m. and n.]
PIE: *som-Ho- ‘one, same’ (IEW: 904)
COGN: Skt. samd- ‘same’, Gr. homds ‘one and the same’, Go. sama ‘same’
ETYM: The presence of the laryngeal in the suffix is shown by the non-
operation of Brugmannh’s law in Skt. The same root is probably reflected in
OW hanther, MW hanner ‘middle, half’ < PCelt. *santero- < PIE *sm-tero-
‘one of the two’ (cf. Gr. Dor. hdteros ‘one of the two’ < *smtero-, Lat. sémi-
‘half? < PIE Locative sg. *sém-i ‘in one’).
REF: LEIA S-169, GPC II: 1821.
*sondo- ‘that’ [Pron]
SEE: *sindo-, *so-
*sowk-n-o- ‘suck’ [Vb]
W: MW sugno ‘to suck, drink, suckle’
BRET: MBret. sunaff, MoBret. sunan
PIE: *sewk- suck’ (IEW: 1012)
COGN: OCS svsati, ON stigan, Lat. siicus ‘juice’
ETYM: Cf. also W sugn [m] ‘suction, suckling, juice’, W sugnedydd
‘pump’. IEW (913) assumed that W sugno has -g- by analogy with sug
‘juice’, which is from Lat. siicus, but this is not necessary. Lat. siigo ‘suck’
and OE siican point to *sewg-, but *-g- could have developed regularly in
nasal presents (*sewk-n- > *sewg-n-).
REF: GPC IV: 3353, Deshayes 2003: 703, LIV 488.
*sowno- ‘sleep’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sian [o m]
W: MW hun [f]
BRET: MBret. hun
CO: OCo. hun gl. letargia, MCo. hun
PIE: *swopno- ‘sleep’ (IEW: 1048)
| COGN: Skt. svdpna-, Gr. hypnos, Lat. somnus, Hitt. supp- ‘to sleep’, Arm.
F Kun, OE swefn, Lith. sapnas, OCS sonv, Alb. gjumé
| ETYM: The Celtic forms presuppose PIE *supno- and are exactly parallel
f to Gr. hypnos; the development was PIE *supno- > *suwno- > *sowno-
ft (*sw > Wh before *o is regular, though, cf. *sworo- ‘louse’ > W hor, so that
W hun might in principle be from *swopno-).
352 *sowono-
REF: LEJA S-197, GPC II: 1910, EIEC 529, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
255ff., Campanile 1974: 66.
*sowono- ‘sun, sunlight’ [Noun]
W: MW huan {m and f] ‘sun’
SEE: *suw-o- ‘turn’
ETYM: W huan is usually derived from the oblique cases of the PIE
heterocliton *seh,wol/n- ‘sun’, but the phonetic development is difficult.
Therefore, it is preferable to relate this noun to PIE *sewh»- ‘turn, set in
motion’ (Skt. suvdti). The Vedic theonym Savitdr-, which is also derived
from this root, is often just an epithet of the Sun (sa#rya-) in the Rig Veda.
The suffix would have been *-ono- (cf. *antono-, *slimono-).
REF: LEIA S-202, GPC II: 1905, Schrijver 1995: 334.
*soyto- ‘magic’ [Noun]
W: MW hud [m and f]
BRET: MBret. hud
CO: Co. hus
PIE: *sehzi- ‘to bind’ (IEW: 891f.)
COGN: ON seidr ‘magic, charm’
SEE: *sébro- ‘demon, spectre’
ETYM: Cf. also OCo. hudol gi. magus and W hudol ‘charming, illusory’ <
*soyto-lo-. If the IE etymology is correct, we can derive PCelt. *soyto- from
PIE *sh,oy-to-. OCS sila ‘force’ and Lith. siela ‘soul’ could be from the
same root, going back to *sehzylehp.
REF: GPC II: 1905.
*sregn-o- ‘snore’ [Vb]
SEE: *srogna ‘nose’
*srobu- ‘snout, beak’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. srub [u n]
PIE: *serb'., *sreb"- ‘suck, absorb, sip’ JEW: 1001)
COGN: Lat. sorbeo ‘drink, suck up’, Gr. rhophé6 ‘slurp’, Hitt. sarap’- ‘to
sip’, Alb. gjerp ‘slurp’, Lith. srebiu, surbiu, surbti ‘to suck’
ETYM: PCelt. *srobu- presupposes PIE o-grade *srob"- (cf. Gr. rhophéo).
REF: LEIA S-188, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 95.
*srogna ‘nose’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sron [a f]
W: MW ffroen [f] ‘nostril’
BRET: OBret. fron, MBret. froan, fron
GAUL: *frogna > OFr. frogne (hence Eng. frown).
PIE: *sreg". ‘snore’ (IEW: 1002)
COGN: Gr. rhégkho ‘snore’, Arm. rngun-k’ [p] ‘nose’.
—
*srowman- 353
ETYM: Olr. srennid ‘snore’ (PCelt. < *sregn-o-) represents the reflex of the
verbal root *sreng'-, from which PCelt. *srogna is derived. Cf. also MoBret.
Jri [m] ‘nose’, Co. frig [f] ‘nostril’, which might be from *sregos, yet another
derivative. The relationship of these words to W ¢trwyn [m], OCo. trein,
which appear to be from *trogni, is unclear, cf. also Galatian droiiggos
‘nose’ (Freeman 2001: 14).
REF: LEIA S-187, DGVB 172, Deshayes 2003: 255, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 60, 258, Hamp 1960, Freeman 2001: 14, Gamillscheg 764.
*srowman- ‘stream’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. sruaim [n]
BRET: OBret. strum gl. copia (lactis)
PIE: *srew-m- ‘flow, stream’ (IEW: 1003)
COGN: Gr. rheiima, OHG stroum, Alb. rrymé ‘flow (of water), Lith.
sraumuo ‘stream, brook’
REF: LEIA S-188, DGVB 309, EIEC 207, 486, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
266.
*sruto- ‘stream, flow’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. sruth [o n]
W: MW find [m > f]
BRET: OBret. frut
CO: OCo. frot gl. alueus
PIE: *srew- ‘flow’ (IEW: 1003)
COGN: Skt. srdvati, Gr. rhéd, OCS struja ‘stream’, OHG stroum ‘stream,
current’
ETYM: OBret. frut is not found in DGVB. These Celtic words can be
derived from a passive participle of the verb *srew- ‘flow’. Cf. also Gaul.
Phroudis [Hydronym], which is sometimes claimed to show that Gaulish
shared the Brittonic change of *sr- > *fr-.
REF: LEIA S-189, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 290, 448, Campanile 1974:
47, Schrijver 1995: 441,
*stabo- ‘shaft, pole’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. sab [o m]
PIE: *steho- ‘stand’ (IEW: 1012)
COGN: OHG stap ‘staff, crane’, Lith. stabas ‘post’
SEE: *ta-yo- ‘stand, find oneself’
ETYM: The etymology is quite dubious, but if correct, PCelt. *stabo- must
be from PIE *sth)-b'o-. The connection with Skt. stdmbha- ‘pillar’ is
improbable because this noun is derived from *stemb"-(H)- ‘support’, cf.
Skt. stabhnati ‘supports’, ToB sama ‘stood’ (LIV: 541).
REF: LEIA S-3, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 175.
*stagra ‘river, stream’ [Noun]
354 *stamna
BRET: OBret. staer, MoBret. siaer [f]
PIE: *stehog- ‘pool’ (IEW: 1010)
COGN: Lat. stagnum ‘pool’, Gr. stazo ‘drip’
ETYM: If the etymology is correct, Celtic and Greek preserve the zero-
grade of the PIE root (*sth2g-), while the full grade is preserved in Latin.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 687, de Vaan 2008: 585.
*stamna ‘mouth’ [Noun]
W: MW safyn (GPC safn) [f and m] ‘jawbone, mouth’
BRET: MBret. staffn
CO: MoCo. sawn, sawan ‘cleft’
PIE: *stom-n- ‘mouth, jawbone’ (IEW: 1035)
COGN: Hitt. istaman-, istaman- ‘ear’, Gr. stoma, Av. staman- ‘mouth of a
dog’
ETYM: Late Co. stevnig ‘palate’ is a derivative (< *stamnika). The
reconstruction of the PIE form is a matter of controversy. Kloekhorst (2008:
441) reconstructs *steh;men- because of Luv. tummant- ‘ear’. If this is
correct, PCelt. *stamna must reflect *sth3m-n-.
REF: GPC III: 3164, EIEC 387, LP 20, LHEB 527, 530, Schrijver 1995:
422.
*star-na- ‘strew, broaden’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. sernaid, -sern; seraid, -sera [Subj.]; sirt, -sert [Pret.]; srethae,
-sreth [Pret. Pass.]
W: W sarnu
PIE: *sterh3- “broaden, extend’ (IEW: 1029f.)
COGN: Skt. strnati, Lat. sterno, Gr. stornymi ‘extend’, strdtds ‘extended’
ETYM: Cf. also W sarn ‘pavement’, which can be from *star-no-, and the
derivatives MoBret. gouzer [m] ‘litter’ and Olr. fossair ‘strewing, litter’ <
*ufo-starV-. The original formation (with the zero-grade of the root) is
preserved in W sarnu, while Olr. sernaid represents the analogically
introduced full grade (*ster-na-).
REF: KPV 601f., LIV 599f., LEIA S-93ff., LP 395, Schrijver 1995: 409.
*statla ‘heel’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sal [4 f] gl. calx
W: MW saudel (GPC sawdl) [m and f]; sodlau [p]
BRET: MBret. seuz/
CO: Co. suthel, sul
PIE: *steh,- ‘stand’ (IEW: 1004)
SEE: *ta-yo- ‘stand, find oneself’, *stabo- ‘shaft, pole’
ETYM: De Bernardo Stempel 1999: 303 derives these words from PIE
*stho-d"leh2, with zero-grade and a different suffix, cf. also MW stad, ystadl
‘position’. The connection with Lat. ‘lus ‘ankle’ is problematic, since the
diminutive taxillus implies a proto-form *takslos, not *(s)tatlos.
|
|
|
*sterka 355
REF: LEIA S-16f., GPC III: 3184, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 303,
Schrijver 1995: 421, Wodtko et alii 2008: 642.
*sterka ‘love’ [Noun]
GOID: Ol. serc [4 f]
W: MW serch [m]
BRET: OBret. Serchan [PN], MBret. serch ‘concubine’, MoBret. serc'h [f]
‘concubine, mistress, courtisan’
PIE: *ster-k-, *ster-g- ‘love’ (IEW: 1032)
COGN: Gr. stérgé ‘love’
ETYM: The fact that Greek stérgé has g instead of *k casts serious doubts
on this etymology. One way to deal with this problem would be to assume
that Celt. *k was generalized from the Nom. sg. of the (unattested) root-noun
(PIE *stérg-s or *stdrg-s), cf. PCelt. *druko- ‘bad’.
REF: LEIA S-91f., GPC III: 3227, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 49, Deshayes
2003: 651.
*stera ‘star’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ser
W: OW serenn [Singulative], MW ser, syr [p] (GPC sér, syr)
BRET: MBret. sterenn [Singulative]
CO: OCo. steren [Singulative] gl. stella, Co. ste(y)r
GAUL: Sirona, dirona [Theonym]
PIE: *hastér ‘star’ (IEW: 1028)
COGN: Hitt. hasterz, Gr. astér, Lat. stélla, Go. stairno
ETYM: OlIr. ser is a hapax (it occurs in one of the archaic Leinster
eulogies), its gender is unknown; therefore, the PCelt. reconstruction is
uncertain. Gaul. Sirona, if it is indeed from the same etymon, perhaps
contains the original lengthened grade from the Nom. sg. (PIE *h,stér >
PCelt. *stir-6na).
REF: LEIA S-90, GPC III: 3226, LP 20, Delamarre 282, Falileyev 142,
LHEB 530, Campanile 1974: 96, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 47, McCone
1996: 51, Matasovié 2004: 98.
*stirrako- ‘small animal, chick’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. serrech [o m]
PIE: *stirp- ‘progeny’ (IEW: 1042)
COGN: Lat. stirps ‘stem, stock, ancestral race’, Lith. stirpti ‘to grow up’
ETYM: Olt. serrach is equally compatible with PCelt. *sterrako- < PIE
*sterp-, but the comparison with Lat. stirps shows that *stirr- is the more
likely proto-form of the root. However, a PIE form *stirp- seems highly
unusual (*sterp- is inherently more plausible). The development *rp > PCelt.
*rr is regular, cf. *serra ‘sickle’.
REF: LEIA S-95f.
356 *stléki-
*stléki- ‘lye’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. s/éic ‘lye, nitrum’
BRET: MBret. stloac, stloacgq, stloag
ETYM: The meaning of Olr. s/éic as ‘lye’ is ascertained by Lambert 1990.
The word may have been borrowed from Brittonic, as Lambert thinks, but
the relation to Lat. Jixa ‘lye’ appears probable. If the Italic and Celtic words
go back to a root *stleyk- / *stlik-, then Lat. /ixa cannot be related to liquor
‘fluid’ and derived from *wlik- (as in de Vaan 2008: 347).
REF: LEIA S-129, Hemon 2965, Lambert 1990.
*stlissu- ‘side, wall’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sliss [u m] (DIL s/is)
W: MW ysitlys [f and m] (GPC ystlys, stlys)
PIE: *stel- ‘spread’ (IEW: 1018)
COGN: Gr. stéll6é ‘spread’, OCS stolati ‘broaden’.
ETYM: The derivation of PCelt. *stlissu- from the zero-grade of the root in
PIE *stl-stu- is difficult, since this should have given PCelt. **stalssu-.
Assuming a full-grade *stlessu- would imply Schwebeablaut in PIE, for
which there is no other evidence. The connection with Lat. latus ‘broad,
wide’ is improbable, since this presupposes a root in a laryngeal, PIE
*s(t)IH-to-. It has been compared with Olr. con-sla ‘go away’ (de Vaan
2008: 329), but the semantic difference between ‘go away’ and ‘broad’ is
considerable.
REF: LEIA S-135f., GPC III: 3863, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 288, 295.,
Schrijver 1995: 438, Hamp 1985.
*stlondo- ‘sense, meaning’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. slond [0 ?m] ‘expression, mention, designation’
W: OW istlinnit [3s Pres.] gl. profatur, W yst/wn ‘connection’
BRET: MBret. stlen ‘declared’
ETYM: Cf. also the Olr. verb s/uindid ‘expresses, declares, names’ from the
same root (causative *stlond-i-). Schrijver (1995: 435ff.) defends the old
connection of these words with Lat. splendor ‘brightness’, Lat. splendeo
‘shine’, cf. also ToB pdllatdr ‘praise’, Go. spill ‘tale’. If this is true, the
correct PCelt. reconstruction is *sflondo-, and the semantic development
would have been from ‘enlighten, shed light on’ to ‘declare’.
REF: LEIA S-137f., Falileyey 97, Schrijver 1995: 435ff., de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 295.
*(s)towxsman- ‘bend, arch, curve’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. tuaimm [n nj] ‘?mound’
W: MW ystum ‘curve, gesture, shape, trick’ [m and f]
BRET: MBret. stum ‘form’
CO: Co. Stym(codde) [Toponym]
SEE: *stu-n-g-o- ‘bend’
*strato- 357
ETYM: The exact meaning of MIr. tuaimm is unknown, but it appears to
mean something like ‘tumulus, mound’. Greene (1958) related it to Olr. tuag
[a f] ‘arch’. W ystwm is apparently the same word as tuaimm with the s-
mobile, or, alternatively, with the prefix *eks- (Stiiber 1998: 68).
Alternatively, Olr. taimm might reflect a sandhi-variant which lost the
initial *s-. Since the change *rst > *rt is regular, the loss of the initial *s-
may have been generalized from the environments after the final *-r of the
preceding word in the sentence, cf. also *ta-yo- ‘stand, find oneself’ < *sta-
yo-).
REF: GPC III: 3867, Stiiber 1998: 68, Greene 1958, Schrijver 1995: 419.
*strato- ‘valley’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. srath [o m] ‘grass, sward, valley’
W: OW Strat, MW Ystrad [in toponyms], MW ystrad [f and m] ‘valley’
BRET: MBret. strad ‘bottom’
CO: Co. Straet-neat [Toponym]
PIE: *sterh3- ‘extend, strew’ (IEW: 1029f.)
COGN: Skt. strnati, Lat. sterno, Gr. stornymi
SEE: *star-na- ‘broaden, extend’
ETYM: PCelt. *strato- is derivable from the participle *strh3-t6-, with
shortening of the first vowel by Dybo’s law.
REF: GPC III: 3865, McCone 1996: 52f.
*stronko- ‘excrement’
W: W ¢rwnc [m] ‘urine’
BRET: MoBret. stronk, stronk [m] ‘excrements’
PIE: *sterk- ‘excrement, dung’ (IEW: 1031f.)
COGN: Lat. stercus ‘dung’, perhaps Hitt. istark-" ‘to ail, afflict’ and Lith.
tersiu “befoul’
ETYM: Deshayes (2003: 700) derives MoBret. stronk from OFr. estron
‘dung’, but this is unlikely in light of the W cognate. Cf. also W troeth [m
and f] ‘urine, lye’, MBret. troaz, MoBret. troazh [m] ‘urine’, Co. tréth
‘urine, lye’ < *(s)troxta. The connection of PCelt. *stronko-, *(s)troxta to
Lat. stercus is not quite clear, since it seems to presuppose Schwebeablaut.
One could assume that Celtic has the new o-grade of the root built from the
zero-grade *strik-, but the zero-grade is actually unattested in Celtic.
REF: GPC IV: 3627, 3613, Deshayes 2003: 700, 746, Schrijver 1995: 453f.
*(s)troxta ‘urine’ [Noun]
SEE: *stronko- ‘excrement’
*struti- ‘old, senior’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. sruith ‘old, venerable’
W: OW strutiu gl. antiquam gentem
BRET: OBret. strot
358 *stu-n-g-0-
PIE: *strew- ‘respect’? (IEW: 1037)
COGN: Lith. strujus ‘old man’, ORuss. strvi ‘uncle’, Pol. stryj ‘uncle’
ETYM: PCelt. *struti- seems to be derived with the abstract noun forming
suffix *-ti-, so the original meaning of the word could have been ‘respect’,
vel sim.
REF: LEIA S-189, GPC IV: 3346, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 293,
Schrijver 1995: 453.
*stu-n-g-o- ‘bend’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. as-toing ‘refuse, swear away’; as-to [Subj.]
W: MW estwng, ystwng, estyngi ‘bend, lower oneself?
BRET: MBret. stoeaff ‘bend, lower oneself?
PIE: *(s)tewg- ‘move abruptly’ (IEW: 1032f.)
COGN: SKt. tuj- ‘set in motion’, tufijate ‘moves swiftly’, Gr. stygéo ‘hate’
ETYM: MIr. as-toing < *exs-stungo- (the simplex verb is unattested). In
Old Irish, forms of PCelt. *tungo- ‘swear’ were confused with the forms
derived from *stungo- ‘bend’, see KPV 605. The connection with PIE
*(s)tewg- ‘move abruptly’ is not completely convincing, because the
meanings are quite different.
REF: KPV 603ff., LIV 602, GPC I: 1251, Schrijver 1995: 419f.
*su- ‘good’ [Adv], [(Prefixed) Adjective]
GOID: OIr. so-, su-
W: MW hy-
BRET: MBret. he-
CO: Co. he-
GAUL: Sucellos [Theonym]
PIE: *h,su- ‘well, good’ (IEW: 1037)
COGN: Skt. su-, Gr. eu-, etc.
REF: LEIA S-153f., EIEC 235, Delamarre 283, Zimmer 1995.
*subi- ‘strawberry’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. sub [i n]
W: MW syui (GPC sy/fi) [p]; syfien [Singulative]
BRET: MBret. seuuienn [Singulative]; s(u)iuy [p]
CO: Co. syvyen [Singulative]; sevi [p] (MoCo.)
ETYM: Presumably a loanword from some non-IE substrate; however, the
declension class of Olr. suib (a neuter i-stem) looks archaic.
REF: LEIA S-197f., GPC III: 3379, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 281
*siidya, *sudya ‘soot’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. suide
W: MW hudadyg!l {m]
BRET: MoBret. huzel [f]
CO: Co. hudhyl, hylgeth
*sukko- 359
GAUL: *stidya > Fr. suie, Cat. sutje
ETYM: It is possible that we should restore “4 for u in Olr. o suidi gl.
fuligine. In this case Olr. side would be parallel to Gaul. *siidya. The
Brittonic forms, however, seem to point to *sowd-, perhaps with the VLat.
suffix -clum. I do not believe these words have anything to do with the PIE
root *sed- ‘to sit’, as suggested in IEW (886). Rather, the comparison with
Lith. siodZiai ‘soot’ and OE sot ‘soot’ seems to show that we have a PIE
*seh;wd-. The stem *siid- in Celtic could be due to laryngeal metathesis
(*sh3ud- > *suHd-), while the Brittonic forms seem to point to PIE *sh;ewd-.
The Schwebeablaut that needs to be posited appears strange, however.
REF: LEIA S-201, GPC II: 1908, Gamillscheg 827.
*sukko- ‘pig’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. soc(c) [o m] ‘snout, plough-share’
W: OW huch, suh, MW hwch [f and m] ‘pig’
BRET: OBret. hoch gl. aper, MoBret. houc’h
CO: OCo. hoch gl. porcus, Co. hoch
PIE: *suH- ‘pig’ (IEW: 1038)
COGN: Lat. suis, Av. hi-, ToB suwo, OE sugu ‘sow’, Alb. thi
ETYM: Cf. also the Olr. river-name Socc and socc sail ‘name of a fish’. Fr.
soc ‘plough-share’ is from Gaul. *sukko- and shows the same development
of meaning as Olr. socc. If the IE etymology in Pokorny is correct, the short
*u in PCelt. is unexplained; the geminate *-kk- may be due to the analogical
influence of the other word for ‘pig’, PCelt. *mokku-. In any case,
borrowing from an unknown source remains a possibility.
REF: LEIA S-158f., GPC II: 1928, EIEC 425, LHEB 567, Falileyev 87,
Campanile 1974: 64, Gamillscheg 811, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 35, 96,
519, Zimmer 1994: 152-3.
*su-oxsmiyo- ‘rich’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. sommae [io]
PIE: *h.op- ‘wealth’ (IEW: 780)
COGN: Hitt. happinant- ‘rich’, Skt. dpnas- ‘property’, Lat. op-ulentus ‘rich’
SEE: *su- ‘good’
ETYM: There is, in Olr., also the antonym doimm ‘poor’ < *dus-oxs-mi-.
Both *su-oxsmiyo- and *dus-oxs-mi- show unusual word formation.
REF: LEIA S-170, EIEC 637.
*sutu- ‘fruit, produce, issue’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. suth [u m] ‘fruit, offspring’
PIE: *sewH- ‘bear offspring, give birth to” (IEW: 913)
COGN: Skt. sate ‘gives birth to’, sinus ‘son’, Gr. hyids, hyiys, hyos ‘son’,
ToA se ‘son’
SEE: *sowkno- ‘juice’
360 *suw-o-
ETYM: The short vowel in Olr. suth may be due to Dybo’s law (but cf. the
accent in Skt. s#tu- ‘pregnancy’). MIr. suth ‘milk’ is treated as related by
DIL, but it may be from a different root, PIE *sew- ‘flow, pour’ (Gr. hyei ‘it
rains’, OE séaw ‘juice’, Skt. sundti ‘presses (juice)’, IEW 912, LEIA S-206).
It could represent PCelt. *suto-. The same root may be reflected in W sudd
‘juice, sap, bodily fluid’ (GPC IV: 3352), if it is from *sow-yo-, or
*sow-do-, with *s- > s- as in seith ‘seven’ < PCelt. *sextam, but cf. Isaac
2004. Gr. hyiys, ToA se and ToB soy reflect PIE *suH-yu-.
REF: LEIA S-205f.
*suw-o- ‘turn, wind’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. soid, -soi; soaid, -soa (Subj.]; soifid, -soifea [Fut.]
W: MW amheu ‘doubt’ (GPC amau, amheuo)
PIE: *sewh,- ‘move, set to motion’ (IEW: 914)
COGN: Hitt. suwezzi, Skt. suvati
SEE: *sowono- ‘sun’
ETYM: W asseu, aswy ‘left’ might be derivable from *ad-sowo-, from the
same root; however, in this dictionary it is derived from PCelt. *assowyo-
‘left’.
REF: KPV 605f., LIV 538f., LP 397f., LEIA S-156f., GPC I: 90
*suxto- ‘silence, inactivity’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. socht [o m] ‘silence, dejection, gloom’
PIE: *sewg- ‘be ill, sorrowful’ (IEW: 915)
COGN: Go. siuks ‘ill’, Eng. sick, OHG suht ‘iliness’
ETYM: The OIr. form looks like a to-participle, PIE *sug-to- (cf. OHG suht
< *sug-ti-). The development of meaning was presumably from ‘illness’ to
‘inactivity’ and ‘silence’.
REF: LEIA S-161.
*swadu- ‘sweet’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. Sadb [PN]
GAUL: Suadu-gena, [PN], Suadu-rix [PN]
PIE: *swehodu- ‘sweet’ (IEW: 1039)
COGN: Skt. svadu-, Gr. hédys, Lat. suduis, ToB sware
ETYM: W hawdd ‘easy’ is certainly not from this root, cf. PCelt. *sado-.
REF: Delamarre 284, Ellis Evans 1967: 258, Meid 2005: 206f.
*swan-na- ‘sound, play (an instrument)’ [Vb]
GOID: OIlr. seinnid, -seinn; sifais, -sif(e) [Subj.]; sefainn, sephainn [Pret.]
PIE: *swenh,- ‘(produce) sound’ (IEW: 1046f.)
COGN: Skt. svan-, dsvanit [3s Aor.], Lat. sono, sonus ‘sound’, OE swinn
‘music’
*swanto- 361
ETYM: PCelt. *swan-na- is from the zero-grade of the PIE root
(*swn-neh,-), with the regular development of syllabic *n > *an before
resonant.
REF: KPV 607f., LIV 611, LP 395, LEIA S-86, Watkins 1963: 130-133.
*swanto- ‘desire, what is desired’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sét [o m] ‘treasure’
W: MW chwant [m] ‘desire, lust, space’
BRET: MoBret. c’hoant
CO: Co. whans
ETYM: The original meaning of PCelt. *swanto- was probably ‘desire’, and
the meaning of Olr. sét developed through the stage ‘what is desired, the
object of desire’. The PIE etymology is uncertain. A connection with Go.
swinps ‘strong, healthy’, OHG gi-sund ‘healthy’ is possible, but the
difference in meaning is a considerable obstacle to this etymology.
Moreover, if the a-vocalism in PCelt. *swanto- is due to the reflex of
syllabic *n, we would have to assume that the PIE zero-grade *swnto- was
syllabified differently in Celtic and in Germanic (cf. OHG gi-sund <
*sunto-). On a deeper level, a derivation from PIE *h,su-nt-, *h;sw-ent- is
thinkable (cf. Gr. etis ‘good’, Skt. su- ‘good’, Hitt. assu- ‘good’). The
development of meaning would have been from ‘good’ to ‘healthy, strong’
in Germanic, and to ‘desirable’ in Celtic, but the details of the phonetic
development are unclear.
REF: LEIA S-99, GPC I: 841.
*swar-yo- ‘laugh’ [Vb]
W: MW chwerthin; chwarddaf [1s Pres. ]
BRET: MBret. huerzin
CO: OCo. Awerthin gl. risus
PIE: *swer- ‘sound, make a sound’ (IEW: 1049f.)
COGN: Skt. svarati, ON sverja ‘swear’, perhaps Lat. susurrus ‘whisper’
ETYM: The attribution of these Celtic forms to the PIE root *swer- is
semantically difficult, but possible (see KPV 609). PCelt. *swar-yo-
continues the zero-grade of the root, PIE *swr-yo-. Other derivatives from
the same root in Celtic might include MW chwyrn ‘rapid, whirling’, MW
chwyrnaf ‘snore’, MoBret. huernifi ‘to quarrel’, OCo. hwirnores ‘hornet’ <
*swer-no-.
REF: KPV 608f., GPC I: 843, LIV 613, LP 314.
*swe- ‘self, own’ [Pron]
GOID: Olr. féin
PIE: *swe ‘self? (IEW: 1040)
COGN: Skt. svayam, Gr. hé, Go. swes ‘own’
ETYM: Olr. féin reflects a compound pronominal stem *swe-sin, cf. also
fadesin ‘himself’ < *swe-de-sin. Schrijver (1997: 83) sees the Brit. reflex of
362 *swéd-o-
the pronominal stem *swe- in the element -(h)eu of the MW conjunctive
pronouns (minheu, titheu, ynteu,etc.). Thus, he derives MW ynteu from
*en-de-swe, titheu from *ti-de-swe, etc.
REF: Schrijver 1997: 78.
*swéd-o- ‘swell’ [Vb]
W: MW chwyddaw (GPC chwyddo)
BRET: MoBret. c’hwez [m] ‘vanity, swelling’
PIE: *sweyd- ‘sweat’ (IEW: 1043)
COGN: Skt. svedate, Gr. idié, OHG swizzen, Latv. svistu, ToB syelme
SEE: *swésso- ‘sweat’
ETYM: In Olr. there is the deverbal noun siat [?u m] ‘inflation, swelling’ <
PCelt. *swédu-. For the semantic development ‘sweat’ > ‘swell’ see KPV
609.
REF: KPV 610f., GPC I: 860, LIV 607, Deshayes 2003: 164.
*swédu- ‘swelling’ [Noun]
SEE: *swéd-o- ‘swell’
*swekri- ‘mother-in-law’ [Noun]
W: MW chwegr [f]
CO: OCo. hweger gl. socrus
PIE: *swekru-h2 ‘mother-in-law’ (IEW: 1043f.)
COGN: Skt. svasri-, Lat. socrus, OCS svekry, Arm. skesur, Alb. vjehérr,
OE sweger
SEE: *swekrVno- ‘father-in-law’
REF: GPC I: 848, LP 18, Campanile 66
*swekrVno- ‘father-in-law’ [Noun]
W: MW chwegrwn [m]
CO: OCo. hwigeren gl. socer
SEE: *swekri- ‘mother-in-law’
ETYM: The suffixes in W and OCo. do not agree. OCo. presupposes
*swekrino-, while W chwegrwn can be derived from *swekruno-. Both are
derived from *swekri- ‘mother-in-law’. The suffixes of the form *-(V)no-
often indicate possession, cf. Lat. dominus ‘master, lord, possessor’ (from
domus, ‘house(hold)’), Go. piudans ‘king’ (from piuda ‘people’). PCelt.
*swekrVno- replaced PIE *swekuro- ‘father-in-law’ (IEW: 1043f., cf. Skt.
Svasura-, Lat. socer, Gr. hekyros, OCS svekre).
REF: GPC I: 848, LP 18, Campanile 66.
*swelo- ‘turn, moment’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. sel [o m]
W: MW chwy! [m and f] ‘turn, course, destiny’ (GPC chwyl)
BRET: MBret. hoalat, MoBret. hoalad ‘attract, delight’
*swengo- 363
CO: Co. whel ‘course’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. des-sel ‘right turn’, tuath-bil ‘left turn’, where the
second elements in the compounds also come from *swelo-. I do not believe
that W chwyn ‘movement’ is from the same root (*swey-, cf. EIEC 63, IEW
1041). The verbal root is preserved in Olr. -sel-, e.g. in con-sela ‘leaves’,
coisle ‘leave!’ (see LEIA S-78f.). A convincing IE etymology is lacking. A
connection with PIE *swel- ‘burn’ (IEW 1052, cf. OHG swellen) is
improbable because of the semantic difference, but one is tempted to think of
a derivation from PIE *wel- ‘turn, wind round’ (IEW 1040ff., cf. Lat. uoluo,
Gr. eily6, Go. walwjan ‘revolve’). If this is correct, we must assume s-
mobile in Celtic.
REF: LEIA S-77f, GPC I: 861, Deshayes 2003: 333, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 222, EIEC 63.
*swengo- ‘thin’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. seng [o]
COGN: MHG swanc ‘flexible, thin’
ETYM: LEIA S-85f. derives the ancient name of Belgrade, Singi-dunum,
also from this root. It is known that Singidunum was the seat of the Celtic
tribe of Scordisci, but *sw- is usually preserved in Gaulish, and the element
*sweng- is otherwise unattested in toponymy.
REF: LEIA S-85f., ELEC 63, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 42, 324.
*swergo- ‘illness’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. serg [o m]
PIE: *swerg’- ‘be ill’ (IEW: 1051)
COGN: Lith. sergu ‘I am sick’, Alb. dergjem ‘lie ill’, Go. saurga ‘care,
sorrow’, ToA sdrk ‘illness’
REF: LEIA S-92, EIEC 516
*swerno- ‘loud, whirling’ [Adj]
SEE: *swar-yo- ‘laugh’
*swerwo- ‘bitter’ [Adj]
GOID: Ol. serb [o]
W: MW chwerw
BRET: MBret. hueru, MoBret. c’houero
CO: Co. wherow
SEE: *sworo- ‘louse’
ETYM: W chwarren [f] ‘gland, ulcer, lump’, if related, must represent
PCelt. *swarrina < *swarsina (with *ar < syllabic *r). These Celtic words
lack a persuasive IE etymology. A connection to PIE *swer- ‘wound’ (IEW
1050) is possible (Av. x"ara- ‘wound’, OHG swero ‘pain’); for the semantic
development cf. the connection between Eng. bitter (PGerm. *bitraz) and
bite (PGerm. *bitanan).
364 * swésso-
REF: LEIA S-90, GPC I: 345, 850, Morris Jones 1913: 29.
*swésso- ‘sweat’ [Noun]
W: MW chuis (GPC chwys) [m]
BRET: MBret. hues, MoBret. c’hués, c’hwes [m]
CO: Co. hwys
PIE: *sweyd- ‘sweat’ (IEW: 1043)
COGN: Lat. sido, Skt. svedate, OHG sweiz, Arm. k‘irtn, Alb. dirsé, ToB
syelme
SEE: *swédo- ‘swell’
ETYM: The Celtic forms can be derived from PIE *sweyd-so- or, more
probably, *swid-to- (past participle).
REF: EIEC 560, LEIA A-62, GPC I: 864, Deshayes 2003: 164.
*swesir / *swesr-os ‘sister’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. siur [r f]
W: MW chwaer [f]
BRET: MBret. hoer, hoar, MoBret. c’hoar {f]
CO: OCo. huir gl. soror
GAUL: suiorebe [Instr. p] (Néris-les-Bains, RIG L-6)
PIE: *swesor ‘sister’ (IEW: 1051)
COGN: Skt. svdsar-, Lat. soror, Go. svistar, Lith. sesu6é, OCS sestra, Arm.
Koyr
REF: LEIA 8-123, GPC I: 838, Deshayes 2003: 161, Delamarre 286, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 122, 405, Campanile 1974: 66, McCone 1994a.
*swexs ‘six’ [Num]
GOID: Olr. sé [Geminating]
W: MW chwech, chwe
BRET: OBret. hue, MoBret. c’houec’h
CO: Co. whegh, whe
GAUL: suexos ‘sixth’ [Ordinal] (Coligny)
CELTIB: sues (Botorrita I)
PIE: *sweks ‘six’ (IEW: 1044)
COGN: Lat. sex, Gr. héks, Skt. sat, Lith. SeSi, OCS Sesto, Alb. gjashté
ETYM: The meaning of Celtib. sues is not certainly established. Although
most specialists see it as the numeral ‘six’, some have interpreted it as the
reflexive pronoun.
REF: LEIA S-59, GPC I: 846, DGVB 214, EIEC 402, Delamarre 285f.,
Jordan Célera 1998: 102, 186, MLH V.1: 353.
*swexto- ‘taste’ [Noun]
W: MW chwaeth [m and f]
PIE: *swek”- ‘sap, juice’ (IEW 898f.)
*swis 365
COGN: Gr. opds, OHG swehhan ‘smell’, Lith. sakai ‘resin’, OCS soko
‘juice’
ETYM: PCelt. *swexto- reflects PIE *swek”-to-, with the e-grade of the
root; the o-grade is attested in Gr. opds (< *swok”o-).
REF: GPC I: 839, Matasovié 2004: 127.
*swis ‘you (p)’ [Pron]
GOID: OIr. si
W: OW hui, MW chwi
BRET: OBret. hui, MBret. huy
CO: Co. why
GAUL: (?) sui, sue (Chateaubleau tile); suis (Chamaliéres)
ETYM: Both Gaul. forms sui < *swis and sue < *swes are found in a single
inscription, the Chateaubleau tile (lines 2-5). The interpretation of suis from
Chamaliéres is uncertain, like the interpretation of most other forms in that
text (see Lambert 1994: 158). The shape of the PCelt. 2 pl. personal pronoun
is unusual; the PIE stem is *we- (Lat. uds, OCS vy, etc.), but the word-initial
*s- must be analogical (perhaps influenced by the demonstrative / 3 sg. and
pl. pronoun stem *so-?). Olr. sethar ‘your (pl.)’, proclitic far n-, is from
*swes-tero- (cf. Lat. uos-ter, ues-ter).
REF: LEIA S-101f., GPC I: 850, GOI 254, 282, Falileyev 87f., Lambert
1998-2000.
*swizd-o- ‘blow’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-infet ‘blows, inspires’; do-r-infid [3s Pret. Relative];
do-r-infess [Pret. Pass. Relative]
W: MW chwythu ‘blow, breathe’
BRET: MBret. huezaff, MoBret. c ’*hwezhan ‘breathe’
CO: Co. hwytha
PIE: *sweys-d- ‘hiss’ (IEW: 1040f.)
COGN: Gr. siz6, Russ. svistat’
ETYM: Olr. do-infet < *to-eni-swisdo- (the simplex verb is unattested in
Goidelic). These words are of onomatopoetic origin, so indepentent creations
in different branches of IE cannot be excluded.
REF: GPC I: 865, LIV 611ff., LP 395, LEIA S-100, Deshayes 2003: 164.
*sworo- ‘louse’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. sor [o m] (DIL sar)
W: MW hor [Collective] (GPC h6r) ‘lice, esp. on pigs’
PIE: *swer- ‘wound’ (IEW: 1050)
COGN: Av. x’ara- ‘wound’, OHG sweran ‘feel pain’
SEE: *swerwo- ‘bitter’
ETYM: For the development in W (*swo- > *x“o- > ho-) cf. PCelt. *skolta
‘cleft’. These words can represent the PIE thematic agent noun *swords
‘wounder’ > ‘biter’ (>‘louse’).
366 *tag-o-
REF: LEIA S-173, GPC II: 1898.
*tag-o- ‘strangle, choke’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. tachtaid, -tachta ‘chokes, stifles, oppresses’
W: MW tagu
BRET: MBret. tagu, MoBret. tago
CO: Co. tage
ETYM: Olr. seems to have a verbal stem built from the passive past
participle, PCelt. *taxto-, whereas Brittonic points to primary *tag-o-. For
possible, but unconvincing, IE etymologies, see LEIA T-5, IEW 1055.
REF: LEIA T-4f., GPC II: 3421, Deshayes 2003: 708, EIEC 518.
*talamon- ‘earth, ground’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. talam [n m]
GAUL: Talamone, Talmun (> Talmont) [Toponyms]
PIE: *telh)-m- ‘surface, support’ (IEW: 1061)
COGN: Lat. tellus ‘earth’, OPr. talus ‘ground, floor’, OCS felo ‘ground’,
OE pel ‘floor’, Arm. fal ‘district’
SEE: *tli-na- ‘raise’
ETYM: The PCelt. stem *talamon- < *telamon- < PIE *telhnmon- is the
result of Joseph’s rule. The PIE root is probably *telho- ‘raise, support’ (IEW
1060f.).
REF: LEIA T-22f., EIEC 247, Delamarre 288f., de Bernardo piemipe 1999:
107, 241, Remmer 2002- 3: 183.
*tal-I- ‘pay’
W: MW falu; talaf [1s Pres]
BRET: OBret. talfont] gl. dependunt, MBret. taluout, MoBret. talvoud ‘be
worthy, cost’, tal, talifi ‘pay’
CO: Co. tal
PIE: *tehy-li- (IEW: 1087)
COGN: Lat. talis ‘such’, OCS toli ‘to such a degree’, toliko ‘so much’
ETYM: It has been suggested that these Brittonic verbs were borrowed from
ON tal ‘number, count’ (cf. also Germ. Zahl ‘number’ and the denominative
zahlen ‘pay’), but they could also be related to Lat. talid ‘exaction of
compensation’ from PIE *teh,li-. We may have to do with an Italo-Celtic
legal term ‘to pay, exact a compensation’ from the PIE root that meant ‘so
much’. PCelt. *tal- must be from the zero-grade *th,I- (like OCS /oli), but
Latin (lis implies the full grade *teh2l-. OCS toli(ko) may be from the zero-
*talskV- 367
grade *thI-, but it is also possible that its vocalism is analogical to *koli(ko)
‘so much’ < *k“o-I-. :
REF: GPC IV: 3425f., Deshayes 2003: 709f., de Vaan 2008: 619.
*talskV- ‘fragment, piece’ [Noun]
W: W talch [p] ‘oatmeal, groats, fragments’
CO: OCo. talch gl. furfures
PIE: *telk- ‘strike, hit? IEW: 1062)
COGN: OCS 1ésti
SEE: *telmi- ‘sling, snare’
ETYM: W talch can be related to the PIE zero-grade *tlk- by assuming that
it is from *talxsko- < *tlk-sk-o- (like W arch- from < *parxsko- <
*prk-sk-o-).
REF: GPC IV: 3428, LP 43, LIV 566.
*talu- ‘front, forehead’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. taul [u n] ‘boss, protuberance’ (DIL tul)
W: OW tal, MW tal [m] ‘forehead’ (GPC tal)
BRET: OBret. falar, MBret. and MoBret. fal [m]
CO: OCo. tal gl. frons, Co. tal, taal
GAUL: Argio-talus [PN]
SEE: *talamon- ‘earth, ground’
ETYM: The connection with PCelt. *talamon- suggested by IEW (1061) is
uncertain for semantic reasons. A connection may exist with Skt. talu-
‘palate’, in which case we should reconstruct PIE *teHlu- / *tHl-ew-, with
Celtic generalizing the zero-grade of the root. If this is correct, the semantic
development in Skt. would be from ‘forehead’ to ‘top’ and ‘palate, top of the
(interior part of the) mouth’.
REF: GPC III: 3425, Falileyev 144, Delamarre 288, Deshayes 2003: 709,
Schrijver 1995: 84f., Meid 2005: 153.
*tana ‘time’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. tan [? f]
W: MW fan ‘until, while, below’ (GPC tan, dan)
BRET: OBret. tan, dan
SEE: *tan-nu- ‘broaden, stretch’
ETYM: OlIr. tan, tain is often used as a subordinating conjunction in
temporal, final, and conditional subordinated clauses, e.g. tan tiastae ‘when
they come’. Formally, the derivation from *ten-eh, would be possible (by
Joseph’s rule), and the relationship to the root *ten- ‘stretch’ appears
probable. The evolution of meaning could have been from ‘a stretch of time’
to ‘time’, cf. Ved. and [Instr. sg.] ‘extension, a stretch of time’.
REF: LEIA T-25f., GPC IV: 3435, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 49, 474, 539.
*tanawyo- ‘thin’ [Adj]
368 *tand-man-
GOID: Olr. tanae, tana [io]
W: OW feneu, MW teneu (GPC tenau)
BRET: MBret. tanau, MoBret. tanaw
CO: OCo. tenepen gl. latus, Co. tanow
PIE: *tenhu-, *tnhu- ‘thin’
COGN: Gr. tanaos, Lat. tenuis, OHG dunni
ETYM: Gamillscheg (837) derives Fr. tanner ‘to tan’ from Gaul. *tan-
‘thin’ (the original meaning of the verb would be ‘scrape off, make thinner’),
but I do not find this very convincing. PCelt. *tanawyo- must be a derivation
of *tanawo-, which is from PIE *tenh2wo-, a thematization of the original u-
stem *tenh,u- (cf. Gr. tanads). The development *tena- > *tana- would be
regular (Joseph’s rule), but the a-vocalism could also have been generalized
from the zero-grade of the root (PIE *tnh2u- > *tanHu- > PCelt. *tanu-).
REF: LEIA T-26, GPC III: 3477f., EIEC 574, Falileyev 146, Campanile
1974: 99, Deshayes 2003: 712, Schrijver 1995: 85, 297, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 49, 91, 213.
*tand-man- ‘cutting, gnawing’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. teinm [?n n]
W: MW tam [m] ‘morsel, piece’
BRET: MBret. tamm [m] ‘piece’
CO: Co. tam
SEE: *tend-o- ‘break, cut’
ETYM: There are phonological difficulties in equating MIr. teinm with W
tam, etc., see Stiiber 1998: 167. MIr. taman, tamon [o m] ‘trunk (of a tree)’
might also be related (LEIA T-25), but this word has also been derived from
PIE *sth,mon-o- (cf. OHG stam ‘stem’, ToB stam ‘tree’).
REF: GPC IIT: 3434, Deshayes 2003: 710, Stiiber 1998: 167.
*tang” at- ‘tongue’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tengae [m > f d]
W: OW tauawt, W tafod [m and f]
BRET: MBret. teaut, teut, MoBret. teod [m]
CO: OCo. tauot gl. lingua, MCo. tawes
PIE: *dng"uhy- ‘tongue (IEW: 223)
COGN: Skt. jihva-, Lat. lingua, OHG zunga, OPr. insuwis, ToB kantwo
ETYM: In Celtic, the initial *t (instead of the expected *d-) is best
explained as the result of assimilation (*d...t > 4..4). The Celtic forms with
stem-final *-t presuppose an earlier 4-stem, *tangwa (see Widmer 1997). In
other IE languages, the word for ‘tongue’ has often been subject to various
irregular and analogical changes, e.g. Lat. Jingua with /- under the influence
of lingo ‘lick’ (similarly Lith. lieZuvis).
REF: LEIA T-SOf., GPC III: 3416f., Deshayes 2003: 720, EIEC 98, 594, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 159ff., Hamp 1974-5a, Matasovié 2004: 108,
Widmer 1997.
*tanko- 369
*tanko- ‘peace’ [Noun]
W: OW tagc, MW tang, tanc [m]
GAUL: Tanco-rix [PN]
PIE: *tenk- ‘be solid, firm’ (IEW: 1068)
COGN: Skt. tafic-, Germ. dicht ‘thick’, Lith. tankus ‘thick’
ETYM: Olt. téchtaid, -téchta ‘freeze, solidify’ is a denominative verb from
this root, built from the stem of Olr. técht ‘frozen’ < PCelt. *tanxto-, cf. also
MIr. con-téici ‘freezes’ < *kom-tank-i-. PCelt. *tanko- presupposes the zero
grade of the root, PIE *tnko-. The evolution of meaning was presumably
from ‘what is firm, established’ to ‘peace’ (cf. Lat. pax from pango ‘fix’).
Fr. tanche < OFr. tenche < Gallo-Lat. tinca ‘tench’ could also be from the
same root (? PCelt. *tenka, *tenko- ‘firm, solid’), cf. also Gaul. toponym
Duro-tincum.
REF: LEIA T-38f., GPC III: 3439, Delamarre 288f., Falileyev 144,
Gamillscheg 838, Meid 2005: 118, Sims-Williams 2006: 115.
*tanno- ‘green oak’ [Noun]
CO: OCo. glastannen gl. quercus uel ilex
GAUL: Tannetum, Tanno-gilum [Toponyms]
ETYM: OlIr. tinne ‘holly, elder (?)’ is probably also related (PCelt.
*tennyo-), cf. LEIA T-71, but the PIE etymology of these tree names is
unclear. Borrowing from some non-IE language seems probable, but a
connection may exist to OHG tanna ‘fir wood’, OS danna ‘pine’, cf. Hitt.
tanau ‘a kind of tree’ (the meaning ‘fir’ of Hitt. SBranau is actually not
certain, pace EIEC). We could start from *(s)d°onu- *(s)d"nwos-, and then
have to assume that *s- was lost in Celtic (presumably after *sd*- > *st-), cf.
*ti-yo- ‘be, find oneself? < *sta-yo-).
REF: LEIA T-71, Delamarre 289f.
*tan-nu- ‘broaden, spread, stretch’ [Vb]
W: MW tannu ‘spread out, extend’
CO: Co. tan [Impv] ‘take’
PIE: *ten- ‘broaden, stretch’ (IEW: 1065f.)
COGN: Skt. tandti, Gr. tanymai, Lat. tendo, Go. uf-panjan, OHG dennen
ETYM: Celtic preserves the zero-grade of the root (with regular *n > *an
before nasal); the present stem built with the suffix *-new- / *-nu- is
inherited from PIE, cf. Skt. tanoti and Gr. tanymai.
REF: KPV 618, LIV 626f., GPC IH: 3443.
*tanta ‘cord, cable’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tét [4 f] ‘rope, cord, stringed instrument’
W: OW tantou [p] gl. fides, W tant [m]
BRET: OBret. tanntou, MoBret. tant [m]
PIE: *ten- ‘stretch’ (IEW: 1065)
370 *tarako-
COGN: Skt. tan-, tanoti [3 s Pres.], Gr. tanymai, Lat. tendo
SEE: *tan-nu- ‘broaden, stretch’
ETYM: This is an old participle of the verb *ten- ‘to stretch’, cf. Lat. tentus
(from tendo).
REF: GPC IV: 3444, LEIA T-55, Falileyev 145, Deshayes 2003: 713, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 296.
*tarako- ‘tick, insect’ [Noun]
SEE: *tar-wo- ‘hit, strike’
*tarankyo- ‘nail’ [Noun]
SEE: *tara-wo- ‘hit, strike’
*taras ‘across’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. tar, dar [+Acc.]
PIE: *terh2- ‘cross’ (IEW: 1075)
COGN: Skt. tirds ‘across’, Lat. trans ‘across’
ETYM: W (and OW) tra, Bret. treuz can be derived from a related form,
*trans (cf. Lat. trans). Olr. tar presupposes PIE *trhj-es. The PIE root is
*terho- ‘to overcome’, Hitt. tarhu- ‘prevail’, Skt. tara-, etc. JEW 1075f.).
REF: LEIA T-28f., GOI 530f., EIEC 4, Falileyev 149.
*taratro- ‘auger’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. tarathar [0 m]
W: OW tarater, W taradr [m]
BRET: MBret. tarazr, talazr, MoBret. tarar [m]
CO: Co. tardar
GAUL: *taratro- > Lat. taratrum (Isidore of Seville, hence Fr. tariére, Pr.
taravel, travel)
PIE: *terh;tro- ‘auger’ (IEW: 1072)
COGN: Gr. téretron, Lat. terebra
SEE: *tara-wo- ‘hit, strike’
ETYM: The change *-era- > *-ara- in this word is regular (Joseph’s rule).
The PIE root is *terh,- ‘to drill, tear’ IEW 1071, cf. Lat. tero, Gr. teird,
etc.). Lat. terebra is from *terh,-sro-.
REF: LEIA T-30, GPC IV: 3447, LP 46, EIEC 36, 424, Deshayes 2003:
714, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 304, Delamarre 290, Falileyev 145.
*tara-wo- ‘hit, strike’ [Vb]
W: MW taraw, taro, (GPC trawaf [Pres 1 s])
BRET: OBret. toreusit gl. atriuit, MBret. tarauat ‘rub, use’, MoBret.
tarawad
PIE: *terh,- ‘drill, rub’ (EW: 1072)
COGN: Lat. tero, Gr. toreuo
SEE: *taratro- ‘auger’
:
q
*targw-o- 371
ETYM: The a-vocalism is explicable by Joseph’s rule, see Joseph 1982.
Another derivative from this root could be Olt. tairnge [io m] ‘iron nail’, if
from < *tarankyo-, cf. also OFr. taranche ‘big iron pin’ (probably from
Gaulish). W torogen ‘tick, blood-sucking insect’, OBret. torocenn gl.
curculio, MoBret. teureuguenn ‘tick’ may also be from the same root
(*tarako- < PIE *torh,-), cf. also Lat. termes ‘termite’, Gr. teredon (IEW
1076).
REF: GPC IV: 3359f., DGVB 316, LEIA T-14, Deshayes 2003: 714.
*targ”-o- ‘disturb, scare’ [Vb]
W: MW tarfu ‘disturb, trouble, scare’
PIE: *terg”- ‘scare, fear’ (IEW: 1076f.)
COGN: Gr. tarbé6d scare’, Skt. tarjati ‘threatens’, Lat. toruus ‘grim’, Hitt.
tarkuwant- ‘looking angrily’
ETYM: The development is not straightforward as it may appear at first
sight, because we would expect PCelt. *trib- from PIE *trg”-. One could
assume an assimilation *trg”-wo- > *trwwo- > PCelt. *tarwo- > W tarfu, but
this is clearly ad hoc.
REF: GPC IV: 3449f., LIV 574f., Frisk II: 855.
*tar(r)tu- ‘dryness, thirst’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tart [u m] ‘thirst’
W: MW arth [m] ‘vapour, steam, fume’
GAUL: Tartos (?) [PN]
PIE: *ters- ‘dry’ (IEW: 1078)
COGN: Lat. torrus ‘piece of firewood’, Av. tarSna- ‘thirst’, OHG durri
ETYM: The semantic connection of W tarth and Olr. tart is not beyond
doubt, but the formal correspondence is perfect. The derivation from a PIE
abstract noun *trs-tu- ‘dryness’ would be regular.
REF: LEIA T-35, GPC III: 3452, EIEC 170, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
145, 289, Delamarre 291.
*tarwo- ‘bull’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tarb [o m]
W: MW arw [m]
BRET: OBret. taruu, MBret. taru, MoBret. tarw [m]
CO: Co. tarow
GAUL: taruos, perhaps Tarvisium [Toponym]
PIE: *tawro- ‘bull’ (IEW: 1083)
COGN: Lat. taurus, Lith. tatiras, OCS turs
ETYM: In Celtic, the metathesis *-wr- > *-rw- must be assumed; it may be
a regular change. The PIE noun may have been borrowed from Semitic, or
some intermediate source (cf. EIEC 98).
372 *tar-yo-
REF: LEIA T-31, GPC III: 3452, LP 12f., Deshayes 2003: 715, EIEC 98,
135 de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 214, 219, Delamarre 291, Matasovic 2004:
87, Sims-Williams 2006: 114f.
*tar-yo- ‘boil, burst’ [Vb]
W: MW tarddu ‘emerge, issue, sprout, appear’
BRET: OBret. tardom gl. clangor
CO: Co. tardha (IEW: 1074)
COGN: Lat. trans (?)
ETYM: This PCelt. verb is derived from PIE *terh- ‘cross, overcome’
(IEW 1074, cf. Hitt. taruhzi, Skt. turvati) by KPV and LIV, but the meanings
are very different. A development from ‘cross’ to ‘change state’ and to ‘boil’
is possible, but speculative. Cf. also Olr. tair ‘come’ [Ipv.] < *trhoye ‘cross’?
REF: KPV 620, LIV 633f., GPC III: 3448, Schrijver 1995: 144f.
*tasko- ‘badger’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. tadg ‘1. poet, 2. hard’, Tadg [PN]
GAUL: Tascos [PN], Tasco-uanus [PN] ‘badger-slayer’
PIE: *tosko- ‘badger’
COGN: OHG dahs, perhaps Hitt. tasku- ‘testicle?’
ETYM: Olr. tadg < *tazgo-. It is unknown why Goidelic replaced the
cluster *sk with *zg (dissimilation in voicing with the initial *t?). Although
this etymology appears weak on the semantic side on the first sight, it is
actually quite sound, since MIr. Tadg is the name of a certain king whose
totem was a badger. There are also reflexes of the Gaulish word for ‘badger’
in VLat. taxo and in various Romance dialects, e.g. Fr. (dial.) taisson, It.
tasso, Sp. tején, etc. (some believe these words were borrowed from
Germanic, but initial ¢- points to Gaulish).
REF: LEIA T-5f., Delamarre 2004: 292, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 475,
Ellis Evans 1967: 263ff., Gamillscheg 835, Matasovié 2004: 88, Katz 1998:
61-82, Uhlich 2002: 417.
*tatant- ‘thief? [Noun]
GOID: Olr. édid [nt, m] gl. fur
PIE: *teh- ‘steal’ (IEW: 1010)
COGN: Skt. tayi- ‘thief’, OCS tate ‘thief’, tajiti ‘hide’, Hitt. ta@yezzi ‘steals’
ETYM: The word formation of Olr. taid is unclear. Despite LIV (559), it is
not superimposable on OCS tato, which is a masculine i-stem (presumably
an old abstract ‘the stealing’). If tdid is an old nt-participle, we would have
to assume a present with the suffix *-t-, PIE *teh,-t- (the type of Lat. plecto,
dicto, etc.). For a similar nominalized participle cf. *karant- ‘friend’.
REF: LEIA T-7, LIV 559, EIEC 543, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 285,
355ff.
*tato- ‘father’ [Noun]
*tawso- 373
W: MW tat (GPC tad) [m]
BRET: MBret. tat, MoBret. tad [m]
CO: OCo. tat gl. pater, Co. tas
SEE: *attyo- ‘father’
ETYM: A noun from children’s language, similar to Croat. tata ‘daddy’,
Eng. daddy, etc., cf. PCelt. *attyo- > Olr. aite ‘father’.
REF: GPC IV: 3407, Deshayes 2003: 707.
*tawso- ‘deaf? [Adj]
GOID: OIr. to [o], tae [yo]
W: MW taw [m] ‘silence’
BRET: MBret. tao, MoBret. taw [m] ‘silence’
CO: Co. taw
SEE: *taws-yo- ‘be quiet, be still’
ETYM: Derived from the verbal root *taws- < PIE *tehgws- (IEW 1056f.,
for cognates see *taws-yo-).
REF: LIV 582, GPC IV: 3455, LEIA 90f., Deshayes 2003: 716.
*taws-yo- ‘be quiet, be still’ [Vb]
W: MW tewi; tawaf [1s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. teuell, MoBret. tewel
CO: Co. tewel
PIE: *teh.ws- ‘be quiet, be still? IEW: 1056f.)
COGN: Hitt. tuhu(s)siyezzi ‘awaits’, Luv. tuhusiya- ‘to keep silent, quiet
(2)’, Skt. tasnim ‘quietly’, OPr. tusnan ‘quiet’
SEE: *tawso- ‘deaf?
ETYM: The Hittite verb is derived from *tuHs- < *thjus- by regular
metathesis (but Kloekhorst 2008: 894 is sceptical). A different
reconstruction of the PIE root is offered by LIV and KPV 621ff.
REF: KPV 621ff., LIV 642f., GPC III: 3456, LEIA T-90f., T-99, Deshayes
2003: 723, LP 401.
*t§-yo- ‘melt’ [Vb]
SEE: *td-yo- ‘melt’
*ta-yo- ‘stand, find oneself (somewhere)’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. at-td, -fil ‘be, find oneself’ (substantive verb)
W: MW -tau [3s Pres.] ‘is’
BRET: OBret. to [3s Pres.]
CO: Co. otte ‘there is’
PIE: *steh- ‘stand’ (IEW: 1004f.)
COGN: Lat. sto, stare, Gr. histémi, OCS stojati, Lith. stoti
SEE: *si-sta- ‘put’
ETYM: Ol. at-td is from *ad-sta-yo-. The loss of initial *s- is irregular, but
it could be due to the generalization of a sandhi variant occurring regularly
374 *ta-yo-
after *-r, since *rst > *rt is a sound law in Celtic (cf. tart ‘thirsty’ < *tarrtu-
< *tarstu-).
REF: KPV 623ff., LIV 590ff., LP 323f., LEIA T-2, A-90, EIEC 468.
*ta-yo- ‘melt’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. taid (disyllabic), -td, -taa
W: MW toddi
BRET: MBret. teuzi, MoBret. teuzo
PIE: *teh2- ‘melt’ (IEW: 1053)
COGN: Lat. tabeo, Oss. taj- ‘thaw, melt’, Russ. tajat’, Eng. thaw
ETYM: The present with the suffix *-y- is attested in Olr. taid ‘melt,
dissolve’ < , tayo-, while the Brittonic forms apparently reflect *ta-d-o- <
PIE *teh,-d"-. Olr. tam [u ?] ‘plague, swoon, death’ may represent a nominal
derivative from the same root (*tamu-). Lat. tabeo must be from *teh -b"-,
which is an unusual formant in a present stem.
REF: GPC IV: 3514, KPV 627f., LIV 560, Deshayes 2003: 723, Schrijver
1995: 418, Mallory & Adams 2006: 124.
*taysto- ‘dough’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. tais, taés [0] (DIL taes)
W: MW ‘oes [m] ‘lump of dough or pastry, farina subacta, massa farinaria’
BRET: MBret. toas [m], MoBret. (Gwened) foés
CO: Co. tés
PIE: *tehys-t- ‘dough’ (IEW: 1054)
COGN: OCS ¢ésto ‘dough’, OHG theismo, deismo ‘dough’
ETYM: PCelt. *taysto- can be from PIE *theys-to-, but *tehzisto- is
inherently more probable.
REF: LEIA T-17, GPC IV: 3515, Deshayes 2003: 727, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 272.
*taxslo- ‘axe’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tal [o m], ? Ogam TALA-GNI
PIE: *teks-slo- ‘axe’ (IEW: 1058)
COGN: OCS tesla, OHG dehsa, dehsala :
ETYM: Olr. tal may point to a lengthened grade, PIE *tok-, which is
expected only in a root-noun (for which there is no evidence in other IE
languages). Widmer’s (2001) reconstruction of PIE *tdkt-lo- (with length
from a putative Narten-present *tékt-ti) is also without clear parallels. It is
possible, however, that vowels were regularly lengthened before the cluster
*xsl (and *xsr?) in PCelt. (cf. PCelt. *skaxslo- ‘demon’ < *skok-slo-,
perhaps also *kisra ‘comb’ < *ke-ks-reh2). The simplification of the
geminate after a long vowel (*taxslo- > *taxllo- > *talo- > Olt. fal, not *tall)
is parallel to the development of *miros- ‘piece of meat, food’ and *tiros-
‘Jand’.
*tefent- 375
REF: LEIA T-22, EIEC 38, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 224, Ziegler 1994:
116, Schrijver 1995: 433ff., Widmer 2001.
*tefent- ‘hot, warm’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. te, tee [nt]
PIE: *tep- ‘be warm’ (IEW: 1070)
COGN: Skt. tdpati ‘burns’, Lat. tepeo ‘be warm’, OCS topl» ‘warm’
ETYM: Cf. Olr. ¢éit gl. luxoriatae (’wanton women’) < *tefentes.
REF: LEIA T-38, 263, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 148, 432, 532, Hamp
1974,
*tefesmi- ‘warm’ [Adj]
SEE: *tefnet- ‘hot’
*tefnet- ‘fire’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tene [d m]
W: MW tan [m] (GPC tan)
BRET: MBret. tan [m]
CO: Co. tan
PIE: *tep- ‘be warm’ (IEW: 1070)
SEE: *tefent- ‘hot, warm’
ETYM: The Celtic form *tefnet- presupposes an earlier s-stem (*tepnés),
see Widmer 1997. The nasal might be due to the influence of *tefent-
‘warm’. Cf. also W twym ‘warm’ < *témo- < *tefesmi- as if from PIE
*tepes-mi- (Skt. tdpas- ‘heat’), cf. also Olr. timme ‘heat’ < *tefsmiya <
*teps-mihp.
REF: LEIA T-49f., GPC IV: 3437, Deshayes 2003: 711f., de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 165, Widmer 1997, Isaac 2007: 15.
*tefstu- (*texstu-) ‘heat’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tess [um]
W: MW tes [m]
BRET: OBret. a tes gl. fotu, MoBret. tes [Collective]
CO: OCo. tes gi. feruor
GAUL: Tessi-gnius (?) [PN]
LEP: Ases- (?) [PN]
PIE: *tep- ‘be warm’ (IEW: 1070)
COGN: Skt. tdpas- ‘heat’, Lat. tepeo ‘be warm’, OCS tepl», topl» ‘warm’
SEE: *tefent- ‘hot, warm’
ETYM: If related, Lep. Ases- is from *ad-tess- < *ad-tef-s-. Celt. *tefstu-
presupposes PIE *tepstu-. For the suffix *-stu- cf. *flenstu-, *tlustu-.
REF: LEIA T-54, GPC IV: 3487, EIEC 263, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
146ff., Delamarre 294, Deshayes 2003: 721, Campanile 1974: 100, O
Flaithearta 1997, Meid 2005: 117f.
376 *tég-
*tég- ‘go’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. téit, -tét, -tiagait [3p]; téis, -té [Subj.]
W: MW ardwyaw ‘defend, protect’ (GPC ardwyo)
PIE: *steyg'- ‘tread, go’ (IEW: 1017f.)
COGN: Gr. steikhd, Go. steigan
ETYM: MW ardwyaw < *fare-tég-o-, cf. also MW ymardwyaw ‘defend
oneself? < *ambi-fare-tég-o-. The simplex *tég- probably had athematic
present (Kortlandt 2007: 127f.). The Celtic forms consistently point to word
initial *t-, so the simplification (probably originally in sandhi) of *st- > *t- is
already Proto-Celtic (cf. also PCelt. *ta-yo- ‘stand’ < *sta-yo-). Gaul.
moritex (negotiator Britannicus, CIL XIII 8164a, Cologne) is a compound of
*mori ‘sea’ and PCelt. *tég- ‘go’; cf. W mordwy ‘movement of the sea, sea-
voyage’ < *mori-tégV-.
REF: KPV 637ff., GPC I: 184, LIV 593f., LEIA T-57ff., EEC 228, LP
399ff, Bammesberger 1985, Uhlich 2002: 420, Kortlandt 2007: 127f.
*tegos- ‘house’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. tech [s n]
W: OW tig, W ty [m] (GPC #7)
BRET: OBret. bou-tig ‘stable’, MBret. and MoBret. ti [m]
CO: OCo. ti gl. domus, MCo. chy
GAUL: *attegia > Lat. attegia ‘hut’ (Juvenal)
PIE: *teg-os ‘cover, roof’ (IEW: 1013)
COGN: Lat. tego ‘cover’, Gr. tégos ‘roof’, Germ. Dach
ETYM: Celtib. tekez (Luzaga) is often compared, but this form is
completely obscure, not only with respect to meaning, but also
grammatically: is it a verb in the 3 sg. preterite, or the Abl. sg. of a root
noun? OCo. to gl. tectum, W and Bret. fo ‘roof’ all presuppose PCelt. *togo-,
another ablaut variant of the same root, while Gaul. ethnonym Tecto-sages
may contain PCelt. *texto- (cf. Lat. tectum ‘roof’). Lat. attegia is a Gaul.
loanword and reflects Gaul. *ad-teg-ya. Cf. also Olr. tuige ‘cover,
protection’ (DIL tugae) < *togya, hence the denominative tuigithir ‘covers’.
The comparison of this form with Celtib. TOGIAS (perhaps a Gen. sg. of an
a-stem) is formally in order, but the meaning of the Celtiberian word is
unclear. The lengthened grade is attested in Olr. ti ‘cloak’ < *PCelt. *tig-s <
*(s)tég-s, which is also compatible with the Brit. forms (OW fig, etc.).
Should we reconstruct a PCelt. ablauting paradigm *tig-s / *teg-os, or rather
two etymons with different ablaut-grades in the root?
REF: LEIA T-39, GPC IV: 3667, EIEC 488, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
142, Uhlich 2002: 412, Meid 1994a: 43, Jordan Colera 1998: 170,
Campanile 1974: 100, Deshayes 2003: 723, MLH V.1: 374f., 404f.
*tego-slowgo- ‘household’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. teglach [on]
W: OW telu ‘retinue’, MW teilu [m] (GPC teulu)
*tegu- 377
CO: OCo. teilu gl. familia
SEE: *tegos- ‘house’, *slowgo- ‘retinue’
ETYM: A Proto-Celtic compound from *tego- ‘roofed building, house’ and
*slowgo- ‘retinue’.
REF: LEIA S-137, LEIA T-39, GPC IV: 3490, Falileyev 146, Campanile
1974: 99.
*tegu- ‘thick’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. tiug [u] ‘thick, dense, solid’
W: OW teu, MW tew
BRET: MBret. teo, teu
CO: Co. tew
PIE: *tegu- ‘thick’ (IEW: 1057)
COGN: OHG dicchi, OE dicce ‘thick’
ETYM: Reflexes of this PIE root are attested only in Celtic and Germanic.
Both branches point to an original u-stem (Orel 2003: 411).
REF: LEIA T-76, GPC IV: 3491, Falileyev 147, Schrijver 1995: 68.
*tek”-o- ‘run, flee’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. teichid, -teich; teiss, -té [Subj.]; teiss, -té [Fut.]; taich [Pret.]
W: MW techu
BRET: MBret. techet, MoBret. tec ‘hed
CO: Co. tégh
PIE: *tek”- ‘flow, run’ (IEW: 1059f.)
COGN: Skt. tdkti ‘hurries’, OCS testi, teceto, Lith. tek: ‘run’, Alb. ndjek
‘follows’, perhaps Hitt. watku’- ‘flee’
ETYM: Brittonic -ch- is from an old subjunctive stem, cf. LP 399. The old
present stem, parallel to Olr. teich- is preserved in Canu Aneirin 55.1418
ny-debit [Impf. Impersonal Relative].
REF: KPV 629ff., LIV 620f., GPC IV: 3461, LEIA T-40, Deshayes 2003:
717, EIEC 491.
*telmi- ‘sling, snare’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. teilm [i f] (DIL tailm)
W: MW telm [f] ‘snare, trap’
BRET: OBret. talmorion gl. cum funditoribus, MBret. and MoBret. talm [f]
‘sling; a strike of lightning’
SEE: *talskV- ‘fragment, piece’
ETYM: A possible proto-form would also be PCelt. *talx-smi-, from PIE
*telk- ‘hit, beat? (IEW 1062, see PCelt. *talskV-). This appears more
probable than *telfsmi- > *telxsmi- proposed by Hamp (1990a). He
interpreted this reconstructed proto-form as ‘defence’ and related it to PIE
*tpol- ‘defend’ (Gr. polis, ptolis ‘defended settlement > town’, etc.).
REF: LEIA T-10, GPC IV: 3474, Deshayes 2003: 710, Hamp 1990.
378 *temeslo-
*temeslo- ‘darkness’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. temel [o m] ‘shadow, darkness’ (DIL teimel)
W: OW timuil, W tywyll ‘dark, darkness’
BRET: OBret. temoel gl. fenicatum, MBret. teffal, MoBret. tefival
CO: OCo. tiwoulgou gl. tenebrae, Co. teul, tevle
PIE: *temH- ‘dark’ (IEW: 1064)
COGN: Skt. tamisra- ‘dark night’, OHG demar ‘twilight’, Lat. tenebrae
‘darkness’
SEE: *temo- ‘dark’
ETYM: PCelt. *temeslo- probably presupposes an s-stem *temos <
*temHos-, parallel to Skt. tamas-, cf. also Lith. tamsa ‘darkness’ and Lat.
temere ‘blindly’ < *temHesi (Loc. sg.).
REF: LEIA T-48, GPC IV: 3686, Falileyev 147, Deshayes 2003: 720,
Schrijver 1995: 322, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 46.
*temo- ‘dark’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. tem (DIL tfeim)
SEE: *temeslo- ‘darkness’
ETYM: Olr. tem ‘dark’ is a rare word occurring only in glossaries, but cf.
the derivative *temeslo- ‘darkness’. In any case, PCelt. *temo- presupposes
PIE *temH-o-.
*tend-o- ‘break, cut’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. teinnid, -teinn; téiss, -té [Subj.]; tethainn [Pret.]
PIE: *tend- ‘cut’ (IEW: 1062f.)
COGN: Lat. tondeo ‘shear’, Gr. ténd6 ‘gnaw at’
SEE: *tonda ‘skin’
REF: KPV 614, LIV 628, LP 399, LEIA T-51.
*tennyo- ‘holly, elder’ [Noun]
SEE: *tanno- ‘green oak’
*teterV- ‘scaldcrow’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. tethra
PIE: *teter- ‘a kind of bird’ (IEW: 1079)
COGN: Skt. tittira- ‘partridge’, Lith. teterva ‘capercaille’, Gr. tetradn
‘capercaille’
ETYM: MIr. tethra is attested mostly in glossaries. Its stem-formation
cannot be ascertained. In some contexts it refers to the war-goddess (Badb).
The PIE word, whatever its precise meaning, was obviously onomatopoetic.
REF: LEIA T-56, Mallory & Adams 2006: 143f.
*tigerno- ‘lord, master’ [Noun}
GOID: OIr. tigern [o m], Ogam TIGIRN
W: MW eeern, teyrn [m]
*tigu- 379
BRET: OBret. Tiarn [PN], MBret. and MoBret. tiern [m]
CO: Co. mach-deyrn ‘king’
GAUL: (Castrum) Tigernum [Toponym]
ETYM: Jordan Célera 1998: 207ff. mentions the possibility that Celtib.
TIGINO (Pefialba de Villastar, var. lect. TICINO) actually represents
Tigernos, but I find this unconvincing. For possible IE etymologies of PCelt.
*tigerno-, see LEIA T-63 and IEW 1016f., but I find none of them very
promising. With respect to word formation, *tigerno- contains the same
suffix as Lat. dominus (from domus ‘house, household’), used to derive
terms for social functions (cf. also Go. biudans ‘king’ from piuda ‘people’),
so *tiger- would have to refer to some sort of social unit. A connection to
*tég-o- ‘go’ (the zero-grade of which is *tig-) may be possible, but the word
formation is quite unclear. One may only speculate that, if *tiger- was ‘a
going’, i.e. ‘a raid, a raiding party’, *tigerno- would have been ‘the chief of
the raiding party’.
REF: LEIA T-62f., GPC III: 3494, Delamarre 296, Deshayes 2003: 724, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 238ff., Jordan Coélera 1998: 207ff., MLH V.1: 383,
Ziegler 1994: 116.
*tigu- ‘final, last’ [Adj]
GOID: OI. tigu-
W: OW guotig, W wedy, wedi ‘after’
BRET: OBret. guetig, MoBret. goude ‘after’
CO: OCo. guotig, Co. woge, wosa ‘after’
ETYM: The Brittonic forms come from PCelt. *wo-tigu- ‘at the end’.
REF: LEIA T-76f., GPC IV: 3730.
*ti-ni- ‘melt’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. tinaid, -tin gl. evanescit, ‘melts, disappears’
PIE: *teyh)- ‘become hot’ (IEW: 1053f.)
COGN: Hitt. zéari ‘boils’, OE dinan ‘moisten’, ON pidr ‘thawed’
ETYM: Celtic reflects the zero-grade of the root, PIE *ti-nh,-. The lack of
lowering (**tina-~ > **tena-) in Olr. shows that the original inflection must
have been *ti-ni- / *ti-na-, which was leveled to *ti-ni- throughout the
paradigm in PCelt. The suffix *-ni- was subsequently replaced by the
productive -na- in Olr.
REF: KPV 640, LIV 617, LEIA T-67f.
“tiros- ‘land, earth’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tir [o n]
W: OW ftir, MW tir [m]
BRET: MBret.tir [m]
CO: OCo. tir gl. tellus, Co. tyr
PIE: *ter-s- ‘dry’ (IEW: 1078)
COGN: Hitt. tars- ‘become dry’, Lat. terra ‘land’
380 *(lasta
ETYM: The long vowel of *tiros < *téros is exactly parallel to *sidos <
*sédos, Olr. sid ‘mound’ (see s. v. *sedo-, *sidos-). It may represent an old
vrddhi, but it may also point to a PIE root-noun *térs- ‘dryness, firmness’,
Gen. sg. *trs-os; Lat. terra has the full grade (*terseh2). The simplification of
geminates (i. e. *tirso- > *tirro- > *tiro-) is regular (cf. *miros- ‘peace of
meat’ and *wari- ‘sunrise’). Cf. also Olr. tirimm, tirimm ‘dry’ < *tirs-es-mi-
(for the word formation cf. *tefesmi- ‘warm’.
REF: LEIA T-74f., GPC IV: 3503, EIEC 100, 170, GOI 39, Falileyev 148,
Campanile 1974: 100, Deshayes 2003: 725, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
144 ff.
*tlasta ‘weakness’ [Noun]
SEE: *tlati- “weak, sick’
*lati- ‘weak, sick’ [Adj]
GOID: MI. tldith [i] ‘weak, feeble, soft, pleasant’
W: MW ¢lawdd ‘poor, sick’
PIE: *telha- ‘support’ (IEW: 1060f.)
COGN: Gr. talds ‘sad’, OHG dolen ‘suffer’
ETYM: Cf. also Mir. tas [o m and 4 f] ‘weakness, mildness’ < *tlasta. The
meaning in Celtic can be derived from ‘suppressed’, and finally from the PIE
root *telhj- ‘support’, but complex semantic evolution must be assumed
(‘supporting’ > ‘suppressed’ > ‘weak’, or ‘support’ > ‘suffer’ ‘be weak,
sick’).
REF: LEIA T-78, GPC III: 3510, McCone 1996: 52f., de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 293, 337.
*tli-na- ‘take away, steal’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. tlenaid, -tlen; tlieid, -tlia [Subj.]; -tiuil [Pret]
PIE: *telh2- ‘raise, support, bear’ (IEW: 1060f.)
COGN: Lat. tollo ‘pick up, raise, remove’, Gr. talanta ‘scales’, Go. bulan
‘endure, bear’, ToB tallam ‘raises’
SEE: *talamon- ‘earth’, *tlati- “weak, sick’
ETYM: If the IE etymology is correct, the development of meaning was
from ‘pick up’ (cf. Lat. tollo) to ‘steal, take away’. PCelt. *talamon- ‘earth’
(< ‘supporter’) is from the same root. The stem *tli- is analogical, since *tln-
> *taln- in Celtic; should we assume that the source of the stem was the
passive participle *tlto- > *tlito- (itself analogical, since *tlIH-to- would give
PCelt. *tlato-, cf. PCelt. *tlati- ‘weak, sick’)?
REF: KPV 641f., LIV 622f., LP 401, LEIA T-78f.
*tlok”-I- ‘talk’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. ad-tluchedar, atluchedar ‘thanks’, do-tluchedar ‘demands’
PIE: *tlok”- ‘talk’ (IEW: 1088)
COGN: Lat. Joquor ‘talk’, OCS tloke ‘talk’, Russ. t6/k ‘meaning’
*tlustu- 381
ETYM: Celtic and Latin point to o-grade *tlok”-, while Slavic preserves the
zero-grade *tlk”-. Perhaps we may reconstruct an old perfect paradigm with
regular ablaut (*tlok”-e / *tlk”-ro).
REF: LEIA T-79f., Oettinger 2003: 191.
*tlustu- ‘kine, riches’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. lus [u m]
W: MW tlws [m] ‘treasure, jewel’
ETYM: No convincing IE etymology. However, if the Welsh word was
borrowed from Irish, we can derive MIr. tlus from *(s)tloxstu- < PIE
*stlok-stu-, and compare Lat. locus ‘place’ < stlocus, which also has an
unclear etymology (the usual connection to *stel- ‘spread’ does not make
any sense, cf. de Vaan 2008: 347). Note that Lat. JocGre means not only ‘to
place’, but also ‘to hire out’, and Joculus means ‘a box’, and locdrium is
‘rent for a market stall’. We may start from PIE *(s)tlok- ‘property, ware (for
exchange)’, and an abstract noun *tlok-stu- would yield Olr. tius regularly.
For the semantic connection, cf. OCS mésto ‘place’, Pol. miasto ‘town, city’
< *moy-sth,o- (from the root *mey- ‘change’, cf. OCS ména ‘exchange’,
Lith. mainas).
REF: LEIA T-80, GPC III: 3510f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 269.
*to- ‘to’ [Prep]
GOID: Olt. to-, do-, do
W: OW di, W dy
BRET: OBret. do
SEE: *tod ‘yes’
ETYM: Clear connections in other IE languages are lacking, but cf. OHitt.
sentence connective fa, possibly related to PIE demonstrative pronominal
stem *to-.
REF: LEIA T-81f., Falileyev 42f., Watkins 1965.
*to-ad-ret-o- ‘reach, grasp’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-draid, -tarraid ‘grasps, finds, overtakes, attains’ (DIL do-
airret, do-dirret)
W: MW daeredu ‘reach, come, pay taxes’
SEE: *ret-o- ‘run’
REF: KPV 538f., GPC I: 878.
*to-ambi-org-o- ‘press, strike down’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-immuirc ‘presses, constrains’ (DIL do-immoirg)
W: MW -damorth ‘struck down’ [3 s Pret.]}
REF: KPV 498f.
*tod ‘yes, indeed’ [Particle]
GOID: OIr. t6
382 *to-exs-brend-o-
ETYM: W do ‘indeed, yes’ is probably the same word, but the word initial
d- must somehow be analogical. Cf. also the parallelism between OIr. natho
‘no’ and MW naddo (< *ne-tod). For a convincing argument that *-d was
preserved in Proto-Celtic see McCone 2006: 171ff. It should also be
preserved in Olr. in monosyllables, to judge by cid ‘what’ < *k”id, ed ‘it’ <
*id, so that in Olr. to it probably dropped analogically after natho.
REF: GPC I: 1068, Schrijver 1997: 15, McCone 2006: 171ff., Hamp 1996a.
*to-exs-brend-o- ‘flow’ [Vb]
SEE: *brend-o- ‘flow’
*to-fare-ufo-kan-o- ‘prophesize’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-aurchain
W: MW darogan, daroganu
SEE: *kan-o- ‘sing’
ETYM: Cf. OBret. darcenneti gl. hariolis.
REF: KPV 388ff., GPC I: 897.
*togya ‘covering, roof’ [Noun]
SEE: *tegos ‘house’
*to-kom-far-sko- ‘ask’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. do-comairc
W: MW dy-m-kyueirch (with infixed pronoun -m-)
SEE: *far-sko- ‘ask, plead’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. verbal noun tochmarc [o n] ‘wooing, courting’ <
*to-kom-farsko-.
REF: KPV 512.
*tolgo- ‘strength, energy’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. tolg [0 m] ‘strength, force, attack’
PIE: *(s)tolg- ‘effort’ (?) (IEW: 1020)
COGN: OE stealc ‘high, steep’, Lith. stalgus ‘stiff, defiant, proud’
ETYM: LEIA compares Bret. (Vannetais) ‘olhien ‘tuft, spike’, which shows
the semantic connection with the Germanic words. MIr. folg can also be
used in the sense of ‘piercing’.
REF: LEIA T-102.
*tol-I-yo- ‘sleep’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. tuilid, con-tuili; con-tuil [Pret.] ‘sleeps’
PIE: *(s)telH- ‘be quiet, be still’ (EW: 1061f)
COGN: OHG stillen ‘make still’, Lith. tyla ‘quiet person’, ¢i/ti ‘fall silent’,
OCS u-toliti ‘quench, soothe’
ETYM: Cf. Olr. verbal noun cotlud ‘sleep’ < *kom-toli-tu-. That the PIE
root ended in a laryngeal is shown by the accentuation in Lithuanian.
*tonda 383
REF: LEIA T-170, EIEC 475.
*tonda ‘skin, surface’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tonn [4 f]
W: MW tonn ‘skin, rind, surface, turf’ (GPC ton [m and f], tonnen
[Singulative])
BRET: OBret. tonnenn gl. cutela, MBret. ton(n)enn, MoBret. tonnenn
SEE: *tend-o- ‘cut’
ETYM: Fr. tonne ‘ton, great vat’ is probably unrelated to these words, pace
Gamillscheg 853 (the meanings are too different, although Gamillscheg
starts from Gaul. *tonda ‘skin’ > ‘skin bag’). The PIE rood may well be
*tend- ‘cut’ IEW 1063, cf. Gr. téndd, Lat. tondeo) since the word for ‘skin’
are often related to verbs that mean ‘cut’ (cf. PCelt. *seket- ‘skin, hide’ <
PIE *sek- ‘cut’).
REF: LEIA T-108f., GPC IV: 352of., Gamillscheg 853.
*tong-o- ‘swear’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. tongaid, -toing; -t6 [Subj.], tithis, -tith [Fut.], tochtae, -tocht
[Pret. Pass.]
W: MW tyngu
BRET: MBret. toeaff, touet, MoBret. toued
CO: Co. ty; tof [1s Pres.]
GAUL: toncsiiontio [3p Fut. Relative] (Chamaliéres)
PIE: *teh2g- ‘touch’ (IEW: 1055)
COGN: Lat. tango, Gr. tetagdn ‘having seized’, Go. tekan ‘touch’, ToB
cesdm ‘touch’
ETYM: The connection with Lat. tango ‘touch’ is not beyond doubt. The
usual explanation is that swearing was performed by touching a part of the
body, or the ground, see LEIA T-108. However, even if this is accepted, the
o-grade (PIE *th.og-?) is unexpected (analogy with *tonketo- ‘destiny’?).
KPV 650 derives this Celtic verb from *tu-n-g-o-, from earlier *lu-n-g-o-
and relates it to PCelt. *lugyo- ‘oath’; the explanation offered there how the
stems *tek- and *leug- became confused is rather complicated. KPV also
claims that the Gaulish form foncsiiontio is unrelated to the Insular Celtic
forms.
REF: KPV 648ff., RIG II.2: L-100, LEIA T-106ff., LP 401f, GPC III: 3672,
Delamarre 298, Fleuriot 1976-7: 184, Deshayes 2003: 732.
*tonketo- ‘destiny’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tocad [o m] gl. fors
W: MW tynghet [f and m] (GPC tynged)
BRET: MBret. tonquaff ‘presage’, MoBret. tonkan
CO: Co. tenky
GAUL: Togi-marus (?) [PN]
384 *torano-
CELTIB: tokoitei [Dat.-Loc. s] (Botorrita I) (?); TOGOTI [Dat. s, Theonym]
(CIL II 893.)
PIE: *tenk-
COGN: Go. peihan ‘prosper’
ETYM: The attribution of the Celtiberian forms to this root is as uncertain
as anything else in this language. For the possible relation to PCelt. *tong-
‘swear’ see, e.g., Delamarre 298. Much less probable is the derivation from
*tenk- ‘be solid, firm’ (IEW 1068), cf. PCelt. *tanko- ‘peace’.
REF: LEIA T-84f., GPC III: 3672, Deshayes 2003: 729, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 395, Meid 2005: 88f., Schumacher 1995, MLH V.1: 406ff.
*torano- ‘thunder’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. torann [o m and 4 f] ‘thunder, noise’
W: MW saran [f] ‘(peal of) thunder, thunderclap’
BRET: OBret. taran gl. tonitru, MoBret. taran [m]
CO: OCo. taran gl. tonitruum, MCo. taran
GAUL: Taranis [Theonym]
PIE: *(s)tenH- ‘thunder’ (IEW: 1021)
COGN: Skt. stanati ‘to thunder’, Lat. tono ‘to thunder’, OHG donar, Eng.
thunder
ETYM: The Gaulish word for ‘thunder’ is preserved in the Gasconian
dialect of French (taram). The Celtic forms are best explained by a
metathesis *tonaro- > *torano-, despite some doubts expressed by LEIA (s.
v.). The unmetathesized form is perhaps attested as the OBrit. theonym
Tanaro and in the old name of the river Po, Tanarus ‘thundering’. Both
Celtic and Germanic point to PIE *(s)tonHr- / *stnHr-os (the zero-grade of
the root is preserved in PGerm. *punraz).
REF: LEIA T-113, GPC III: 3447, Delamarre 290, Deshayes 2003: 714.
*to-ret-o- ‘approach’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-reith, -torreith ‘hurries, hastens’
W: MW ayred ‘approach’
SEE: *ret-o- ‘run’
REF: KPV 538f., GPC I: 1146.
*to-rid- ‘pillar, hero’
GOID: MIr. tuir [d m and f]
PIE: *h,reyd- ‘support’
COGN: Lat. ridica ‘vine prop’, Gr. ereido ‘support’
ETYM: de Vaan (2008: 522) claims that the connection of Lat. ridica and
Gr. ereido is ‘very uncertain’. This should also apply to the etymology
presented here. If the etymology is correct, we would have to reconstruct a
root noun *hreyd- / *h;rid-os, with Celtic preserving the zero-grade of the
root from the oblique cases. Of course, this is just a speculation.
REF: LEIA T-172, Joseph 1982a: 176, Uhlich 2002: 410.
*torrV- 385
*torrV- ‘belly’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. tarr, tair [u or i, m]
W: OW torr gl. palma, MW tor [f] ‘belly’
BRET: OBret. tar gl. ventrem, MBret. torr, teur, MoBret. tor [m]
‘abdomen’
CO: OCo. tor gl. uenter, MoCo. torow [p]
ETYM: I have some doubts whether OW ‘or gi. palma is the same word as
W tor ‘belly’. It could belong rather to W torri (Co. terry, MBret. torret)
‘break, smash’, if the original meaning was ‘fist’. MoBret. teur ‘belly’ seems
to come from *tar- with the lengthened grade, but I find it probable, in the
absence of IE etymology, that these words were borrowed from some non-IE
language (cf., however, Pokorny 1024).
REF: LEIA T-33f., GPC III: 3525, Falileyev 148, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 262, Campanile 1974: 101, Deshayes 2003: 729.
*torrako- ‘pregnant’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. torrach [o]
W: MW torrog
BRET: OBret. toroc
SEE: *torrV- ‘belly’
ETYM: An adjectival derivative, with the suffix *-ako-, from *torrV-
‘belly’.
REF: LEIA T-33, GPC IV: 3534.
*to-skara- ‘conquer, subject, strew’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. do-scara ‘conquer, subject’; tascrais [Pret.]
W: MW ayscaraf [1s Pres.] ‘strew’
SEE: *skara- ‘separate’
REF: KPV 576.
*to-sl-iyo- ‘earn’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-sli, -tuilli; (ro)-thuillisem [\p Pret. Relative] ‘desires, merits,
earns’
W: MW ayrilid (GPC derllyddu, dyrllyddu, dyrllys, dyrllid)
BRET: MBret. dellezaff; MoBret. dellezafiv
CO: Co. deleth [3s Pres. ]
PIE: *selhy- ‘take’ (IEW: 899)
COGN: Lat. cdn-sulo ‘gather, advice’, Gr. heilon ‘I took’, ON selja ‘sell’
ETYM: The verbal root is unattested as simplex in Celtic. W dyrllid and
MBret. dellezaff are from *to-fro-sl-iyo-. It is difficult to derive the PCelt.
present stem *-sl-iyo- directly from PIE *slh\-yo- (we would expect **slayo-
or **sal-yo-, if the laryngeal] were lost before *y), but cf. the parallel case of
*on-iyo- < *gnhj-yo-. Could this be due to some sort of special development
386 *to-wissako-
of the cluster *h;y? Schumacher (KPV 381, 590) assumes in both cases a
Celtic innovation (yo-present built to the zero grade *sl- viz. *gn-).
REF: KPV 588ff., GPC I: 932, LIV 529, LP 396, Deshayes 2003: 176,
LEIA S-130f.
*to-wissako- ‘chief, first’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. toisech [o]
W: MW pwyssawc [m] ‘prince’, Brit. TOVISACI [Gen. s] (Ogam) oe
tywysog)
BRET: OBret. toguisoc
SEE: *wéd-o- ‘sight, presence’
ETYM: PCelt. *to-wissaéko- < *-wid-t-ako- (or *wid-s-ako-) < PIE *weyd-
‘see, know’ (cf. *wéd-o- ‘sight, presence’). Another etymology derives the
attested forms from PIE *wed’- ‘lead’, i. e. PCelt. *to-wessako- <
*to-wed-t-dko- or *to-wed-s-dko- (cf. OCS vozde ‘leader’ < PIE *wod'yo-,
IEW 1115f.). Although somewhat better from the semantic point of view,
this reconstruction is difficult to square with -i- in the British Ogam
inscription TOVISACT (CIIC 399, McManus 1997: 108).
REF: LEIA T-100f., GPC II: 3688, LHEB 186f., de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 349, Cowgill 1967: 129-138.
*to-wissu- ‘leadership, act of leading, driving’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. tuus, tus.[u n] ‘act of leading, preceding, beginning’
W: MW pwys ‘lead, guide’ (GPC tywys, tywysio, tywysu)
SEE: *to-wiss-ako- ‘chief, first’, *wéd-o- ‘sight, presence’
ETYM: The attested forms cannot be from PCelt. *-wessu- < PIE *wed’-tu-
(from the root *wed’- ‘lead’, IEW 1115f.), since this would yield Olt.
**toes, cf. Olr. rde < *rowesya ‘field, open ground’.
REF: LEIA T-188, GPC III: 3688.
*towta ‘people, tribe’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. tath [a f] (DIL tiaid)
W: MW tut [m] ‘people, country’ (GPC tud)
BRET: MBret. tut, MoBret. tud [p] ‘people’
CO: Co. tus
GAUL: Teutates [Theonym], Touto [PN], Touto-bodiaci [Ethnonym]
PIE: *tewteh, ‘people, tribe’ (EW: 1084)
COGN: Go. piuda ‘people’, Osc. touto ‘city’, Lith. tauta ‘people’, perhaps
Hitt. tuzzi- ‘army’
ETYM: Gaul. Teutates was presumably ‘god of the tribe’; this form appears
strange, as the change *ew > ow, ou is well-attested in Gaul. (it may be just a
spelling variant for a diphthong with no counterpart in Latin). Celtib. family
name Toutinikum [Gen. pl.] (Botorrita III) probably represents a derivative
from *towta.
*towto- 387
REF: LEIA T-164, GPC IV: 3651, Deshayes 2003: 751, Pedersen I: 54,
EIEC 288, 437, 631, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 379, Delamarre 295, Sims-
Williams 2006: 114f., MLH V.1: 412.
*towto- ‘left, north’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. tuath [oj
PIE: *tewto-
COGN: Lat. tutus ‘safe’, Go. biup ‘good’
ETYM: OBret. tut, which Fleuriot (DGVB) renders as ‘good, favorable’,
appears to be the same word, cf. also OBret. tuthe ‘a kind of demon’. OIr.
tuath also means ‘bad, perverse’. It is unclear if the meanings ‘left’, ‘good’,
and ‘magic’ can be brought together, since the associations of the left hand
side are almost universally negative. Perhaps some sort of taboo replacement
is involved, but in any case the IE part of this etymology remains somewhat
conjectural.
REF: LEIA T-164f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 379.
*toybo- ‘side’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. toib, téeb [o m] (DIL taeb)
W: MW tu [m]
BRET: OBret. tu, MBret. and MoBret. tu [m]
CO: Co. tu
PIE: *(s)teyg”- ‘flank, side’ (?) (IEW: 1018)
COGN: Arm. fékn ‘shoulder’, OCS stegno ‘femur’, Russ. stegno ‘hip’
ETYM: PCelt. *toybo- would presuppose PIE *(s)toyg”o- and the loss of s-
mobile. The semantic development would have been either from ‘flank’ to
‘hip’ or ‘shoulder’ (in Slavic and Armenian respectively), or vice versa (in
Celtic).
REF: LEIA T-91f., GPC IV: 3648f., DGVB 324, Deshayes 2003: 750,
EIEC 518, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 492.
*tragi- “beach, low tide’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ¢raig [i f]
W: MW trei [m] (GPC trai) ‘low tide, draining’; treiau, treion [p]
BRET: MBret. tre [m], MoBret. tre(c’h)
CO: Co. trig
ETYM: Cf. also the denominative verb Mir. trdigid ‘ebbs, recedes’. I doubt
that these words are related to PCelt. *treget- ‘foot’, as is often assumed.
One would have to posit an ad hoc lengthened grade, and the meanings are
worlds apart.
REF: LEIA T-123f., GPC IV: 3551, Deshayes 2003: 738, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 66, 73, 525.
*trans- ‘across’ [Prep]
SEE: *taras- ‘across’
388 *tratu-
*tratu- ‘length of time, hour’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. trath [un]
W: MW trawd [m and f] ‘course, voyage’ (GPC trawd, trawdd)
PIE: *terh.- ‘traverse, cross’ (IEW: 1074)
COGN: SKt. tdrati ‘crosses’, OCS trajati ‘to last’
SEE: *taras- ‘across’
ETYM: PCelt. *tratu- presupposes PIE *trhytu- (the zero-grade is expected).
The development of meaning was from ‘traversing, passing’ to ‘duration,
period’ and ‘time’.
REF: LEIA T-124f., GPC IV: 3560, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 287,
Schrijver 1995: 188f.
*tré ‘through’ [Prep]
GOID: Olr. tre [Aspirating, +Acc., later also +Dat.]
W: OW trui, MW trwy, drwy
BRET: OBret. tre, MBret. and MoBret. dre
CO: Co. dre
SEE: *taras- ‘across’
ETYM: The relationship to PCelt. *taras-, *trans- ‘across’ (PIE *terh2-
‘traverse, cross’) suggested by IEW (1076) is plausible semantically, but
formally quite unclear. In principle, if *trans- first yielded *tras, and if this
was still a root-noun in PCelt., the dative sg. form *tras-é could have been
contracted as *traé > *tré after the loss of intervocalic *s in Insular Celtic.
Needless to say, this is just a speculation.
REF: LEIA T-126, GPC IV: 3630f., Falileyev 151, Deshayes 2003: 202,
Schrijver 1995: 246f.
*treba ‘settlement’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. treb [4 f]
W: MW ¢tref [f] ‘town, dwelling-place’, Tre- (in PN)
BRET: OBret. treff’.i. urbs, MoBret. trev [f]
CO: Co. tre- (in Toponyms), tré ‘house, village’
GAUL: Ambi-trebius [PN], Atrebates [Ethnonym]
CELTIB: Con-trebia, kon-terbia (A.75) [Toponym]
PIE: *treb- ‘settlement’ (IEW: 1090)
COGN: Go. paurp, Lith. troba ‘house’
SEE: *attreba ‘settlement’
ETYM: Old Provencal trevar ‘inhabit’ is from the lost Gaulish verb of the
same meaning. MW trefn [m and f] ‘room, house’ can be derived from
PCelt. *trebno-. Olr. trebar [0] ‘wise’ is usually considered a derivative of
this root (e.g. LEIA T-126f.), but this may be just a folk-etymology. In fact,
Olr. trebar can be from PCelt. *trebro- ‘wise’ < PIE *trepro- ‘turning, apt’
(cf. Gr. trépd ‘turn’, Skt. trdpate ‘is ashamed’, perhaps Lat. hapax trepit
*trebno- 389
‘turns’). For the semantic connection cf. Croat. dkretan ‘handy, apt’ vs. okret
‘turn’.
REF: LEIA T-127f., GPC IV: 3572, EIEC 281, Delamarre 301, Deshayes
2003: 743, Jordan Coélera 1998: 30, 108, 117, Sims-Williams 2006: 115f.,
MLH V.1: 193f.
*trebno- ‘room, house’ [Noun]
SEE: *treba ‘settlement’
*trebro- ‘wise’ [Adj]
SEE: *treba ‘settlement’
*treget- ‘foot’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. traig [d m]
W: MW troet [m] (GPC troed)
BRET: OBret. troat, MBret. troat, MoBret. troad [m]
CO: OCo. truit gl. pes, MCo. troys, tros
GAUL: treide .i. pede (Endlicher’s Glossary)
PIE: *treg’- ‘run, walk’ (IEW: 1089)
COGN: Go. pragjan ‘run’, Croat. trdg ‘trace’
ETYM: The derivation of Olr. traig is straightforward, with *e > a before
palatalized *g as in fraig < *wregi-. The Brittonic forms are somewhat
ambiguous (they could be from a variant *troget, according to Hamp 1982b
because of the analogy with *drogo-, *droko- ‘runner’ > ‘wheel’). Olr. rdig
‘beach’ etc., adduced by IEW (1089) is probably unrelated to this set of
words. The connection with *d"reg"- ‘run’ (Gr. trékho etc., see Hamp 1982b)
is also possible, but difficult (it requires positing s-mobile, *sd"rog"et-, and
its subsequent loss in Celtic (but cf. *tanno- ‘green oak’, which may be from
+sd"nwo-).
REF: LEIA T-123, GPC IV: 3608f., LP 29, EIEC 491, Deshayes 2003:
746f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 167, 172, 525, Delamarre 300, Hamp
1982b, Schrijver 1995: 136, de Vaan 1999, Campanile 1974: 102f.
*trexs(n)o- ‘strong’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. trén [0], Ogam TRENA-GUSU
W: MW trech ‘stronger’
BRET: MBret. trech, MoBret. trec’h [m] ‘victory’
CO: Co. trygh ‘victorious’
GAUL; Trexius, Trexa, Trenus [PN]
PIE: *treg- ‘strength’ (IEW: 1090)
COGN: OE praka ‘courage’, ON prekr ‘strength’
ETYM: The Brittonic and Gaulish forms are from underived *trexso-,
whereas Olr. trén is from *trexsno-. Cognates are attested only in Germanic
and point to PGerm. *prakja- < PIE *trogyo-.
390 *tris
REF: LEIA T-136, GPC IV: 3571, Delamarre 301, Deshayes 2003: 739, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 252, 258, 389, Ziegler 1994: 117.
*tris ‘three’ [Num]
GOID: Olt. tri; téoir [f]
W: MW tri; teir [f] (GPC tair)
BRET: MBret. #7; teir [f]
CO: Co. try; teyr, tyr [f]
GAUL: tri-; tidres [f]
PIE: *treyes ‘three’; *t(r)isres [f] IEW: 1090f.)
COGN: Skt. trayas, Lat. trés, Gr. treis, Lith. trjs, Go. brins [Acc. p], OCS
treje, Alb. tre, ToB trai, Hitt. tri-
ETYM: OlIr. tri has long i when used as a substantive, but short i when used
attributively (shortening in proclisis). A possible cognate in Celtiberian is
tiris (Botorrita I), but this word has also been related to PCelt. *tiros- ‘earth’.
The ordinal numeral is formed differently in various Celtic languages:
Gaulish has Tritos [PN], Olr. tris, tres < *tristo-, W trydydd, MoBret. trede
< *tritiyo-.
REF: LEIA T-139f., GPC IV: 3591, EIEC 400, Delamarre 301f., Falileyev
150, Deshayes 2003: 744, MLH V.1: 392f.
*trisano- ‘one third’ [Num]
GOID: OIr. trian
W: OW trean, MW trayan
BRET: OBret. troian
SEE: *tris ‘three’
REF: LEIA T-141f., GOI 250, Falileyev 149.
*trowgo- ‘sorry, sad’ [Adj]
GOID: OIlr. triiag, trég [0]
W: OW tru, MW tru
BRET: OBret. trufed] gl. humanitatis, MBret. and MoBret. truez [f] ‘pity’,
tru ‘miserable’
CO: Co. tru
GAUL: Trouceti-marus [PN]
ETYM: Cf. the parallel compounds Olt. trécar ‘merciful’ < *trowg-kar-o-,
*trowkkaro-, W trugar-og ‘merciful’, trugar-edd ‘mercy’ (W has -g- rather
than *ch < *kk by analogy with the simplex *trowgo-). Fr. truand ‘beggar’ is
commonly derived from Gaul. *triig-ant-, *trowgant- from the same root.
Gaul. *trowg-ant- would be an old participle present of the underlying verb,
parallel to *kar-ant- > Olr. carae ‘friend’. The PIE etymology is unknown,
but a connection with PCelt. *truk-, *truxso- ‘trunk, broken part’ appears
possible.
*trowkkaro- 391
REF: LEIA T-53f., GPC IV: 3621, DGVB 324, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
325, 337f., Delamarre 303, Deshayes 2003: 749, Gamillscheg 875, Meid
2005: 119f.
*trowkkaro- ‘merciful’ [Adj]
SEE: *trowgo- ‘sorry, sad’
*truk-, *truxso- ‘trunk, broken part’
GOID: MIr. tru [k m and f] ‘doomed person, man condamned to death’
(Gen. s troch)
W: MW trwch [m] ‘wounded, broken, sad, thickness, density’; trychiau [p]
BRET: OBret. truch gl. obtusi, MoBret. trouc’h, troc’h {m] ‘cut’
CO: OCo. trech gl. truncus; MoCo. trogh ‘broken’
PIE: *trewk- ‘cut’ (EW: 1074)
COGN: Lat. truncus ‘1. mutilated, 2. stem’
ETYM: GPC distinguishes two words, trwch thickness, bulk’ and trwch
‘sad, broken, wounded’; however, the meaning ‘thickness, density (= GPC
trwch') is clearly secondary, being attested only in Modern Welsh. The
Brittonic forms presuppose *truk-so- with regular metathesis to *trusko- >
W trwceh. In Irish, we should start from a root noun *truk-s, which meant
‘slain, cut man’, hence ‘man condemned to death’. Despite formal and
semantic problems, the connection to Lat. truncus ‘trunk’, trucidare, Lith.
trenkiu ‘hit’ remains probable, but forms adduced in IEW (1074) belong to
several different roots.
REF: LEIA T-152, GPC IV: 3625, DGVB 324, Deshayes 2003: 747.
*trummo- ‘heavy’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. trom [o]
W: OW trumm, MW trwm
BRET: OBret. trom, trum gl. inoportune
CO: Co. trom
PIE: *trewd- ‘thrust, press’ (IEW: 1095f.)
COGN: Lat. triido ‘thrust, push’, Go. us-pbriutan ‘to maltreat’, OCS trudo
‘trouble’, perhaps also Alb. tredh ‘castrate’
ETYM: The Celtic forms can be derived from *trud-smo-, or maybe
*trud-mo- (but *-dm- is preserved in *dedmV- ‘rite’). Another possibility is
Hamp’s (1984: 138) *truks-mo- > *truxsmo-, cf. W ¢trwch ‘thickness’ <
*trukso- (cf. PCelt. *truk- ‘trunk, broken part’). Germ. dial. (Bavaria)
Trumm ‘great piece, chunk’ (Kluge, s. v. Triimmer) may be a loanword from
Gaulish.
REF: LEIA T-151, GPC IV: 3626f., DGVB 324, EIEC 451, Falileyev 151,
Hamp 1984, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 267, 373.
*trussko- ‘dirty, leprous’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. trosc.[o] ‘leprous’
392 *trusto-
W: MW trwsgl ‘rash, crude, rude, coarse, clumsy’
BRET: OBret. trusci gl. scabiem, MBret. trousquenn, MoBret. trousk
[Collective] ‘polyps’
CO: Co. trosken
ETYM: Olr. trosc is also used as a substantive meaning ‘a leper’. Perhaps
related are Gaulish PNs Truxus, Troxus, Troxo, cf. Delamarre 303. In all
likelihood, these words were borrowed from some non-IE source.
REF: LEIA T-152, GPC IV: 3628, Delamarre 303, Deshayes 2003: 749, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 277.
*trusto- ‘noise, cry’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. trost [o m]
W: MW ewst [m]
BRET: MBret. trous [m]
CO: Co. tros
ETYM: Since this word has no PIE etymology, it may have been borrowed
from some non-IE language.
REF: LEIA T-152, GPC IV: 3629, Deshayes 2003: 748.
*truti- ‘starling’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. truit, truid [i f]
W: MW trydw (GPC drudw)
BRET: MBret. dret, tret, MoBret. tred [f]
CO: OCo. troet gl. turdus, Co. trés
PIE: *trusdo- ‘starling, thrush’ (IEW: 1096)
COGN: Lat. turdus ‘thrush (or similar bird)’, MHG trostel/, OPr. tresde,
Croat. drézd
ETYM: MIr. truit could also be from *trozdi- (cf. Lat. turdus < *trosdo-).
The relationship of W tresglen, OBret. tra/s]cl gl. larum, MoBret. drask(1),
Co. traskel ‘thrush’ to these words is unclear to me (? from PCelt.
*trezd-ko-, or *trazd-ko-, with *ra < *ar < *r). Cf. also Fr. drenne ‘thrush’
(earlier also draine, drine), allegedly from Gaul. *dresdina < *tresd-ina
(Gamillscheg 332f.). Like the word for ‘blackbird’ (*mesalka), this word for
‘starling’ has all the appearances of a loanword from some non-IE language
of NW Europe (but cf. Arm. tordik ‘thrush’).
REF: LEIA T-155, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 274, 519, Campanile 1974:
102, Deshayes 2003: 739, 202, Gamillscheg 332.
*ti, *tu ‘you’ [Pron]
GOID: OIr. tu, tu-ssu
W: OW ti, MW ti (GPC i, di)
BRET: MBret. i, te
CO: Co. ty
PIE: *tuH ‘you’ (IEW: 1097f.)
H
t
:
I
*tud-o- 393
COGN: Hitt. zik / tu-, Skt. t(u)vam, Gr. sy, Lat. t@, Go. pu, OCS ty, Lith. ti,
ToB twe
ETYM: Two forms of this pronoun must be distinguished in PCelt., one
with long *ii, *ti (> W #i), and the other with short *u, PCelt. *tu, preserved
in Olr. tu-ssu and relengthened in Olr. tu (cf. mé ‘Tl’ vs. me-sse). Lengthening
is regular in monosyllables. The origins of the alternation of *tu and *tu go
back to PIE. Some linguists think that *ti was the stressed variant, and *tu
the clitic pronoun, but it is also possible that the forms were actually *tuH
and *tu, with *tu being the result of the loss of laryngeal in pausa (this is
argued for in Matasovi¢ 2008a: 233f.).
REF: LEIA T-156f., GPC IV: 3496, DGVB 311, 313, EIEC 455, Falileyev
147.
*tud-o- ‘fall’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-tuit; -toth [Subj.]; -t6eth [Fut.]
PIE: *(s)tewd- ‘hit? (IEW: 1033f.)
COGN: Skt. tudati, Lat. tundo, Go. stautan
ETYM: Olt. do-tuit < *tu-tud-o-; the verb is unattested as simplex.
REF: KPV 642ff., LIV 601, LEIA T-177ff., LP 402.
*tukna ‘back, bottom, arse’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. ton [4 f] ‘hindquarters, podex, bottom’
W: MW tin [f and m] ‘bottom, arse, rear’
CO: Co. tyn
PIE: *tewH-k- ‘swell’ (IEW: 1080)
COGN: OE peoh ‘thigh’, Lith. taukas ‘fat’
ETYM: In MIr. this word is also attested as a feminine i-stem tdin. The MIr.
forms must be from *tukna or *tukni- (*tikna would yield Mir. **tin). The
Brittonic forms point to *tina, which is derivable from *tukna under the
assumption that the compensatory lengthening of *u > *0 before *kn is
earlier than the change of *i > *1 > MW i (for the lengthening in Brittonic,
cf. W mawn ‘peat’ < *makni- < PIE *mh,kni- ‘swamp’). The laryngeal in
PIE is confirmed by the acute in Baltic, so the short *u in Celtic is a
problem. One possibility would be to assume that it was shortened by
Dybo’s law (*tuHkn6- > *tikno- > *tukno-).
REF: LEIA T-105f., GPC IV: 3498f.
*tullo- ‘pierced, perforated’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. toll [0]
W: MW twill [m]
BRET: OBret. tu// gl. foramen, MBret. and MoBret. tou// [m] ‘hole’
CO: Co. toll, tol
PIE: *tewk- ‘beat, perforate’ (IEW: 1032f.)
ETYM: The Celtic forms are usually derived from *tuxslo- < *tuk-slo- from
the root *tewk- ‘beat, perforate’ (IEW 1032f. cf. Gr. tykos ‘hammer’, Latv.
394 *tumbo-
tukstéet ‘beat’). However, the suffix *-slo- is used to derive nouns, not
adjectives, and it appears probable that vowels were regularly lengthened
before the cluster *xsl (cf. PCelt. *taxslo- ‘axe’). In any case, the proximate
reconstruction based on the Insular Celtic forms yields *tullo- rather than
*tuxslo-.
REF: LEIA T-103, GPC IV: 3658, Deshayes 2003: 734, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 264f.
*tumbo- ‘excrescence, hill’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. tomm [o m] ‘bush, bunch, hillock’ (DIL tom)
W: MW tom [f and m] ‘dung, heap of dung, mound’
PIE: *tum-b’- ‘mound, hill’ (IEW: 1082)
COGN: Lat. tumulus ‘mound’
ETYM: Olr. téaim [n n] ‘hill, mound’ might also belong here (see LEIA T-
159), but it might also be from *stowxsman- (see above).
REF: LEIA T-104, T-159, GPC IV: 3519, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 281,
315.
*tum-i- ‘grow’ [Vb]
W: MW oyfu
BRET: OBret. tum [3s Pres.], MoBret. tefivani
CO: Co. a dyff* grow’; tyff [3 s Pres.]
PIE: *twem- ‘grow, swell’ (IEW: 1082)
COGN: Skt. timra- ‘strong, thick’, Lat. tumeo, Lith. tuméti ‘get fat’, Olc.
pumal-fingr ‘thumb’
ETYM: Celtic *tum-t- is a reflex of the PIE stative present *tum-eh,- , which
is also the source of Lat. tumeo and Lith. tuméti.
REF: KPV 646f., GPC IV: 3671, DGVB 325, Deshayes 2003: 720, LIV
654.
*tunda ‘wave’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. tonn [8 f]
W: OW tonnou gi. aequora; MW tonn [f] (GPC ton)
BRET: OBret. tonn gl. lympha, MBret. and MoBret. tonn [f]
CO: Co. ton
ETYM: Perhaps related to Lat. tundo ‘beat’, Skt. tudati ‘beat’, Arm. fndam
‘I am shattered’ (PIE *(s)tewd- ‘beat’, IEW 1032ff., see *tud-o- ‘fall’), cf.
LEIA T-109; however, the difference in meaning is considerable (the
semantic connection would lie in the beating of waves against the shore?).
Note also that all of the reflexes in the Celtic languages could be derived
from PCelt. *tonda, which could be identical to *tonda ‘surface, skin’, if the
word first referred to the surface of the sea, and to ‘wave’ only secondarily.
REF: LEIA T-109, GPC IV: 3519, Deshayes 2003: 729, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 342.
*tuto- 395
*tuto- ‘vulva’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. toth [o m] ‘vulva, vagina, feminine gender (in grammar)’
GAUL: Tuta [PN], Uiro-tuti [Dat. s, PN] (?)
ETYM: Of course, the interpretation of the Gaulish personal names is quite
uncertain, so the connection with MIr. foth is a speculation. There is also a
possible connection to the name of the Roman Priapic deity Tutiénus.
REF: LEIA T-119, Delamarre 305.
*tworko- ‘boar’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. torc [o m]
W: MW twrch [m] ‘young pig, boar’
BRET: OBret. torch gl. uerres, MoBret. tourc’h [m]
CO: OCo. torch gl. magalis
PIE: *tworko- ‘cutter, boar’
COGN: Av. @Barasa- ‘piglet’, perhaps Gr. sdrks ‘flesh’
ETYM: It is assumed here that *tw- was preserved in PCelt. (just as PIE
*dw- was retained), but it is also possible that the change *tw- > “*t- is
already Proto-Celtic, since all Celtic languages have *t-. On the other hand,
Lubotsky (1994a) derives the Celtic forms from the zero-grade of the PIE
root (*turk-o-), since the cluster *rk usually resists raising in Irish. However,
*tworko- makes more sense from the morphological point of view, if the
word was originally an agent noun of the tomds-type. The PIE root meant ‘to
cut out (a pit)’, cf. Av. Ofaras- ‘dig, cut out’, so the meaning “boar’ must
have developed from ‘cutter, digger’.
REF: LEIA T-115, GPC III: 3661, DGVB 316, Deshayes 2003: 735, EIEC
425, Campanile 1974: 101, McCone 1992a, Schrijver 1995: 65, Lubotsky
1994a.
*uden-sk-yo- ‘water’ [Noun]
GOID: OI. uisce [io m]
PIE: *wod-r / *uden- ‘water’ (IEW: 79)
COGN: Skt. udan-, Hitt. watar-, Gr. hydor (Gen. hydatos), Umbr. utur, Lat.
unda ‘wave’, OCS voda, Germ. Wasser
ETYM: Although this etymology is often repeated in handbooks, I am not
absolutely certain that it is correct. The suffix combination *-skyo- seems
odd. Another possibility is to posit *ud-es-kyo- (cf. the s-stem in Gr. dial.
hydos ‘water’, and cf. Skt. utsa- ‘well’). Olr. odar ‘brown, dun’ is often
derived from the same PIE root for ‘water’ (PCelt. *ud-ro-), but the semantic
difference is considerable.
396 *ufelo-
REF: LEIA U-21, EIEC 636, De Bernardo Stempel 1999: 136, 451, Wodtko
et alii 2008: 706ff., Hamp 1991.
*ufelo- ‘bad, evil’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. fel [0]
PIE: *h,wop- ‘treat badly’ (IEW: 1107)
COGN: Hitt. huwapzi ‘harrows, despoils’, Go. ubils ‘bad, evil’
ETYM: The development is regular: PIE *h.up-elo- > *ufelo- > *welo- >
Olr. fel. The closest cognates are found in Germanic, cf. also OE yfel ‘evil,
bad’.
REF: EIEC 43, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 410, 450.
*ufo- ‘under’ [Prep]
GOID: Olt. fo [Aspirating, +Acc, +Dat]
W: OW guo, MW go, go- ‘under, rather, partly’
BRET: OBret. guo, MoBret. gwa-, gou-
CO: Co. go- gwa-
GAUL: Vo-
LEP: Uvamo-kozis (Prestino)
PIE: *upo- ‘under, up to’ (IEW: 1106)
COGN: Skt. upa, Gr. hypo, Go. uf
ETYM: I am not certain whether Lep. Uvamokozis (var. lect. Uvamakozis)
stands for *uwamo-gostis, as is usually supposed, but the first element of
this compound is likely to contain the reflex of PCelt. *ufo- (whether or not
the letter v of the Lugano alphabet actually stands for the preserved PCelt.
*f). The other element of this compound is thought to represent *gostis <
PIE *g'ostis ‘guest’ (OCS gost, Go. gasts, etc.), but it is unclear whether
this word is otherwise not preserved in Celtic (see under *gazdo- ‘withe’).
REF: GPC II: 1416, GOI 139, 511, Isaac 2007: 11ff.
*ufo-ate-k"ri-na- ‘buy back, redeem’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. do-aithchren
BRET: MBret. dazprenaff
REF: KPV 440.
*ufo-biyo- ‘blow, injury’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. fubae [io n]
W: MW gofwy ‘to visit, afflict with sickness, punish’ (GPC gofwy, gofwyo)
PIE: *b"eyH- ‘strike, hit? (IEW: 117f.)
COGN: OCS biti, OLat. per-finas [2s Subjunctive]
SEE: *bi-na- ‘strike’
REF: LIV 57, GPC II: 1433, Schumacher 2000: 173.
*ufo-dam-yo- ‘suffer’ [Vb]
*ufo-dex-ta 397
GOID: Olt. fo-daim, -fodaim; -fadam [1s Pres. Subj.]; fondidmae {2s Fut];
forodamair [3 s Perf.]
W: OW ni cein-godemisauch gl. non bene passa; MW goddef ‘suffer, allow,
bear’
BRET: MBret. gouzaff
CO: Co. godhaff
SEE: *dam-yo- ‘suffer’
REF: KPV 260ff., GPC II: 1425.
*ufo-dex-ta ‘blaze’ [Noun]
SEE: *deg”i- ‘flame’
*ufo-gni-yo- ‘serve, be useful’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. fo-gni, -fognai; -fogna [3 s Subj.]; fugen-sa [1s Fut.] ‘serves,
avails, profits, is used by’
W: MW eweini; gweinyt [3s Pres.] (GPC gweini, gweinyddu)
BRET: MBret. go(u)nit
CO: Co. gonis ‘work’
SEE: *gn-iyo- ‘do’
REF: KPV 339ff., GPC II: 1621.
*ufo-k” ri-na- ‘buy, earn’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. fo-cren ‘buys, exchanges, hires’; fo-chiura [Fut.]; fa-crith
[Pass.]
W: MW gobryn ‘earn’ (GPC gobryn, gobrynu)
SEE: *k“ri-na- ‘sell’
REF: KPV 438f., GPC II: 1419.
*ufo-kan-o- ‘sing along, play’ [Vb]
GOID: OlIr. fo-cain ‘accompanies (with a musical instrument)’
W: MW goganu ‘praise’ (GPC goganu, gogan, goganyd)
SEE: *kan-o- ‘sing’
REF: KPV 388ff., GPC II: 1435.
*ufo-kel-o- ‘protect, cover’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. fo-ceil ‘hide, cover’
W: MW goglyt ‘defend, protect’; gogel [3s Pres.] (GPC goglyd, gogelyd,
gogel, gogelu)
SEE: *kel-o- ‘hide’
REF: GPC II: 1435, KPV 394ff.
*ufo-lawto- ‘property, wealth’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. folud [o n] ‘substance, material, property, equivalent, reason,
cause’
W: MW golud [m and f]
398 *ufo-leg-
CO: OCo. wuludoc gl. dives
PIE: *leh2u- ‘benefit, prize’ (IEW: 655)
COGN: Gr. apolauno ‘enjoy’, Lat. lucrum ‘profit’, OE l/éan ‘reward’, Go.
laun ‘reward’
ETYM: The Celtic forms represent a derivative with the suffix *-to-, or the
past participle (*leh2u-to-). Cf. also Olr. luag, log ‘prize’ < *lowgo- <
*lohju-go-. OE /éan and Go. Jaun can be from *leh,w-no-. Lat. Jucrum may
represent *lu-tlo-, but the loss of laryngeal is unusual (by Dybo’s rule?). Olr.
lour ‘enough’ and W Ilawer ‘many, a lot’ (Co. lower), llawen ‘merry’
(MBret. Joven, Co. lowen) could also be from the same root (*law-ero-,
*law-eno- ?, cf. Gr. /ards ‘tasty’ < *lawaros).
REF: GPC II: 1452, EIEC 484, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 144.
*ufo-leg- ‘shelter, lair’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. foil, fail [k f]
W: MW ewal [f and m] ‘lair, pigsty’ (GPC gwal)
PIE: *leg’- ‘lie’ (IEW: 659)
ETYM: Cf. also W gwely ‘bed’ < *ufo-leg-yo-.
REF: GPC II: 1564f., Uhlich 2002: 411.
*ufo-rédo- ‘horse’ [Noun]
W: MW gorwydd [m] ‘horse’; gorwyddawr, gorwyddod [p]|
GAUL: *verédo- > VLat. uerédus ‘post horse’
SEE: *rédo- ‘riding’, *réd-smen-
ETYM: VLat. para-ueredus (ultimately from Gaulish) is the source of
Germ. Pferd ‘horse’ and Fr. palefroi. The Gaulish form *werédo- can
represent the result of assimilation from *worédo- < *ufo-rédo-.
REF: LEIA R-26, GPC II: 1596, Delamarre 315.
*ufor- ‘over, on’ [Prep]
GOID: OI. for [+Acc., +Dat.]
W: OW guor, MW gor, gwar
BRET: OBret. guor-, gor-
CO: Co. gor
GAUL: Ver-cingeto-rix [PN]
CELTIB: UER-AMOM [Acc. s] ‘highest’
PIE: *uper- ‘over’ (IEW: 1105)
COGN: Skt. upari, Gr. hypér, Go. ufar
ETYM: It is not clear whether PCelt. *ufor- is a variant of *ufer- < *uper-,
or a development thereof. For the development of *ufV- > *wV- cf. PCelt.
*ufelo- and *ufo-.
REF: GOI 513, Delamarre 314, Falileyev 72, Villar 1997: 902, MLH V.1:
444.
*ufor-bu-yo- ‘remain’ [Vb]
*ufo-ret-o- 399
GOID: Olr. for-ta; -forbai [3s Pret.]; -forbia [3s Fut.]
W: MW gorfot ‘win, force (someone)’ (GPC gorfodi)
SEE: *bu-yo- ‘be’
REF: KPV 245, GPC II: 1479.
*ufo-ret-o- ‘help, save’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. fo-reith ‘helps, takes someone’s place’
W: MW ewared ‘save, be helpful to’ (GPC gwaredu, gwared)
GAUL: Uoreto-uirius [PN]
SEE: *ret-o- ‘run’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. cobair, cobuir ‘help’ < *kom-ufo-ret-, Olr. toir ‘help’
< *to-ufo-ret-. For the semantic development of the verb ‘to run’ (*ret-o-)
with the prefix *ufo- > *wo- ‘under’ cf. Lat. su-curro ‘help’ (the Insular
Celtic verbs may actually be calques of Latin).
REF: KPV 538ff., GPC II: 1582, Ellis Evans 1967: 126f., Uhlich 2002: 411.
*ufor-k"enno- ‘end’ [Noun]
GOID: OlIr. forcenn [o n>m] ‘end, final limit, what is destined’
W: MW gorffen [m]
BRET: MBret. gourffenn
CO: Co. gorfen
SEE: *k”enno- ‘head’
ETYM: There is also the denominative verb Olr. for-cenna “puts an end to’,
W gorffennu ‘finish off. This may be the result of a parallel development in
Goidelic and Brittonic.
REF: GPC II: 1483, LP 45.
*ufor-kan-o- ‘teach’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. for-cain
W: MW egwarchanu (GPC gorchan, gorchanu, gwarchan)
SEE: *kan-o- ‘sing’
REF: KPV 388ff., GPC II: 1463.
*ufo-skato/u- ‘shadow, shelter’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. foscad [u and o n>m] ‘shade, shelter’
W: MW gwascawt (GPC gwasgod) [m] ‘shelter, shady place, shadow’
BRET: OBret. guascotou gl. frigora, MBret. goasquet, MoBret. gwasked
[m]
PIE: *skehst- ‘darkness’ (IEW: 957)
COGN: Gr. skétos, OE sceadu ‘darkness’
SEE: *skato- ‘shadow’
REF: GPC II: 1596, LP 2, Deshayes 2003: 300.
*ufo-sodyo- ‘ground’ [Noun]
SEE: *sodyo- ‘seat’
400 *ufo-star-na-
*ufo-star-na- ‘strew’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. fo-sern ‘arranges in due order, spreads abroad’
W: MW ewassarnu (GPC gwasarnu, gosarnu)
SEE: *star-na- ‘strew, broaden’
REF: KPV 601f., GPC IT: 1593, Zimmer 2000: 413.
*ufo-wik-o- ‘commit an offence’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. fo-fich ‘trespasses, commits an offence’
W: MW gowyn [m] (GPC gowyn) ‘shame, disgrace’
SEE: *wik-o- ‘fight’
REF: KPV 683ff., GPC II: 1517.
*ulk"o- ‘bad, evil’ [Adj]
GOID: OI. olc [o]
LEP: Ulkos [PN]
PIE: *wlk”o- ‘wolf? (IEW: 1178f.)
COGN: Skt. vrka-, Gr. lykos, Lat. lupus, Lith. vilkas, OCS viloke, Go. wulfs
ETYM: The meaning of this word in PCelt. could have been ‘wolf’, as in
PIE. Another etymology, less persuasive in my opinion, relates Olr. olc to
Lat. ulciscor ‘take vengeance’ (see LP 43). The Gaulish ethnonym Volcae
and W gwalch ‘hawk, rascal’ are sometimes also connected with the PIE
word for ‘wolf’, but this is quite uncertain (Gaulish and Brittonic would have
preserved the o-grade *wolk”o-).
REF: LEIA O-19f., LP 43, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 553, McCone 1985,
McCone 1996: 44.
*u-n-k-o- ‘understand’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. do-ucai (DIL do-ucci, s. v. do-beir)
PIE: *h,ewk- ‘get used to’ (IEW: 347)
COGN: Skt. ucyati, Go. bi-uhts ‘used to’, OCS uciti ‘learn’, vyknati ‘get
used to’, Lith. junkti ‘get used to’
ETYM: Olr. do-ucai is from *to-u-n-k-o-. The simplex is not attested. Cf.
the verbal noun tuicse, tuicsiu ‘understanding’ < *to-unk-syon-.
REF: KPV 652f., LIV 244f., LEIA U-13f., LP 345.
*up(p)u ‘ouch’ [Exclamation]
GOID: OIr. upp gl. ei mihi
W: MW wb (GPC wb, ub)
REF: LEIA U-26, GPC III: 3729.
*uxso-, *uxson- ‘ox’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. oss [o m] ‘stag, cow’
W: MW yeh [m], ychen [p]
*wa(d)-sko- 401
BRET: OBret. penn ohen gl. caput boum [p], MBret. ouhen, MoBret.
oc’hen [p]
CO: Co. oghan [p]
PIE: *ukson ‘ox’ (IEW: 1118)
COGN: OE oxa, Av. uxSan- ‘bull’, ToB okso ‘draft-ox’
ETYM: The Brittonic forms presuppose a n-stem (with Nom. sg. *uxs6(n) >
*uxsii > *uxst and subsequent i-affection in W). MIr. oss presupposes a
thematic *uxso-, cf. also the PN Os-car (‘stag-loving’).
REF: LEIA O-34, GPC III: 3749, Deshayes 2003: 544, EIEC 135, Schrijver
1995: 258, Stiiber 1998: 12f.
*wa(d)-sko- ‘press’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. faiscid, -faisci ‘presses’
W: MW gwascu (GPC gwasgu)
BRET: OBret. (dem)guescim, MBret. goascaff, MoBret. gwaskaii
CO: Co. gwyscel
PIE: *wed"H- ‘strike’ (IEW: 1115)
COGN: Skt. avadhit ‘slew’ [3s Aor.], Lith. vedega ‘a kind of axe’, ToA wac
‘struggle’, perhaps Hitt. wizzai ‘beats, hits’
SEE: *wodwo- ‘cutting’
ETYM: The derivation from the PIE root *wed"H- is doubtful, since it
requires positing an unmotivated lengthened grade in Celtic (it is unexpected
with sk-presents). Olr. fodb [o n] probably does not belong here, since it
means ‘booty (usually of clothes)’ rather than ‘weapon’, as stated by EIEC
471. The reconstruction of the PIE root is uncertain; LIV reconstructs
*wed"h)- and Kloekhorst (2008: 349) compares Hitt. huttiyezi ‘draws, pulls,
plucks’ and reconstructs *howed"h,-.
REF: LP 19, LIV 600f., EIEC 471.
*wagno/a- ‘depression, slope, hollow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fan [o m] ‘slope, declivity, hollow’
W: OW guoun [f] ‘meadow’, MW gwawn, gweun (GPC gwaun)
BRET: OBret. goen, MBret. gueun
CO: OCo. guen gl. campus, MCo. goen, gon, goon
ETYM: The cluster -gn- is assured by the toponym Vagniacis in Britain
(Itin.). The toponym Vagna in Piemont could be the Gaulish equivalent of
these words. The genders in Olr. and in Brittonic do not match, so we must
assume both *wagno- and *wagna (Olr. fan could also be derived from
*wagno-, with short *a, cf. de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 255). On the Indo-
402 *walatro-
European side, PCelt. *wagno- has been connected to Lat. uagus (IEW
1120), but this is uncertain from both semantic and formal points of view.
REF: GPC II: 1603, Delamarre 305f., Falileyev 75, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 255, 258, de Bernardo Stempel 2000: 92.
*walatro- ‘ruler’ [Noun]
SEE: *walo- ‘prince, chief?
*wal-na- ‘rule, govern’ [Vb]
GOID: OIr. fallnaithir, -fallnathar, -follnathar
PIE: *welH- ‘be strong, rule’ (IEW: 1111f.) —
COGN: Lat. ualeo ‘be strong’, Lith. veldéti ‘govern, rule’, Go. waldan
‘rule’, perhaps also Hitt. hulle”- ‘smash, defeat’
SEE: *walo- ‘prince, chief?
ETYM: Celtic preserves the zero-grade of the PIE root (PIE *wl-neh,- >
*wal-nd- >> PCelt. *wal-na-).
REF: KPV 655f., LIV 676f.
*walo- ‘prince, chief? [Noun]
GOID: Mir. fal ‘rule’ (DIL fal ‘king’)
W: OW Con-gual [PN]
BRET: OBret. Conuual [PN]
PIE: *welH- ‘rule’ (IEW: 1112)
COGN: Lat. ualeo ‘be strong’ Go. waldan ‘rule’, ToB walo ‘king’
SEE: *wlati- ‘sovereignty’, *wal-na- ‘rule, govern’
ETYM: Olr. Con-all, OW Con-gual, OBret. Conuual [PN] < *kuno-walo-.
Cf. the parallel compound PNs Gaul. Katouualos, OW Catgual, Olr. Cathal
‘strong in battle’ < *katu-walo-. PCelt. *walo- can be derived regularly form
PIE *wlHo-. Cf. also W gwaladr ‘ruler’ < *walatro- < *wihyetro-. MIr.
follamnaigid ‘rules, governs’, follamnacht ‘ruling, government’ presuppose
a nominal derivative from the same root, PCelt. *wolna-mon- ‘ruler’ < PIE
*wolH-neh.-(mon). The Gaul. ethnonym Catu-vellauni is also often related
to this set of words (Ellis Evans 1967: 276f., Sims-Williams 2006: 118).
REF: EIEC 490, Delamarre 306, Untermann 2002: 414, Ellis Evans 1967:
276f., Sims-Williams 2006: 118.
*wanno- ‘weak’ [Adj]
GOID: MI. fann [0]
W: MW gwan
BRET: OBret. guenion gl. mitiores, MoBret. goann, gwan
CO: OCo. guan gl. debilis
PIE: *h,;weh.-sn- ‘disappear, vanish’ (IEW: 345)
COGN: Lat. udnus ‘hollow, devoid’, Skt. and- ‘deficient’, Go. wans
“missing”
*wari- 403
ETYM: The PCelt. form can be from the PIE adjective *h,weh2-sno- = Lat.
uanus), with *4 > *a by Dybo’s law (cf. the accentuation in Skt. and-
‘empty’. Alternatively, it could, perhaps, represent *h,uh2sno- (though
**iino- would be a more likely outcome of this form).
REF: GPC II: 1571f., Campanile 1974: 53, Deshayes 2003: 297.
*wari- ‘sunrise, east’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. fair [? ?]
W: MW ewawr [f and m] ‘dawn’
PIE: *wosri-, *wesr/n- ‘spring’
COGN: Gr. éar ‘spring’, Lat. uér ‘spring’
ETYM: W gwawr can also mean ‘hero, prince, chieftain’ and GPC treats
these meanings as metaphoric extensions of the primary meaning ‘dawn,
sunrise’. However, I am not sure that this is correct; S Zimmer (p. c.) relates
W gwawr to Germ. wehren ‘prohibit’ (PIE *wer-, LIV 684). Celtic *wari-
appears to be a vrddhi derivative from PIE *wesr ‘spring’. The PCellt.
reconstruction is difficult since the gender and stem of Olr. fair are
unknown. The word is known only from glossaries. PIE *sr regularly gives
PCelt. *rr, but the geminate was probably simplified after long vowels, cf.
PCelt. *miros- ‘peace of meat, food’ < *mirros-.
REF: GPC II: 1605, LP 22.
*warra ‘post, prop’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. farr [? f] ‘post’
W: OW guar, MW gwar [m and f] ‘nape of the neck, noddle, upper part’
CO: OCo. guar gl. collum
PIE: *wer-s- ‘top, peak’ (IEW: 1150ff.)
COGN: Skt. varsman- ‘height, top’, OCS vroex ‘top, peak’, Lith. virsus
‘top, peak’, Lat. werriica
SEE: *werro- ‘high’
ETYM: The semantic connection between the Goidelic and Welsh forms is
not wholly convincing. Besides, farr is attested rather late in Irish.
Gamillscheg (469) derives Fr. garenne ‘rabbit-warren, fishing preserve’, Fr.
dial. varenne ‘wilderness’, from Gaul. *war(r)enna’, a derivative of a
putative *warro- ‘stick, post’, but I doubt if this etymology is correct. On the
formal side, PCelt. *warrad can be derived from PIE *wrsehp.
REF: GPC II: 1576, Walde-Hoffman II: 762.
*wasto- ‘empty’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. fas [o]
PIE: *h,;wehsto- ‘waste’ (IEW: 345f.)
COGN: Lat. udstus, OE wéste ‘waste, empty’
ETYM: It is unclear whether W gwaws ‘gentle, pleasant, terrible’ is related
to this set of forms, or is it a borrowing from Lat. udstus. In any case, the
404 *wasto-
meaning is quite different. The word-initial laryngeal can be deduced if these
words are related to Gr. eiinis ‘deprived’, but this is not certain.
REF: EJEC 179, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 271.
*wasto- ‘servant’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. foss [o m]
W: OW guas, MW gwas [m]; gweision, gweis [p]
BRET: MBret. -uwas, -guas [in PN], MoBret. gwaz ‘man, husband’
CO: Co. guas
GAUL: *uassos > MLat.uassus (cf. Fr. vassal)
ETYM: Olr. foss ‘male servant’ should be distinguished from Olr. foss [o
m] ‘rest, resting place’. Some linguists derive these words from PIE
*upo-sth)-o- ‘standing beneath’, cf. Delamarre 307, IEW 1106. However,
this proto-form should give PCelt. *ufo-sto- > *wosso-, from which we
could derive Olr. foss ‘rest, resting place’, while PCelt. *wasto- must have a
different etymology. See, however, PCelt. *wostu-.
REF: GPC II: 1590f., ETEC 506, Delamarre 307, Falileyev 65, Uhlich 2002:
415, Schrijver 1995: 407.
*wastu- ‘dwelling’ [Noun]
W: MW egwas [f] ‘abode, dwelling’
PIE: *wehystu- ‘dwelling’ (IEW: 1170f.)
COGN: Skt. vastu- ‘house, dwelling’, Gr. dsty ‘city’, ToB ost ‘house’
ETYM: Olr. i foss ‘at rest, at home’ is sometimes related to this set of
forms, but the o-vocalism makes this comparison unlikely. It is more
probably related to foss ‘rest’, which can, in turn, be derived from *ufo-sto-
(see PCelt. *wasto- ‘servant’). MW gwas reflects the zero-grade of the PIE
word, which had an ablauting paradigm (presumably *wohystu- /
*wh.stew-). For the development *wHC- > *waC- in Celtic, see *waxto-
‘bad’ (the same development is found in Gr. asty < *wh,stu-).
REF: GPC II: 1591, EIEC 281.
*wati- ‘sooth-sayer, prophet’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. faith [i m]
GAUL: oudteis [p] (Strabo 4.4.4.)
PIE: *weh-ti- ‘prophet’ (IEW: 1113)
COGN: Lat. uatés ‘prophet’, OE wéd ‘inspiration’
SEE: *watu- ‘poetic inspiration’
ETYM: Lat. uatés is often considered to be an old Celtic loanword, but de
Vaan (2008: 656) thinks it is inherited. It is true that uatés is rather isolated
in Latin, but there are no compelling reasons to think it must have been
borrowed from Celtic.
REF: LP 6, 65f., ETEC 707, Delamarre 308, de Bernardo Stempel 1999:
369, 375.
*watu- 405
*watu- ‘poetic inspiration’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fath [u m] ‘prophesy, cause, reason’
W: MW gwawd [m and f] ‘poem, song of praise, satire, mockery’
PIE: *weh,-tu- ‘prophesy’ (IEW: 1113)
SEE: *wati- ‘sooth-sayer, prophet’
REF: GPC II: 1603, LP 6, Delamarre 308, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 286,
Wagner 1971: 46ff.
*waxto- ‘bad’ [Adj]
GOID: Mir. facht [? ?] ‘malice’
W: MW ewaeth ‘worse’ (comparative to drwg ‘bad’)
BRET: MBret. goaz, MoBret. gwazh ‘worse’
CO: Co. gweth ‘worse’
ETYM: Olr. facht is very poorly attested, and stem formation, gender, and
precise meaning of this word are unknown. Gaul. name Vaxtulla (CIL XII
5864, Billy 1993: 152) might be from the same root, but there is no proof
that it is. Schrijver (1995: 132, following Morris Jones 1913: 246) derives
the MW superlative gwaeth-af from < *ufo-fed-isamo- < *upo-ped-is-mmo-,
where *ped- is the word for ‘foot’ (Lat. pés, etc.). The positive gwaeth
would be analogical (since *ufo-ped-yo- would yield MW **gweidd). All of
this makes the etymology proposed here rather problematic. The connection
of PCelt. *waxto- and Lat. uacillo ‘stagger, waver’ (IEW 1135, as if from
PIE *wak-) is a mere possiblity. I believe that Lat. uacd ‘be empty’, uacuus
‘empty’ are better candidates for cognates outside Celtic. We could
reconstruct a PIE root *weh,k-, and both the Latin and the Celtic reflexes
could be regularly derived from the zero-grade of that root under the
assumption that *wHk- > *wak- (rather than *ik-). The Celtic form could be
an old to-participle, and the semantic development could have been from
‘emptied’ to ‘lacking’ and ‘bad’. Note that de Vaan (2008: 649, 653)
connects Lat. uacuus to udnus ‘hollow, devoid’, and reconstructs the PIE
root as *h;weh2-, with *h;- because of Gr. edad ‘let, permit’ (cf. also Go.
wans ‘missing’ and Skt. and- ‘empty’).
REF: GPC II: 1551, Deshayes 2003: 301.
*way “woe, oh, alas’ [Interjection]
GOID: MIzr. fae ‘alas’
W: MW gwae ‘woe, misery, trouble’
BRET: MBret. goa, MoBret. gwa
PIE: *way ‘alas, woe’ (IEW: 1111)
COGN: Av. vaiidi, Lat. uae, OE wa
ETYM: All of these interjections in different IE languages could be
independent formations, but their similarity is obvious. Cf. also W gwael
‘poor, wretched, despised’, MoBret. gail, Gaul. PN Vailo, which may be
from the same root (*waylo-).
REF: GPC II: 1544.
406 *wayda
*wayda ‘shout, cry, clamour’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. faed, faid
W: MW gwaedd [f]
ETYM: Possibly connected with *way ‘woe’.
REF: GPC II: 1548.
*waylo- ‘poor, wretched’ [Adj]
SEE: *way- ‘woe’
*waylo- ‘wolf? [Noun]
GOID: MIr. fae/ [o m]
PIE: *waylo- (?) ‘wolf (EW: 1110f.)
COGN: Arm. gayl ‘wolf?
ETYM: MW poetic compound gweil-gi [f] ‘ocean, sea’ has been compared
to Olr. fael-chu ‘wolf (PCelt. ? *waylo-ki, cf. Zimmer 2000: 56), but the
evolution of meaning in Welsh is difficult to explain (if this is correct). A
putative MoBret. gail ‘wolf? seems not to exist. There is some evidence that
Olr. fael was originally an u-stem, and in some texts it inflects as a dental
stem. The correspondence between it and Arm. gay/ could be accidental,
since it is based on only two IE languages. The connection with the
interjection *way (IEW 1111) is not convincing. It is assumed here that the
PIE word for ‘wolf’, *wlk”o-, became the adjective meaning ‘bad, evil’ in
PCelt. (*ulk“o-).
REF: EIEC 647, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 226.
*wed-o- ‘lead, bring together’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. feidid, -feid; feiss, -fé [Subj.], feiss, -fé [Fut.]; faid [Pret.];
fessae, -fess (Pret. Pass. ]
W: MW arweddu ‘lead, bring’
BRET: MBret. dimiziff ‘marry’
CO: Co. demmedhi ‘marry’
PIE: *wed"- ‘lead’ (IEW: 1115f.)
COGN: Lith. vedi ‘lead, marry’, Go. ga-widan ‘bind’, OCS vesti, Lith.
vedu, vesti
ETYM: MW arweddu is from *fare-wed-o-, and MBret. dimiziff, Co.
demmedhi are from *to-ambi-wed-o-. Cf. also W cywain, cyweiniaf ‘carry
together, convey’ < PCelt. *kow-wed- < *kom-wed"-, and W dyweddio
‘marry’ < *di-wed-. Some linguistis reconstruct a word-initial *h2 in the PIE
root and compare Hitt. huett(iya)- ‘draw, pull, pluck’, but this connection is
not universally accepted. Note that the Hitt. verb is written with double -#t-,
which should be from the PIE voiceless stop *t, or *dH, *d"H; Kloekhorst
2008: 349 derives it from PIE *h,wed'h,- ‘strike’ (Skt. vadh-, etc., cf.
*wad-sko- ‘press’).
*wedo- 407
REF: KPV 656f., GPC II: 1609, LIV 658f., EIEC 346, LP 361f., LEIA D-
140.
*wedo- ‘yoke, harness’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. fedil (DIL feidil)
W: MW ewedd [m and f]
PIE: *wed"- ‘bind’ (IEW: 1117f.)
COGN: Go. ga-widan ‘bind’, OHG wetan ‘bind’, perhaps Hitt. weda-, wete-
‘build’
SEE: *wed-o- ‘lead, bring to’
ETYM: The Welsh formation is original, and the MIr. noun is a derivative
(? *wed-el-o-). Cf. also gweddu ‘subject oneself to, submit, be humbled’
(originally ‘be bound, harnessed’). GPC claims these words are derived from
*wed-o- ‘lead’; the semantic connection would presumably lie in the fact
that oxen are harnessed in order to be led. I find this difficult to accept, and I
believe that it is better to separate PIE *wed"- ‘lead’ and *wed'- ‘bind,
harness’, as Pokorny does (IEW 1116-7). Skt. vadhra- ‘leather belt’ is
sometimes compared, but it may be actually dissimilated from vardhra-,
which is from ‘enclose, encompass’ (cf. Mayrhofer, s. v. vadhra-).
REF: GPC II: 1609.
*wéd-o- ‘tell, relate’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. ad-fét ‘tells’; ad-fé [Subj.]; ad-fi [Fut.]; ad-fiad {Pret.]; ad-fess
[Pret. Pass. ]
W: MW amkawdd [3s Pret.]
PIE: *weyd- ‘perceive, see’ (IEW: 1125f.)
COGN: Skt. vindati ‘finds’, Lat. uideo, OCS vidéti ‘see’, Arm. gitem
‘know’
ETYM: Olr. ad-fét < *ad-wéd-o-, MW amkawdd < *ambi-kom-wéd-o-. The
simplex is not attested. The semantic evolution from ‘perceive, see’ to ‘tell,
relate’ is somewhat difficult (one would expect a causative formation of
which there is no trace in Celtic).
REF: KPV 664ff., LIV 665ff., LP 363f., LEIA D-112.
*wédo- ‘sight, presence’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fiad [Preposition, Aspirating] ‘in the presence of
W: MW gwydd [m] (GPC gwydd ) ‘sight, presence’
CELTIB: ueizos ? ‘witness’
PIE: *weyd- ‘perceive, see’ (IEW: 1125f.)
COGN: Lat. uideo
SEE: *wéd-o- ‘tell, relate’
ETYM: The meaning of Celtib. ueizos is uncertain. It occurs in the dative in
Luzaga (ueizui), and, apparently, in the Nom. sg. in ‘The Bronze res’. Meid
(1994: 48) renders its meaning as ‘visitor, guest’, but ‘witness’ has also been
408 *wédon-
proposed (cf. Olr. fiadu [n m] ‘witness’ (DIL fiada) < *wédon- and noidiu
“baby, small child’ < *ne-wéd-yon-).
REF: GPC II: 1752, McCone 1996: 15, Meid 1994: 48, MLH V.1: 438.
*wédon- ‘witness’ [Noun]
SEE: *wédo- ‘sight, presence’
*wédu- ‘wild’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. fiad [u m] ‘wild animals, game’, Ogam VEDA-CUNAS
W: MW gewydd (GPC gwydd)
BRET: OBret. guoid-och gl. aper, MBret. goez, MoBret. gouez
CO: OCo. guit-fil gl. fera
PIE: *weyd'- ‘wood, wilderness’ (IEW: 1177)
COGN: OE waé ‘hunt’
SEE: *widu- ‘wood’
ETYM: In Olr., there is also fiad ‘uncultivated land’ and fiadach ‘hunt’.
Ogam PN VEDA-CUNAS [Gen. sg.] is plausibly interpreted as ‘wild dog’.
Another derivative from the same PCelt. root could be MIr. fian, denoting a
troop of young warriors and brigands. It could be derived from *wédna
(McCone 1987), but an alternative etymology derives it from PCelt. *wéna
(see below) and relates it to OCS vojena ‘war’. OE wad ‘hunt’ represents a
different ablaut grade, PGerm. *waydaz. These words are probably from the
same PIE root as PCelt. *widu- ‘wood’ (Lat. siluaticus > Fr. sauvage ‘wild’,
from silua ‘wood’, also means ‘wild’). Also a derivative from the same root
is OW *Goidel (W Gwyddel ‘Irishman’, which was borrowed into Olr. as
Goidel.‘\rishman, a Gael’.
REF: GPC II: 1753, DGVB 196, Delamarre 2003: 283, McCone 1987,
Ziegler 1994: 118.
*wegno- ‘wagon’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. fén [o m] gl. plaustrum
W: W gwain
PIE: *weg"no- ‘wagon’ (IEW: 1118ff.)
COGN: OHG wagan, ToB yakne ‘way, manner’
ETYM: W gwain ‘car’ appears not to be attested in GPC (gwain ‘sheath’ <
Lat. vagina is a different word of course). Cf. also Olr. fénae [ia f] ‘wagon’
< *wegn-ya.
REF: LP 11, EIEC 625, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 254, 258.
*wegnya ‘wagon’ [Noun]
SEE: *wegno- ‘wagon’
*wegro- ‘grass’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. fér [0 n]
W: MW gweir (GPC gwair ) [m] ‘grass, hay’
*weg(y)a 409
PIE: *hpewg- / *h.weg- ‘grow’ (IEW: 84f.)
COGN: Lat. augeo, Go. aukan
ETYM: In OW, there is the compound guer-claud ‘meadow’. Deshayes
(2003: 296) adduces MoBret. gwain ‘chiendent des gréves’ and claims it
comes from *wegro- by a ‘dissimilation de la consonne finale’; however, a
different proto-form, *wegno-, would appear equally probable. On the Indo-
European side, this etymology is weak from the semantic point of view; the
semantic development would be from ‘outgrowth’ to ‘grass’, and formally
PIE *h.wegro- > PCelt. *wegro- would be regular (if one admits
Schwebeablaut, cf. Go. wahsjan ‘grow’ < *hyweg-s-). A. Lubotsky (p. c.)
suggests that PCelt. *wegro- may be related to Lat. uegeo ‘enliven’, OHG
wahhén ‘to be awake’ (PIE *weg- ‘be lively’, IEW 1117f., LIV 601). This
may be more likely from the formal point of view, but again a rather
complex semantic development would have to be assumed (cf. MLat.
vegetatio, Eng. vegetation).
REF: GPC II: 1563, Falileyev 67, Deshayes 2003: 296, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 228, 230.
*weg(y)a ‘web, woven fabric’
GOID: Olr. fige [ia f] ‘weaving’
W: MW ewe [m and f]
BRET: OBret. gueg gl. textrix, MoBret. gwe [m] ‘torsion, weaving’
SEE: *weg-yo- ‘weave’
REF: GPC II: 1607, Delamarre 2003: 301.
*weg-yo- ‘weave, compose’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. figid, -fig; faig [Pret.]; fechtae, -fecht [Pret. Pass. ]
W: MW gwéu (GPC gwau)
BRET: MBret. gueaff
CO: Late Co. gwia
PIE: *weg- ‘spin, weave’ (IEW: 1117)
COGN: Lat. uélum ‘sail’, OE wice ‘wick’
SEE: *weg(y)a ‘web, woven fabric’
ETYM: Lat. uélum represents *weg-slo-, while Celtic points to PIE
*weg-yo-.
REF: KPV 660ff., GPC II: 1602, LIV 662, LP 364, EIEC 473, 572.
*wek"o- ‘face’, originally ‘speech (?)’ [Noun]
GOID: ? Ogam VEQ-REQ
W: MW gwep [f] ‘face, aspect, grimace’
BRET: MBret. goap [m] ‘mockery’
GAUL: Uepo-litanos [PN], Uepos [PN]
PIE: *wek"- ‘say, utter’ (IEW: 1135f.)
COGN: Gr. épos ‘word’, Lat. udx ‘voice’, ToB wek ‘voice’, Arm. gocem
‘call’.
410 *welet-
SEE: *woxtlo- ‘word’
ETYM: A difficult etymology. Ogam PN VEQREQ could contain the same
element as the first part of Gaul. Vepo-litanos (but cf. a different explanation
in Ziegler 1994: 118). The change of meaning in W would be from ‘speech’
to ‘mockery’ to ‘grimace’, and finally, to ‘face’. This semantic evolution is
complex, but possible. On the other hand, it is difficult to know the meaning
of the onomastic element Uepo- in Gaulish (see Meid 2005: 245ff.). Is
Uepo-litanos ‘broad-faced’ or ‘one with the broad speech?’ Such difficulties
of interpretation cast some doubt on the validity of this etymology. Deshayes
2003: 277 considers Bret. goap to be a loanword from Norman French
gouaper ‘mock’ (form ON gabba). The PIE root *wek”- is attested in Celtic
in MIr. anocht [o m, originally n] ‘mistake to be avoided by poets’ <
*anuxto- < *an-uk-to-, cf. Skt. anukta- ‘unpronounced’, in PCelt. *woxtlo-
‘word’ (see below), and perhaps in MIr. fuaimm ‘noise’ if it is from *wox-
sman- < *wok™-smn-.
REF: GPC II: 1641, Delamarre 313f., Deshayes 2003: 277, Meid 2005:
245ff., Ziegler 1994: 118.
*welet- ‘seer, poet’ [Noun]
SEE: *wel-o- ‘see’
*weli-, *woli- ‘blood’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. fuil {i f]
W: MW eweli [f and m] ‘blood, wound’
BRET: MBret. goulyow [p]
CO: Co. goly
PIE: *welh2- ‘wound’ (IEW: 1144f.)
COGN: Lat. wolnus, Gr. oulé ‘scar’
SEE: *wlanno- ‘blood red’
ETYM: W gweli and the other Brittonic forms cannot be derived directly
from the proto-form *weli-, but rather presuppose some kind of suffix,
perhaps *-iso- (IEW). Olr. fuil appears to be from *woli- < *wolHi-. The
laryngeal in the PIE root is implied by Lat. -/n- (from *-lan- by syncope;
original *In would have been assimilated to /I, cf. tollo ‘take’ < *tolnd)
REF: GPC II: 1627, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 65, 73, EIEC 650.
*wéliyo/a- ‘modesty’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. féle gl. honestas [ia f]
W: OW guiled [m], MW gwyled (GPC gwyledd)
BRET: OBret. guiled gl. honestas
SEE: *wélo- ‘modest’
ETYM: In Gaulish, there are PN with the element velio- (e.g. Uelio-casses),
but the length of the vowel e is unknown. Therefore, the connection with
PCelt. *wéliyo- must remain conjectural.
*wello- 411
REF: GPC II: 1761, DGVB 191, Delamarre 311, Falileyev 68, Evans 1967:
273 ff.
*wello- ‘good, desirable’ [Adj]
W: MW egvwell ‘better’
BRET: MBret. guell, MoBret. gweill ‘better’
CO: Co. gwell ‘better’
PIE: *welH- ‘want, wish, choose’ (IEW: 1137)
COGN: Skt. vrnité ‘chooses’, Lat. uolo, Go. wiljan, Lith. vélti ‘wish’, OCS
volja ‘wish’
ETYM: The Brittonic forms presuppose *wello- < *wel-n-o-. It is possible
that the Gaulish phrase Aisus scrisumio uelor, preserved in Marcellus of
Bordeaux (Dottin 1920: 214), contains the 1 sg. Pres. of the deponent verb
uelor ‘I wish’, see Delamarre 312. The interpretation of this Gaulish healing
formula is difficult, though. Meid 1994: 44 interprets Celtib. ERNA UELA
(Luzaga) as ‘good reception’ and relates uela to PCelt. *welo- ‘good’, but
this is a mere possibility (as is his contention that the same element is
contained in the first part of the probably Celtic name Vela-genus, Meid
2004: 126). The second element of the Gaul. ethnonym Catu-vellauni has
also been related to this set of words (IEW 1137); it may reflect an old
participle *-welH-mhjno-, with *mn > *wn. In PIE, the laryngeal is often
identified as *h, because of Gr. (Dor.) /é6 ‘want, wish’.
REF: GPC II: 1630, Delamarre 312, Deshayes 2003: 303, LIV 618f., Meid
1994: 44, Meid 1996: 62f., Meid 2005: 126, MLH V.1: 120, 440f.
*wello-, *wallo- ‘deceit, error’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. fell [o m and 4 f] ‘deceit, treachery, crime’
W: MW ewall [m] ‘error, mistake’
BRET: MBret. goall, MoBret. gwall [m] ‘damage, evil’
CO: Co. gwall ‘accident, deficit’
ETYM: Cf. also Olr. foll ‘crime’, follach ‘negligent, neglect, denominative
follaigid ‘neglects, omits, fails to’. This would point to the ablaut pattern
*wello- / *wollo-/ *wallo- in PCelt. These words have been related to Lith.
vilti, vilbinti ‘deceive’, Skt. valh- ‘puzzle (by riddles)’, Gr. elephairomai
‘deceive’ (IEW 1140), in which case we should reconstruct PIE
*(h,)welh,-(b")-. The geminate *Il in Celtic may be from *In, but the loss of
laryngeal is puzzling. It may have been generalized from *(H)wolHn- >
*(H)woln- (by de Saussure’s law), or, more likely, from the shape of the root
in the infixed present stem *wl-ne-h,- / *wl-n-h)-.
REF: GPC II: 1567, Deshayes 2003: 296.
*wel-n-o- ‘bend’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. fillid, -filli
BRET: MBret. goalenn ‘green twig’, MoBret. gwalenn [f]
PIE: *wel- ‘turn, wind’ (IEW: 1140ff.)
412 *wel-o-
COGN: Lat. woluo, OCS valiti ‘roll’, Go. walwjan ‘rotate, roll’, ToA walyi
‘worms’
ETYM: MoBret. gwa/enn is a nominal derivative from the verb ‘to bend,
twist’. It may go back to PCelt. *wal-enna < *wal-ensna.
REF: Deshayes 2003: 296, EIEC 607.
*wel-o- ‘see’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. -fil ‘there is’
W: MW gwelet ‘see’ (GPC gweld, gweled)
BRET: OBret. guilinn [3p Pret.], MBret. guelet, MoBret. gweled [m] ‘sight’
CO: Co. gweles
PIE: *wel-o- ‘see’ (IEW: 1136f.)
COGN: Lat. uoltus ‘face, facial expression’, Go. wulbus ‘wealth’
ETYM: The semantic development of Olr. fil was from ‘lo, behold’ (Impv.
of *wel-o- ‘see’) to ‘there is’. Olr. file [d m] ‘poet’ is a derivative from this
root (cf. Ogam Gen. sg. VELITAS). The original meaning was ‘seer’, PCelt.
*wel-et-. Go. wulbus < PIE *wl-tu- shows the development of meaning from
‘sight, appearance’ to ‘respect’ and ‘wealth’ (cf. Croat. igled ‘respect’ vs.
glédati ‘see’).
REF: KPV 669ff., GPC II: 1626, Deshayes 2003: 302, LIV 675, LP 331,
EIEC 505, DGVB 191.
*wélo- ‘modest’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. fial [0] ‘decorous, honourable, modest’
W: MW gwyl (GPC gil)
SEE: *wéliyo- ‘modesty’
ETYM: Hamp (1980a: 213) derives these words from PIE *wey- ‘turn’
(IEW 1120), cf. Lat. wilis ‘cheap, abundant’ < PIE *wey-lo- (but against this
etymology see de Vaan 2008: 678 deriving uilis from *wes-li-, PIE *wes- ‘to
buy’).
REF: GPC II: 1760, Falileyev 68, Hamp 1980.
*wéna ‘troop, band of warriors’
GOID: MIr. fian [4 f]
PIE: *weyh,- ‘chase, pursue, suppress’ (IEW: 1123)
COGN: Lith. vyti ‘chase’, OCS voje ‘warrior’, Skt. viydnti ‘they pursue’ [3p
Pres. ]
ETYM: DIL renders the meaning of fian as ‘a band of roving men whose
principal occupations were hunting and war, also a troop of professional
fighting-men under a leader’. The Irish ethnonym Féni is probably related.
The collective formation (PCelt. *wéna) seems to be the same as in PCelt.
*slowga ‘band, troop’, and its synonym *worina ‘band, troop’. I believe this
word was much more likely to have been inherited than borrowed from ON
fiandi ‘enemy’ (the etymology mentioned in DIL). The development of PIE
*weyHneh, > PCelt. *wéna would have been regular, cf. OCS vojona ‘war’.
*wendo- 413
However, an alternative etymology derives Olr. fian from PCelt. *wedna
(see *wédu- ‘wild’).
*wendo- ‘a single hair’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. find [o m, earlier n] (DIL finna)
PIE: *wend’- ‘hair’ IEW: 1148)
COGN: Gr. ionthos ‘hair root, acne’, OHG wint-brawa ‘eyelash’
SEE: *wenso- ‘pubic hair’
ETYM: Celtic points to the thematic *wend"o-, while Gr. ionthos is from
reduplicated *wiwond"o-.
REF: Mallory & Adams 2006: 177.
*wenk-a- ‘bend’ [Vb]
GOID: Mir. feccaid ‘bends, stoops’
PIE: *wenk- ‘bend’
COGN: Skt. vafic- ‘move (waveringly), vakra- ‘curved’, OE woh ‘bent’
ETYM: Lat. con-uexus ‘curving outwards, arching’ is probably unrelated to
these words, being derived from *weg'. ‘drive’, cf. de Vaan 2008: 133.
*wenso- ‘pubic hair’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. fés [Collective]
PIE: *wend’-s- ‘body hair, beard’
TEW: 1148
COGN: OPr. wanso ‘first beard’, Russ. us’ ‘moustache’
SEE: *wendo- ‘a single hair’
ETYM: The PIE root seems to be *wend"-, cf. PCelt. *wendo-. This means
that PCelt. *wenso- is from *wend"-so-, just like the BSI. cognates.
*wenta ‘place, town’ [Noun]
W: MW cad-went ‘battlefield’
PIE: *h,wen- ‘place’ (?)
COGN: Gr. euné ‘bed’, Alb. vend ‘place’
ETYM: Cf. also the Ancient British toponym Venta.
REF: KPV 368, GPC I: 380, Sims-Williams 2006: 118f.
*wenya ‘family, kindred’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. fine [ia f]
BRET: OBret. coguenou gl. indigena, MBret. gouen(n), MoBret. gouenn [f]
‘race, kind’
GAUL: Veni-carus [PN], Ven-eti [Ethnonym] (today Vannes)
PIE: *wenh,- ‘desire’ (IEW: 1147)
COGN: OHG wini ‘friend’
ETYM: The same root is attested in Olr. fingal ‘slaying of a relative’
(*weni-gala); cf. also the parallel compound PNs OIr. Finchar, OW Guncar,
Gaul. Uenicarus < *weni-kar-o-. Some authors interpret Lepontic uenia as
414 *wer-V-
‘family’ and derive it from the same root (cf. McCone 2006: 28, Solinas
1995: 372f.).
REF: DGVB 188, Delamarre 2003: 282, Uhlich 2002: 413, Schmidt 1987:
268, McCone 1993: 243f., Solinas 1995: 372f., Eska 1994/1995.
*wer-V- ‘find’ [Verb]
GOID: Olt. -fuar [Pret.]; fo-frith ‘was found’ [Pass. Pret. ]
PIE: *werh,- ‘find’ (IEW: 1160)
COGN: Gr. heurisk6, Arm. gerem ‘take prisoner’
ETYM: Olr. -fuar represents a reflex of the PIE reduplicated perfect
(*we-worh,-).
REF: EJEC 202, LIV 637.
*werga ‘anger’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ferg [4 f]
W: W ewery ‘active, lively’
BRET: OBret. guerg gl. efficax
GAUL: uergo-bretus ‘a magistrate’ (Argenton sur Creuse, Caesar, De bello
Gallico 1.16.5)
PIE: *werg- ‘anger, strength’ (IEW: 1169) .
COGN: Skt. aj-, urja- ‘strength, nourishment’, Gr. orgé ‘impulse, mood,
anger, passion’
ETYM: Gaul. vergobretos has also been related to Gr. érgon ‘work’ < PIE
*wergom, so it is doubtful whether it belongs here. Skt. aja does not
necessarily presuppose a root in laryngeal (*werHg-), cf. Av. varazi.casman-
‘with strong eyes’. Gr. orgé is from *worgeh,. The development of meaning
from ‘enmity’ to ‘anger’ is unproblematic.
REF: GPC II: 1649, EIEC 208, LP 33, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 49,
Delamarre 315, Lambert 1994: 137.
*werno- ‘alder, alder-tree’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fern [4 f]
W: MW gwern [m and f], gwernen [Singulative] ‘alder, mast of a ship’
BRET: OBret. guaern, MBret. guern, MoBret. gwern [f] ‘alder, mast’
CO: OCo. guern gl. malus, guernen gl. alnus, Co. gwern ‘mast’
GAUL: Gaul. *werna > Fr. vergne, Pr. verne, Gaul. Verno-dubrum
[Toponym]
PIE: *werno- ‘alder’ (IEW: 1169)
COGN: Alb. verré ‘Populus alba’, Arm. geran ‘alder’
REF: GPC II: 1644f., Deshayes 2003: 306f., Gamillscheg 889, EIEC 11,
Sims- Williams 2006: 120f.
*wéro- ‘crooked’ [Adj]
GOID: MI. fiar [0]
W: MW ewyr (GPC gvyr)
*werro- 415
BRET: MBret. goar, MoBret. gwar ‘curved’
PIE: *weyh,-ro- ‘turned, twisted’ (IEW: 1122)
COGN: OE wir ‘wire’
SEE: *wi-na- ‘bend, enclose’
ETYM: The PIE root is *weyhy- ‘turn, twist’, cf. OCS viti, Lat. uieo, etc.
REF: GPC II: 1781, Delamarre 2003: 298, LP 11, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 228.
*werro- ‘better’ (?) [Adj]
GOID: OIr. ferr [o] ‘better’
PIE: *werso- ‘peak’ (IEW: 1151f.)
COGN: Lat. uerriica ‘varus, pimple’, OE wearr ‘sill’, Lith. virsus ‘peak’,
OCS vroxn ‘peak’, Russ. vérx ‘peak’
SEE: *warra ‘post, prop’
REF: EIEC 416.
*werto- ‘worth, price’ [Noun]
W: MW everth [m]
BRET: OBret. uuert ‘worth’, MBret. guerz ‘sale’, MoBret. gwerzh [f]
CO: Co. guerdhe ‘sell’
PIE: *wert- ‘turn’ (IEW: 1156ff.)
COGN: Skt. vdrtate ‘turns’, OHG werd ‘worth’, Lat. uerto ‘turn’, Lith.
virsti ‘to turn around’, OCS voertéti ‘to turn around’
ETYM: Some authors think that these Brittonic words were borrowed from
Germanic, but it is equally possible that they are inherited. Attribution to the
root *wert- ‘turn’ is probable if one starts with the meaning ‘exchange’ (a
similar evolution of meaning occurred in Germanic). The same root is
attested in Olr. ad-ferta gi. adversatur and Olr. adbairt ‘adversary’. Schrijver
(1996) relates these words to Olr. gor ‘pious, dutiful’, MW gwar ‘tame,
civilized’ (see PCelt. *g”ariya ‘duty’).
REF: GPC II: 1646f., DGVB 329, Deshayes 2003: 307, Schrijver 1996.
*wertya ‘mound’ [Noun]
GOID: OIlr. fertae [ia f] ‘mound, tumulus’
PIE: *Hwer- ‘cover, close’ (IEW: 1160f.)
COGN: Skt. vrndti ‘close’, Lat. aperio ‘open’, Lith. at-vérti ‘open’
ETYM: MW ewerthyr [m] ‘fort’ (< *wert-ro-) and MW gweryd [m] ‘earth,
soil, grave’ (< *wereto-) are derivatives from the same root. The identity of
the initial laryngeal in PIE is uncertain. If Gr. doron (Hesych.) ‘a wooden or
iron bar or bolt placed across gates on the inside’ is related, then it was *ho-.
On this root in PIE see Lubotsky 2000.
REF: GPC II: 1647, Falileyev 1997.
*wesaik(k)o-, *wesakko- ‘grebe’ or ‘raven’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fiach, fiach [0 m] ‘raven’
416 *weskwero-
W: MW ewyach [f] ‘grebe, Podiceps’
ETYM: Olt. fiach is disyllabic. W gwyach points to a geminate *-kk- in
PCelt., but it may be an early loanword from Goidelic (although the
meanings are different). Both words have been borrowed from some
unknown non-lE language.
REF: GPC I: 1744.
*wesk” ero- ‘evening’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fescor [o m]
W: MW wcher [m and f]
PIE: *wesk”er- ‘evening’ (IEW: 1173)
COGN: Lat. uesper, Gr. hésperos, Arm. giger
ETYM: Olr. fescor is usually considered to have been borrowed from Lat.
uesper, but Lat. origin is improbable for MW wcher. In light of that, the OIr.
word may have been inherited as well. However, the vocalism of MW ucher
is unclear. It seems to point to *owsk”ero- < *ewsk”ero-, which may have
been metathesized from *wesk"ero- (cf. also W ugaint from *wikanti).
REF: GPC III: 3697f., Beekes 1996.
*wesnala ‘swallow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fannall {a f} gl. hirundo
W: OW guennol gl. hirundo, MW gwennawi/ [f]
BRET: OBret. guennol gl. herundo, MBret. guennel, MoBret. gwennel [f]
CO: Co. gwennol
PIE: *wesr/n- ‘spring’ IEW: 1174)
COGN: Lat. uér, Gr. gar, OCS vesna
ETYM: Cf. also Fr. vanneau ‘lapwing’ might, in principle, be from Gaul.
*wannalo- (with the changed meaning), but there are other etymologies of
this word (Gamillscheg 883). McCone (2005: 3) included Olr. fannall and
MW gwennawil ‘swallow’ in a group of “obviously related words... that not
only lack obvious cognates elsewhere in Indo-European but also have a
distinctly non-Indo-European look”. However, a PIE etymology seems
probable, if one starts from the PIE word for ‘spring’. The a-vocalism in
Irish is unclear; it may be due to an assimilation *e...4 > *a...a, but the
genitive fainle (with palatalization) may also point to a (metathesized) proto-
form *wasnela. The stem *wesn- was generalized in Celtic, and the suffix
*-alo- was added to it. It is the same denominal suffix used for deriving
adjectives as, e.g., in W misol ‘monthly’ (from mis ‘month’), saethol
‘sagittal’ (from saeth ‘arrow’, etc. This suffix is less productive in Goidelic,
but cf., e.g., Olr. mebul, mebal ‘shame’, bial ‘water’ (de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 224ff.). The stem *wesna- is attested in Slavic (OCS vesna). The
semantic development is rather clear: swallows are often conceived as
‘messengers of spring’, so ‘swallow’ is a spring-bird. This tradition about
swallows was widely known in Antiquity, and is mentioned by many
classical authors, e.g. Horace (Epistolae 1.7.13), Ovid (Fasti 2.853), etc.
*wesr- 417
REF: GPC II: 1638, Deshayes 2003: 305, McCone 2005: 3, Gamillscheg
883.
ed
*wesr- / *wesn- ‘spring’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. errach [o m]
W: OW guiannuin [m]
CO: OCo. guaintoin gl. ver
PIE: *wesr ‘spring’ (IEW: 1174)
COGN: Skt. vasantd-, Lat. uér, OCS vesna, Lith. vadsara ‘summer’, Arm.
garun
SEE: *wesnala ‘swallow’
ETYM: The Brittonic forms are derivable from something like PCelt.
*wesanténo-, cf. Skt. vasantd-. The Olr. form points to *werrako- <
*wesrako-; the word-initial *f- < *w- was lost regularly in environments
involving lenition, and then generalized. It seems possible that the PCelt.
form was a heterocliton in r/n inherited from PIE.
REF: GPC EIEC 504, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 135, 138, Falileyev 67f.
*wessi- ‘sow, young female pig’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. feis [i f]
W: MW ewys (GPC egwys [f]
BRET: OBret. guis, MBret. guis, gues, MoBret. gwis [f]
CO: OCo. guis gl. scroffa
PIE: *wet- ‘year’ (IEW: 1175)
COGN: Skt. vatsd- ‘yearling, calf’, Lat. vitulus ‘calf’, Gr. étos ‘year’
ETYM: Olr. feis (féis) is chiefly attested in archaizing poetry. PCelt.
*wessi- must be from PIE *wet-ti- (for the evolution of meaning cf. Lat.
uitulus < *wetelo- ‘yearling’, from PIE *wet- “year’).
REF: GPC HI: 1788, DGVB 193, EIEC 24, Deshayes 2003: 313, de
Bernardo Stempel 1999: 148, O Flaithearta 1997.
*westa ‘food, feast’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. feis(s), fess [74 f] 1. ‘spending the night, sleeping’, 2. ‘feast,
food, provisions’
W: MW ewest [m and f]; gwesti, gweston [p]
BRET: OBret. Or-guest [PN]
CO: Co. gwest ‘lodging’
PIE: *wes- ‘graze’ (IEW: 1171)
COGN: Hitt. wesi- ‘pasture’, Skt. svdsara- ‘pasture, meadow’ (if from
*su-vasar-a-), Lat. uéscor ‘make use of, enjoy’, OHG wist ‘food’, ToA
wasri- ‘pasture’
ETYM: It is not certain whether the Olr. words under 1. and 2. belong
together. Olr. feis(s) 1. is actually the VN of fo-aid ‘spends the night,
sleeps’. Cf. also OBret. guest-hemisiou gl. laticlauia and W cy-westach
‘chambering, sexual intercourse’. We may be dealing with two PCelt. words,
418 *wesu-
*wes-ta ‘food, feast? < *wes- ‘graze’ and *wessa ‘sexual union, sex’ <
*wed"-teh, (from *wed"- ‘lead, marry’, cf. PCelt. *wed-o-, or from *h,wes-
‘spend the night’, cf. PCelt. *wos-o-).
REF: GPC II: 1650, DGVB 189, EIEC 198.
*wesu- ‘excellent, noble’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. feib [Dat.] ‘in excellence’
GAUL: Vesu-avus, Bello-vesus [PN],
PIE: *wesu- ‘excellent? (IEW: 1174)
COGN: Luv. wasu- ‘good’, Skt. vasu-
ETYM: For possible Gaul. toponyms from this root see Sims-Williams
2006: 121f. Olr. feb must be from *weswa, while fo ‘goodness’ < *wosu-.
Olr. fiu, W gwiw, MoBret. gwiv, Co. gwyw ‘worthy, valuable’ are also
presumably related to this root. These forms might be directly derivable
from *wesu- > *wihu- > Olr. fiu, W gwiw (Hamp 1974 reconstructs a
vrddhi *wésu-, which is also possible, but in my opinion not necessary).
REF: GPC II: 1672, EIEC 235, 638, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 60, 220,
Delamarre 318, Hamp 1974, Sims-Williams 2006: 121f.
*wéti- ‘withe’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. féith [i f] ‘some kind of twining plant’
W: MW gwden, gwyden [f] ‘withe’
BRET: MBret. gueden, MoBret. gwedenn [f ]
CO: OCo. guiden gl. circulus, MCo. gusen [Singulative]
PIE: *weyhyt-i- ‘willow, withe’ (IEW: 1122)
COGN: Skt. vetasa- ‘reed’, OHG wida ‘willow’, Lith. vytis ‘willow switch’,
OCS vétve ‘branch’, perhaps Lat. uitis ‘vine’
ETYM: W gwden < gwyden can be from a derivative *wétina-, but -en can
also be a petrified singulative suffix. The loss of laryngeal after *ey before
consonant is regular, hence PIE *weyhyti- > PCelt. *wéti-. The PIE root is
*weyh)- ‘weave, wind’ (see *wi-na- ‘bend, enclose’).
REF: GPC II: 1607, Deshayes 2003: 302, EIEC 643, Delamarre 2003: 302,
de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 285.
*wet-o- ‘say’ [Vb]
W: OW guetid
PIE: *weth)- ‘say’
COGN: Lat. veto ‘forbid’, Hitt. uttar ‘word, speech’
ETYM: Cf. also MW ady-wedaf ‘say’ < *di-wet-, gwadu ‘deny’, OBret.
gwad ‘denial’ < PCelt. *woto-. Olr. as-fena ‘testifies’ can be from *exs-wet-
na- (cf. the verbal noun aspenad).
REF: KPV 679ff., LIV 694f., LP 297, GPC II: 1542.
*wet-o- ‘be acquainted with’ [Vb]
*wét(t)a 419
GOID: MIr. feithid, -feith ‘watches over, waits, observes’; feiss, -fé [Subj.];
feiss, -fé [Fut.]; faith [Pret.]; fessae, -fess [Pret. Pass.]
PIE: *wet- ‘be acquainted with, turn to (?7)’ (IEW: 346)
COGN: Skt. vat-, vatema [1p Pres. Opt.] ‘may we be acquainted with’
ETYM: The original meaning of PIE *wet- could have been ‘turn (to)’ (cf.
PIE *wets ‘year’) > ‘get to know’ > ‘be acquainted with’, but this is a mere
speculation.
REF: KPV 675ff., LIV 694, LP 361f., LEIA T-S7f.
*wét(t)a ‘stream, swamp’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. féith [f] ‘marsh, swamp’
W: MW ewyth [f] (GPC gvyth) ‘canal, nerve, vein, ditch’
BRET: OBret. goed ‘stream’, MBret. goaz, guez, MoBret. gwazh {f]
‘stream, brook’
CO: OCo. guid gl. vena, MCo. gwyth, goth
ETYM: In OIr. there is also féith [f| which means ‘sinew’, but also ‘kidney’
(in the glosses); this is probably just a homonym of /éith ‘swamp’ (as
suggested by DIL). It is probably the same word as W gwythi [p] ‘veins’.
These words are usually derived from the root *weyh,- ‘twist, turn’ (IEW
1122), but this is dubious on semantic grounds. PIE *weyh,- ‘wither’ (IEW
1123) is a better candidate (cf. PCelt. *wiwo- ‘withered’). The Brit. reflexes
point to a double stop (*-tt-) in PCelt., but the Olr. form is derivable from
PCelt. *wéta with a single *-t-.
REF: GPC II: 1790, DGVB 178, Deshayes 2003: 301, Hamp 1974-5.
*we-wlo- ‘lip’ [Noun]
GOID: Or. bél [o m]
W: MW ewef! [f]
BRET: MBret. guefl ‘mouth’
CO: Co. gwelv
ETYM: The exact reconstruction of this PCelt. etymon is difficult, but the
attested forms are doubtlessly related. Perhaps the original *wewlo- was a
reduplicated form, created after the Common Celtic shift of *ew > *ow. It is
assumed here that the Olr. word is the result of a dissimilation (*w...w >
*b...w). This is clearly preferable than deriving bé/ from *beklo- (IEW 481,
cf. PCelt. *bekko- ‘beak, snout’), although this latter etymology is not
impossible.
REF: LEIA B-29, GPC II: 1615.
*wexta ‘time, course, turn’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. fecht [4 f]
W: MW eweith (GPC gwaith) [f] ‘1. time, course, 2. work, act’
BRET: OBret. gueid ‘time’, MBret. guez, MoBret. gwezh [f]
CO: OCo. gueid gl. opus, MCo. gweth, gwyth ‘time’
PIE: *weg'- ‘carry, drive’ (IEW: 1118ff.)
420 *widu-
COGN: Lat. ueho ‘carry’, Gr. okhos ‘cart’, OHG wegan ‘move’, Lith. véZti,
OCS vezeto ‘carries’
SEE: *wegno- ‘wagon’
ETYM: If this etymology is correct, the PCelt. word is the past participle of
the PIE verb ‘to carry, convey’ (Lat. wectus); the semantic development was
from ‘carried away’ to ‘passed, gone’, to ‘period of time’. This is possible,
but not compelling. Olr. fecht is also used to denote an expedition (‘usually
with hostile intentions’ according to DIL); in this latter sense it may be
parallel to OW guyth, MW gwyth ‘rage, fury’, from PCelt. *wixta < PIE
*weyk- ‘fight’ (cf. PCelt. *wik-o-).
REF: GPC II: 1563, Deshayes 2003: 309.
*widu- ‘wood’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fid [u m]
W: OW guid [Collective] ‘trees’, MW gwydd ‘trees’ (GPC gwydd);
gwydden [Singulative]
BRET: OBret. guid, MBret. guez, MoBret. gwez [Collective] ‘trees’
CO: Co. guiden [Singulative]
GAUL: uidu-bia (CGL IV 171, 49), uidobium ‘sickle’ (CGL III 368, 64,
(Marti) Uiduco [Theonym, Dat.
PIE: *wid"u- ‘wood’ (IEW: 1117)
COGN: OE widu, wudu, Lith. vidiss ‘interior’.
ETYM: Gaul. vidubia, vidobium ‘hoe’ (Fr. vouge) is from *widu- and the
verbal root *b'eyH- ‘strike, cut’? (PCelt. *widu-biyo-, cf. the parallel
compound Olr. fidbae ‘bill-hook’, W gwddyf ‘sickle’). Lat. di-uido ‘divide’
is sometimes connected with this etymon (because woods mark the boundary
of the inhabited territory), but it is actually from *(d)wi-d"h,-o- (de Vaan
2008: 174; the root is *d°eh,- ‘make, put’, cf. Lat. facio).
REF: GPC II: 1753, DGVB 190, LP 4, EIEC 598, Delamarre 319, Deshayes
2003: 308, Falileyev 68, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 94, 476, Uhlich 2002:
423.
*widu-biyo- ‘hoe, sickle’ [Noun]
SEE: *widu- ‘wood’
*widwa ‘widow’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fedb [4 f]
W: MW gwedaw [m and f] ‘widowed, widower, widow, unmarried’
CO: OCo. guedeu gl. vidua
PIE: *h,;wid"eweh, ‘widow’ (IEW: 1127f.)
COGN: Skt. vidhavda, Gr. éitheos ‘unmarried young man’, Lat. uidua, OHG
wituwa, Go. widuwo, OPr. widdewii, OCS vedova
ETYM: The PCelt. form must be *widw4, not *widewa, as one would
expect (Beekes 1992). Maybe it can be explained by early (Proto-Celtic) and
irregular syncope from PIE *h wid"eweh2, or, more likely, we must
*wikanti 421
reconstruct an ablauting PIE paradigm (perhaps Nom. sg. *h,wid"uhy-s, Gen.
sg. *h, wid®-uh>-os > *widw-os, from which the Celtic stem could have been
generalized). The word for ‘widow’ may be a derivative from the PIE root
*h,wid"- ‘kill’ (Skt. vidhyati). The semantic development of *h,;wid"(e)weh,
would have been ‘family of the killed one’ > ‘widow’.
REF: GPC II: 1613, Matasovié 2004: 84, Tichy 1993: 1-16, Lubotsky 1994.
*wikanti ‘twenty’ [Num]
GOID: Olr. fiche, fichit [Dat./Acc.]
W: OW uceint, MW figgit (GPC ugaint)
BRET: OBret. ucent, MBret. uguent, MoBret. ugent
CO: Co. ugans
PIE: *(h,)wi(d)kmtih, ‘twenty’ (IEW: 1177)
COGN: Skt. vimsati-, Gr. eikosi, Lat. uiginti, OE twégen-tig, Alb. njé-zet,
Arm. k’san, ToA wiki
ETYM: For the phonetic development in Brit. cf. W ucher < *wesk”ero-
‘evening’. The PIE form *(h,)wi(d)kmtih, may be the result of dissimilation
from *dwi-dkmtih, (for similar examples cf. Lubotsky 1994).
REF: DGVB 326, EIEC 404, Delamarre 2003: 755, de Bernardo Stempel
1999: 435.
*wik-o- ‘fight’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. fichid, -fich; féiss, -fé [Subj.], fiis, -fi [Fut.]; fich [Pret.]; fechtae,
-fecht [Pret. Pass.]
W: MW amwyn, amwec [3s Pres.]
BRET: MBret. amouez ‘set free’
GAUL: Ordo-vices [Ethnonym]
PIE: *weyk- ‘fight, conquer’ IEW: 1128f.)
COGN: Lat. uinco ‘conquer’, ON vega ‘fight, kill’
ETYM: MW amwyn and MBret. amouez < *ambi-wik-o- (the simplex verb
is unattested in Brittonic). For a possible PCelt. derivative *wixto- (MW
gwyth ‘rage’, Olr. fecht ‘expedition’) see *wexta.
REF: KPV 683, LIV 670f., LP 364, LEIA D-140, Sims-Williams 2006:
122f.
*wimona ‘sea weed’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. fem(m)ain [? f]
W: MW gwymon [m] (GPC gwymon, gwmon, gwimon); gwymonydd [p]
BRET: OBret. gueimmonou gl. marinis herbis, MBret. goumon gl. alga,
MoBret. goumon, gouemon [m]
CO: Co. gumman
ETYM: MiIr. femm ‘seaweed’ might represent the underived n-stem
(*wimon-), but this is far from certain because of the poor attestation of that
word. The connection to PIE *weyb/p- ‘shake, vibrate’ suggested by
422 *wimpo-
Pokorny (Lat. uibrare, Skt. vépate, IEW 1131f.) is a mere possibility. These
words were probably borrowed from some non-IE language.
REF: GPC II: 1769, Deshayes 2003: 282.
*wimpo- ‘beautiful, comely’ [Adj]
W: MW gwymp
BRET: MBret. gwemp ‘excellent’
GAUL: Uimpia [PN], uimpi (?) ‘pretty’
ETYM: More speculative etymologies derive these forms from PCelt.
*wenk™o- and relate them to PIE *wenh,- ‘desire’, cf. Delamarre 320. In any
case, since these words are attested only in Brittonic and Gaulish, an
alternative PCelt. reconstruction is *wink”o- (or *wenk”o-, if from
*wenh,-*h3k”o- ‘desirably-looking’). It has also been suggested that these
Celtic words are related to ToA wamp- ‘decorate’ and ToB wamer ‘jewel’
(Adams, s.v. wamer).
REF: GPC II: 1769f., Delamarre 320, Schrijver 1995: 158.
*wi-na- ‘bend, enclose’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. imm-fen ‘hedge round, enclose, guard’
PIE: *weyh,- ‘weave, wind’ (IEW: 1120ff.)
COGN: Skt. vyayati ‘wraps, envelops’, Lat. uieo
ETYM: Olt. imm-fen is from *ambi-wi-na- (cf. its verbal noun imbe). MIr.
fiam ‘chain’ (?) might, in principle, be from the same root and represent
*wé-men (cf. Lat. uimen ‘flexible branch used in wickerwork’), but this is
quite uncertain due to the poor attestation and uncertain meaning of the MIr.
word. The PIE root is reconstructed as *wyeh,- in LIV 695.
REF: KPV 688f., LIV 695f., LP 362.
*wi-n-d-o- ‘find, experience’ [Vb]
GOID: OIlr. ro-finnadar; ro-fiastar [Subj.]; ro-fiastar [Fut.]
W: MW ewybot; gwn [3s Pres.] ‘know’ (GPC gwybod)
BRET: MBret. gouz(o)ut; goun, gon [1s Pres.] ‘know’
CO: Co. godhvos ‘know’
PIE: *weyd- ‘see, know’ (IEW: 1125f.)
COGN: Skt. vindati ‘finds’, Lat. uideo, Arm. gitem ‘know’
SEE: *wéd-o- ‘find’
ETYM: OIr. ro-finnadar is from *fro-wi-n-d-o-. In the perfect, the forms of
this verb meant ‘to know’, cf. Olr. ro-fitir ‘knows’ (synchronically [3 sg.
Pres.], but historically from the perfect stem); in Brittonic, the following
forms are preterites, formed from the PCelt. perfect stem: MW gwyr, MBret.
goar, MCo. gor [3 sg. Pret.] ‘knew’; in KPV 693ff. these forms are listed
under a separate entry. Olr. fiado [nt m] ‘lord’ (feda, Gen. sg. fedot in the
archaic Cambrai Homily) represents PCelt. *wédonts, originally ‘knower’,
the present active participle.
*windo- 423
REF: KPV 690ff., GPC II: 1745, LIV 665ff., LP 364f., Schrijver 1995: 152-
156, Sims-Williams 1999.
*windo- ‘white’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. find [0], ? Ogam VENDO-GNI
W: MW gwynn (GPC gwyn); gwen [f]
BRET: OBret. guinn ‘white, shiny’, MBret. guinn ‘happy’, MoBret. gwenn
‘white’
CO: OCo. guyn gl. albus, Co. guyn
GAUL: Uinda, Uindus [PN], Vindo-bona [Toponym]
ETYM: Fr. vandoise denotes a white fish and is probably from Gaul.
*wind-ésya. MoBret. gwenn is the preserved feminine form (*winda), as
shown by the a-infection.
REF: GPC If: 1770, DGVB 192, Deshayes 2003: 304, EIEC 252,
Gamillscheg 883, De Bernardo Stempel 1999: 46, Delamarre 320, Meid
2005: 210f., Ziegler 1994: 119, Sims-Williams 2006: 123f.
*winto- ‘wind, whistling’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fet [4 f] ‘a whistling or a hissing sound’
W: MW gwynt [m] ‘wind’
BRET: MBret. guent, MoBret. gwent [m] ‘wind’
CO: OCo. guins gl. ventus, Co. gwyns
PIE: *hyweh,-nto- ‘wind’ (IEW: 81ff.)
COGN: Lat. uentus, Skt. vata-, Hitt. huwant-, OHG wint, ToB yente
ETYM: If the etymology of Olr. fet is correct, we have to assume Osthoff-
like shortening in Celtic (*wénto- > *winto- > *winto-), since PCelt. *winto-
would yield Ol. *fit.
REF: GPC II: 1778, Deshayes 2003: 305, McCone 1996: 55, 63, 107.
*wiro- ‘man’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fer [o m]
W: OW gur, MW ewr [m] (GPC gwr); gwyr [f]
BRET: OBret. -gur, MBret. gour
CO: OCo. gur gl. uir, MCo. gour
GAUL: Uiro-cantus [PN], Viro-mandui [Toponym]
CELTIB: UIROS ‘man’
PIE: *wiHro- ‘man’ (IEW: 1177)
COGN: Skt. vird-, Lat. uir, Lith. vyras, Go. wair
ETYM: Derivatives from this root include MW gwron ‘hero’ and Celtib. PN
Vironus (< *wiro-no-) and, probably, MW gwrdd ‘strong’ (< *wiro-yo-).
Germanic, Celtic, and Italic point to a short *i, with loss of the laryngeal,
which is reconstructed on the basis of Lith. and Skt. forms.
REF: GPC II: 1693f., DGVB 201, EIEC 355, 548, LHEB 337, de Bernardo
Stempel 1999: 44, 230, Delamarre 321f., Falileyev 76, Campanile 1974: 59,
Sims-Williams 2006: 124f., MLH V.1: 452f.
424 *wiro-
*wiro- ‘true’ [Adj]
GOID: Olt. fir [o]
W: MW ewir
BRET: OBret. guir, MoBret. gwir
CO: OCo. guir gl. verus, guirion gl. uerax, MCo. guyr, gwyr
GAUL: Co-uirus [PN]
PIE: *weh;-ro- ‘true’ (IEW: 1166)
COGN: Lat. uérus, OHG war, OCS véra ‘belief, OHG war
ETYM: MW kywir ‘true’ is an exact parallel to Gaul. Co-virus, with the
probably PCelt. assimilation of *kom-wiro- to *kow-wiro- (McCone 1996:
49). PIE adjectives in *-r6- were mostly oxytona, so we would expect PCelt.
*7 to be shortened by Dybo’s law. However, there are other ro-adjectives that
do not show the operation of Dybo’s rule in Celtic (cf. *ftiro- ‘fresh’).
REF: GPC II: 1666, DGVB 192, EIEC 98, 606, Delamarre 32I1f.,
Campanile 1974: 57, Delamarre 2003: 312, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 42.
*wiro- ‘milk’ (?) [Noun]
GOID: OIr. fir [o]
PIE: *wehyr ‘water’ (IEW: 80f.)
COGN: Skt. var ‘water’, Lat. rina ‘urine’, ON ur ‘rain’, OPr. wurs ‘pond’,
ToB war ‘water’
ETYM: Olr. fir is a hapax, occurring only in the phrase téora ferba fira
‘three milch cows’, which makes this etymology quite speculative. If it is
correct, the possible cognates in other IE languages point to a PIE root-noun,
with Nom. sg. *wehjr (Skt. var), Gen. sg. *uhir-os (Lat. urina, OPr. wurs,
ON ur). Celtic generalized the stem of the Nom. sg.
REF: EIEC 636, Watkins 1987, Wodtko et alii 2008: 714ff.
*wisu- ‘poison’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. fi [? ?]
GAUL: visu-marus ‘clover’ (Marcellus of Bordeaux)
PIE: *weys / *wis-os ‘poison’ (IEW: 1134)
COGN: Skt. visd-, Lat. uirus, Gr. ids
ETYM: Gaul. visu-marus is interpreted as a compound originally meaning
‘juicy’ by Meid (1996: 10). The second element would be PCelt. *maro-
‘great’. Clover was considered to be an antidote for poisons in Antiquity.
The Mir. word fi is attested chiefly in poetic texts. DIL does not state its
gender and stem, so the PCelt. reconstruction is only tentative (an u-stem is
also possible). The Olr. form cannot be from the thematic *wiso-, since this
would have given **feo (cf. MIr. feo < *wiwo- ‘withered’), and Gaul. visu-,
although attested late, gives additional support for reconstructing an u-stem.
Note, however, that the attested forms would also be compatible with PCelt.
*wiso-. However, the length of 7 in Lat. uirus is best accounted for by
positing an original root-noun *weys / *wis-os; Lat. preserved the stem of
*wiwo- 425
the nominative, whereas the other languages generalized the stem of the
oblique cases. This leaves the length of 7 in Gr. ids unexplained. It could be
from an adjectival stem *wisyos (M. de Vaan, p. c.). Hydronyms such as
Gaul. Visera > Fr. Vesére might belong here, if one starts from the basic
meaning ‘liquid’ (cf. Skt. vesati ‘flows’), and W gwyar [m] ‘blood’ might be
from a derivative *weysHro- > PCelt. *wésaro-, but the semantic connection
(? ‘flowing’ > ‘blood’) is not beyond reproach.
REF: GPC Il: 1744, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 526, Meid 1996: 10ff.,
Zimmer 2000: 486, Matasovié 2004: 130, Mallory & Adams 2006: 263.
*wiwo- ‘withered’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. feo
W: MW gwiw (GPC gwyw)
PIE: *weyh,- ‘wither’ (IEW: 1123)
COGN: Lat. uiésco ‘wilt’, ON visinn ‘wilted’, Lith. vysti ‘wither’
ETYM: The PCelt. form is from PIE *wih,w6-. The short vowel may be due
to Dybo’s law (cf. also Olr. feugud gl. marcor).
REF: GPC II: 1792.
*wlanno- ‘blood red’ [Adj]
GOID: MIr. flann [o]
PIE: *welh2- ‘hit, wound’ (IEW: 1144f.)
COGN: Hitt. walahzi ‘strikes’, Lat. uolnus ‘wound’
ETYM: LIV (619) hesitatingly reconstructs the PIE root with *h; rather than
*h.. The PCelt. reconstruction *wlanno- is, in my opinion, preferable to
Pokorny’s *wlansno-, since this would yield Olr. **flan (cf. Olr. grian ‘sun’
from *g”rensna). We may assume that PCelt. *walsno- became *wlasno- >
*wlanno- by ‘liquid metathesis’ between a labial and a dental cluster. But
why did the laryngeal drop here? Or should we dissociate PCelt. *wlanno-
and Lat. uolnus from PIE *welh3-, which means ‘strike, hit’, not ‘wound,
blood’? Both would then have the same prototype (PIE *wlsno-).
REF: de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 268, LIV 619.
*wlati- ‘sovereignty’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. flaith [i f, later m] ‘sovereignty, ruler’
W: OW gulat [f], MW gwilad ‘country’
BRET: OBret. guletic ‘prince’, MBret. gloedic ‘count’, MoBret. gwlad
‘inheritance’
CO: OCo. gulat gl. patria, Co. gulas, gwlas
SEE: *walo- ‘prince, chief’
ETYM: Gaul. PN Ulattius might be related, cf. also the Ethnonym Ulatti.
Olr. flaithem [n m] ‘ruler’ represents PCelt. *wlati-mon-. PCelt. *wlati
presupposes PIE *wlHti- with shortening of the first vowel by Dybo’s law
(see *walo- ‘prince, chief’).
426 *wlida
REF: GPC II: 1676, DGVB 193, EIEC 490, Delamarre 306, Falileyev 70,
Deshayes 2003: 314, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 51, 285, Ellis Evans 1967:
369ff., Meid 2005: 207f., Remmer 2002-3: 195.
*wlida ‘feast, banquet’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. fled [a f]
W: OW guled [f], MW gwledd
BRET: MoBret. gloé (Gwened)
GAUL: Ulido-rix [PN]
PIE: *weld- ‘desire’ EW: 1137)
COGN: Gr. éldomai ‘desire’
ETYM: The reading of the inscription containing the PN Ulidorix is
uncertain, but the name could mean ‘King of feasts’. The Insular Celtic
forms are compatible with the reconstruction *wleda as well, but Gr.
éldomai < *weldo- shows that they are from the zero-grade of the root, PIE
*wldeho.
REF: GPC II: 1682f., Delamarre 324 163.
*wlik”o- ‘wet’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. fliuch [o]
W: OW gulip, MW gulip, gwlyp (GPC gwlyb); gwieb [f]
BRET: OBret. gulip, MBret. gloeb, glueb, MoBret. gwleb
CO: OCo. glibor gl. humor
PIE: *welk-wo- ‘wet’ (IEW: 1145)
COGN: OHG welh ‘wet, mild’, Latv. valks ‘wet’
SEE: *wolko- ‘rain, wet weather’
ETYM: W gwilithen ‘stye, whitlow’ may represent PCelt. *wlik-to-, another
derivative from the same root (Fowkes 1945), cf. also W gwilych ‘liquid,
moisture’ [m] < *wlik-so-. MoBret. gwleb preserved the feminine form,
PCelt. *wlik"A.
REF: GPC II: 1685, DGVB 193, GOI 64, Falileyev 70f., Deshayes 2003:
314, Campanile 1974: 49, Fowkes 1945.
*wliska ‘stick, rod’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. flesc [8 f]
PIE: *wley-sk- ‘stick’ (IEW: 1143)
COGN: Go. wilizjan ‘hit’, Croat. lijéska ‘hazel’, Pol. laska ‘stick, staff
ETYM: The Slavic words have also been related to Lith. lazda ‘stick, staff’,
Latv. lazda ‘hazel’, OPr. laxste ‘hazel’ (Derksen 2008: 274), but the
vocalism of these Baltic words cannot be reconciled with the PIE root
*wloy-. Rather, it is possible that the words for ‘stick, staff (*wloy-sk-) and
‘hazel’ (*log-sdo-) influenced each other, and eventually became confused,
in Balto-Slavic.
*wodwo- ‘cutting’ [Adj]
*wodwa 427
GOID: Olr. fodb [o] gl. divisione
PIE: *wed"H- ‘strike’ (IEW: 1115)
COGN: Skt. dvadhit [3s Aor.]}, Lith. vedega ‘a kind of axe’
ETYM: Olr. fodb gl. mandubiae ‘spoils’ is interpreted by Pokorny (IEW
1115) as ‘Waffenbeute’ (‘weapon-spoils’) and derived from the same PCelt.
form. This may be so, but the semantic connection is far from obvious. For
the PIE reconstruction cf. *wad-sko- ‘press’.
REF: Mallory & Adams 2006: 280.
*wodwa ‘mole’
W: MW egwadd [f]
BRET: OBret. guod gl. talpa, MoBret. goz [f]
CO: OCo. god gl. talpa, Co. goth
ETYM: The a-vocalism in W gwadd must be secondary (as in gwallt ‘hair’
from *gwollt, cf. GPC II: 1543, 1569). Scottish Gaelic has famh, fath ‘mole’
which is presumably the same word. The connection with PCelt. *wodwo-
‘cutting’ seems dubious for semantic reasons, but it is at least conceivable
that, originally, *wodwa meant ‘a digger’ vel sim.
REF: GPC II: 1543, Deshayes 2003: 289.
*wolko- ‘rain, wet weather’ [Noun]
GOID: Mir. folc [o m] ‘heavy rain’
W: MW golchi ‘to cleanse, wash’
BRET: MBret. guelchi, MoBret. gwalc’hi, gwolc’h {m] ‘ablution’
CO: Co. golhy
PIE: *welk- ‘wet’ JEW: 1145f.)
COGN: Olc. valgr ‘wet, moist’, Latv. valks ‘wet’
SEE: *wlikwo- ‘wet’
ETYM: The relationship of these words with PIE *wel(H)g- (Lith. vilgyti
‘make wet’, CS viaga, Russ. dial. voléga, Cz. viaha ‘wetness’, OHG wélk
‘wet, moist’) is unclear. The acute in BSI. can also be the result of Winter’s
law, so we do not have to reconstruct the laryngeal in PIE. The two roots,
*welk- and *welg- should be somehow related. Perhaps we can reconstruct
the PIE root-noun *wélg-s ‘rain’ (pronounced [*wdlks]), Gen. sg. *wolg-os,
and assume that some languages generalized the voiceless velar from the
Nom. sg. throughout the paradigm. For a similar development cf. PCelt.
*druko- ‘bad’.
REF: GPC II: 1446, LP 2, Deshayes 2003: 315, EIEC 639.
*wolna-mon- ‘ruler’ [Noun]
SEE: *walo- ‘prince, chief?
*wolto- ‘hair’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. folt [o m]
W: MW ewallt [m]
428 *worina
BRET: OBret. guolt
CO: OCo. gols gl. cesaries
PIE: *wol-t- ‘hair’? (IEW: 1138)
COGN: OCS vlate, OE weald ‘wood’
ETYM: The same PCelt. etymon is perhaps reflected in Gaul. Uolto-dagae
[PN], etc. See Delamarre 327f.
REF: GPC II: 1569, LP 2, DGVB 197, Delamarre 327f.
*worina ‘band, troop’ [Noun]
GOID: OM. foirenn [4 f] gl. factio
W: OW guerin, MW gwerin [f and m] ‘host’(GPC gwerin ‘people’)
BRET: OBret. guerin gl. in duas factiones, MBret. gueryn ‘people’
PIE: *wori-no- ‘flock, troop’ (EW: 1151)
COGN: OE wearn ‘troop, crowd’
ETYM: There is some uncertainty with respect to vocalism in PCelt. A
proto-form *warina would be possible if -o- in Olr. foirenn is secondary, but
it is easier to assume that MW gwerin is dissimilated from *gwyrin (<
*sworin by regular raising), cf. W dylysc and delysc < PCelt. *dolisko-. A
connection with the root *swer- ‘to resound’ (IEW 1049f., LIV 557, cf. Skt.
svarati ‘resounds’, ON sverja ‘to swear’) has been suggested (cf. Zimmer
2000: 518). The original meaning of *worina would presumably have been
‘the group of warriors who have sworn allegiance (to each other)’ However,
this connection is difficult to accept, since there is no other evidence for s-
mobile in this root.
REF: GPC II: 1642, EIEC 268, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 372, Zimmer
2000: 518.
*wos-o- ‘spend the night, remain’ [Vb]
GOID: Olr. fo-aid, -foi ‘spend the night, sleep with someone’; fieid, -fia
[Subj.]; fif(a)id, -fif(e)a [Fut.]; fiu [Pret.]
W: MW kyuarhos ‘wait, expect’ (GPC cyfaros)
BRET: MBret. gourtos ‘expect, wait for’
CO: Co. gortos ‘wait for’
PIE: *h,wes- ‘remain, spend the night’ EW: 1170f.)
COGN: Hitt. Auiszi ‘lives’, Skt. vdsati ‘spends the night, remains’, Go.
wisan ‘be, live’, Arm. goy ‘is’
ETYM: MW kyuarhos < *kom-fare-wos-o-; MBret. gourtos and Co. gortos
< *ufor-ate-wos-o- (the simplex verb is unattested in Brittonic).
REF: KPV 702ff., GPC I: 682, LIV 293f., LP 365.
*wosu- ‘goodness’
SEE: *wesu- ‘good’
*wox-tlo- ‘dispute’ [Noun]
W: MW ewaethl [m] ‘dispute, debate’
*woxs-V- 429
PIE: *wok”- ‘voice, word’ (IEW: 1135f.)
COGN: Skt. vak-, Lat. uéx, OHG giwahanem ‘recall’, Arm. gocem ‘call’
SEE: *wek”o- ‘face’
ETYM: Olr. focal, focul [0 n] is presumably a Latin loanword (Lat.
uocabulum; inherited *woxtlo- would have given **fochtul)The same root
(*wok”-) appears in Olr. an-ocht ‘a metrical fault’ < PCelt. *an-uxto- <
*n-uk"to-, parallel to Skt. anukta-.
REF: GPC II: 1552, EIEC 534f., de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 299.
*woxs-V- ‘wasp’ [Noun]
W: MW ewychi [p] (GPC gwychi, gwchi)
BRET: OBret. guohi gl. fucos
CO: OCo. guhi-en [Singulative] gl. uespa
PIE: *wob'seh, ‘wasp’ (IEW: 1179)
COGN: Lat. uespa, OE wesp, OPr. wobse, Croat. dsa
ETYM: Olt. foich ‘wasp’ is a loanword from Brittonic.
REF: GPC II: 1607, DGVB 196, LP 19, Schrijver 1995: 160
*wragi- ‘needle’ [Noun]
GOID: MI-. fraig ‘sharp instrument, ?needle’
PIE: *wrehyg'"- ‘thorn’ (IEW: 1180)
COGN: Gr. rakhis ‘spine, backbone’
ETYM: The stem and gender of MIr. fraig are uncertain. The word occurs
mostly in law tracts, and refers to a physician’s instrument. Therefore, the
PCelt. reconstruction is a mere conjecture.
REF: EIEC 575, Mallory & Adams 2006: 163.
*wrasto- ‘shower’ [Noun]
GOID: MI. frass ‘rain-shower, torrent’
PIE: *h,wers- ‘shower, rain’ (IEW: 78ff.) :
COGN: Hitt. warsa- ‘fog, mist’, Skt. vars- ‘rain’, varsa- ‘rainy season’, Gr.
hérsé ‘dew’ (Hom. eérsé)
ETYM: Olr. frass can be the result of a regular ‘liquid metathesis’ between
a labial and a dental (*warsto- > *wrasto-), in which case it preserves the
zero-grade of the PIE root (*h,wrs-to-).
*wreg-o- ‘do, make’ [Vb]
W: MW gwneuthur; goruc [3s Pret.]
BRET: MBret. groa, gra [3s Pres.]
CO: Co. gwra [3s Pres. ]
PIE: *werg- ‘do, make’ (IEW: 1168f.)
COGN: Gr. (Myc.) wo-ze /worzei/, Go. waurkjan
ETYM: The forms with gwn- in Welsh are due to the analogy with the verb
*on-iyo- with the similar meaning. The IE part of the etymology is difficult
since Schwebeablaut (*werg- / *wreg-) has to be assumed (cf. also PCelt.
430 *wregi-
*wregi- ‘wall, enclosure’ < *h,;wreg- ‘close’, which may have influenced
this root).
REF: KPV 707ff., GPC II: 1688ff., LIV 686ff., LP 336.
*wregi- ‘wall, enclosure’
GOID: MIr. fraig [i f] ‘interior wall, wall of a house’
W: MW ach-vre, ach-fre [? m] (GPC ach-wre) ‘wattled fence, palisade,
under-thatch, defence’
PIE: *h,wreg- ‘close’ (IEW: 1168)
COGN: Skt. vrajd- ‘wattle, fence, stable’, vrjdna- ‘territory of a
community’, Gr. (Hom.) érgé ‘enclose’, eérgd ‘encompass’
ETYM: W achwre is compounded from ach ‘near, by’ and *wre, which is
not attested as a simplex. The PIE root shows evidence of Schwebeablaut
(cf. Gr. eérg6 which must be from *h,werg-).
REF: GPC I: 10.
*wrida ‘root’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. frén [? 4 f], MIr. frém
W: MW ewreidd (GPC gwraidd) [m]
BRET: MBret. gruizyenn, MoBret. gwriz(ienn)
CO: OCo. gwreiten gl. radix
PIE: *wre(h)d- ‘root’ (IEW: 1167) ;
COGN: Lat. radix, Gr. rhiza ‘root’, rhadiks “branch, twig’, ON rot, Go.
waurts, Alb. rrénjé, rrézé, perhaps ToB witsako ‘root’
ETYM: The development of Olr. frén < *wréna < *wredna < *wridna
seems to be regular; the Brittonic words presuppose *wrida (Breton), or
*wradi- (Welsh). The form *wradi- presumably has the secondary full grade
of the root instead of the expected *wredi-. Some reflexes of this root in
other IE languages require positing *wreh,d- (cf. ON rot, Lat. radix, Gr.
rhadiks), but both PIE *wreh2d- and *wrhjd- would give PCelt. *wrad-, so it
seems that the laryngeal was lost in Celtic for some reason.
REF: GPC II: 1697, DGVB 179, EIEC 80, De Bernardo Stempel 1999:
243, 258, Vine 1999.
*wrig(g)ant- ‘vermin’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. frige [nt f] ‘some kind of vermin, flesh-worm’
W: MW ewre [f] ‘acardis, mites’ (GPC gwraint [p])
BRET: MBret. gruech, MoBret. gwrec’h [m] ‘itch-mite’
ETYM: MIr. frige and W gwre, pl. gwraint are from *wrigant-, while
MoBret. gwrec’h must come from *wriggant- (the cause of the gemination
is unclear). Cf. also Gallo-Lat. brigantes ‘vermin’. The connection with Lat.
uermis ‘worm’ suggested by IEW (1152) is unlikely: the similarity is
probably accidental. These Celtic words may have been borrowed from
some non-lE language.
REF: GPC II: 1699, Deshayes 2003: 316.
*writ-ber-o- 431
*writ-ber-o- ‘come against, return’ [Vb]
GOID: Olt. fris-beir ‘opposes, resists’
W: MW ewrthvryt ‘return’
SEE: *ber-o- ‘carry’
REF: KPV 220f.
*writ-kom-far-sk-o- ‘ask’ [Vb]
GOID: MI. fris-comairc ‘asks for, asks questions of
W: MW ewrthgyfarch ‘address, inquire of, ask (in turn)’
SEE: *far-sko- ‘ask’
REF: KPV S511f.
*writ-to-n-g-o- ‘renounce’ [Vb]
GOID: MI. fris-toing ‘forswears, abjures, renounces’
W: MW ewrthdwng [m] ‘counter-oath’
SEE: *to-n-g-o- ‘swear’
REF: KPV 648f., GPC II: 1718.
*writu- ‘against’ [Prep]
GOID: OIr. frith-, fris-, fri [+Acc.]
W: OW gurt, MW wrth
BRET: OBret. gurth
CO: Co. (w)orth
PIE: *wert- ‘turn’ (IEW: 1156)
COGN: Lat. uersus, uorsus ‘against’, ToB wrattsai ‘against’
ETYM: The exact proto-form is a matter of some dispute; PCelt. locative
*writi is possible if one accepts early apocope of *-i in Insular Celtic (see
Schrijver 1994).
REF: GOI 514f., DGVB 203, EIEC 607, Falileyev 76, Schrijver 1994,
Schrijver 1995: 158.
*wroyko- ‘heather’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. froich (DIL fraech) [0 m]
W: MW egwrug (GPC grug) [Collective]
CO: Anglo-Cornish griglan
GAUL: *brucaria > Fr. bruyére
ETYM: The change of *wr- to br- in Gaulish may be due to the influence of
VLat. (Lambert 1997). No clear IE cognates. The similarity with the Balto-
Slavic words for ‘heather’ (Russ. véresk, véres, Croat. vrijés < *versb <
*werko-, Lith. virzis, Latv. virsis < *wrHko-), may be accidental, but cf. also
Gr. ereiké ‘heath, Erica arborea’ (< *wereyk-). This is probably a loan from
some non-lE language.
REF: GPC II: 1536, Gamillscheg 160f., Lambert 1997.
432 *w(u)lano-
*w(u)lano-, *w(u)lano- ‘wool’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. olann [8 f]
W: OW gulan [m], MW gwlan (GPC gwidn)
BRET: MBret. g/an, gloan
CO: OCo. gluan gl. lana, MCo. glan, glawn
PIE: *wlhyno- ‘wool’ (IEW: 1139)
COGN: Hitt. hulana-, Skt. arna-, Lat. lana, Gr. lénos, Go. wulla, Lith.
vilna, OCS vilona
ETYM: Some authors think that Olr. olann is a loanword from Brittonic
(e.g. Falileyev, p. 70), which I find unlikely.The word initial o- in Olr. can
be explained if we start from *uland, with a different syllabification than in
Brittonic, which reflects *wlano-; we should probably reconstruct both a
feminine *ulana and a neuter *wlano- for Proto-Celtic (the feminine being
an old collective), see Matasovic¢ 2005: 128. Hittite h- is the result of
metathesis; there is no other evidence for the word-initial laryngeal in PIE.
REF: LEIA O-19f., GPC II: 1680, EIEC 648, Falileyev 70, Campanile
1974: 49, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 254, Schrijver 1995: 177, Matasovié
2005: 128.
*xswib-I- ‘move, recede’ [Vb]
GOID: MIr. scibid, -scibi
W: MW chwyfu (GPC chwifio, chwyfio, chwyfu, chwyfan)
BRET: MBret. fifual, MoBret. fifival ‘move’
PIE: ?*ksweyb'- ‘make a swift movement’ (IEW: 1041 (*swéy-))
COGN: Skt. ksipati ‘throw’, OCS Sibati ‘to whip’
ETYM: Sanskrit -p- is puzzling. It may be the result of assimilation to the
initial K-. OE swdpan ‘sweep’ and its Germanic cognates may be derived
from the same root, if we assume that *xsw- > *sw-. In any case, the form of
the PIE root is highly unusual, perhaps onomatopoetic.
REF: KPV 423, GPC I: 852, Deshayes 2003: 236, LIV 333, Schrijver 2003.
Y
*yalo- ‘clearing’ [Noun]
*yalo- 433
W: MW ial (GPC ial)
GAUL: Eburo-ialum (> Ebreuil), Verno-ialum (Verneuil) [Toponyms]
ETYM: Cf. also MW an-ial ‘wasteland’. Pokorny’s (IEW: 504f.)
comparison with PSI. *jals ‘waste, bare, unfruitful’ (Russ. jdlovyj, jalyj, Cz.
jalovy) is possible under the assumption that PIE *yHC- would be reflected
as PCelt. *yal- rather than *il-. For the possibility that *wHC- likewise gives
PCelt. *waC- rather than *iC- cf. PCelt. *waxto- ‘bad’.
REF: GPC II: 1999, Lambert 1994: 39.
*yalo- ‘praise, worship’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ail, al ‘request, act of asking’
W: MW iawi [?f] ‘prayer, supplication, worship’
PIE: *(H)yehylo- ‘zeal’ (IEW: 501)
COGN: Gr. zélos ‘zeal’, Croat. jal ‘envy’
ETYM: Or. ail is usually used with the copula in phrases such as is dil do...
‘it is desirable to...’, cf. also the denominative verb dilid ‘wishes’. Cf. also
OBret. iolent [3 pl.] gl. precentur, W iolaf ‘praise’.
REF: LEIA A-30f., GPC II: 2002f.
*yano- ‘true, noble’ [Adj]
GOID: Olr. an [o] ‘true, just’
W: MW iawn ‘true, just’
BRET: OBret. ion, eunt, MBret. effn
CO: OCo. eun-hinsic gl. iustus, MCo. ewn
ETYM: OIr. dn ‘ardent, splendid’ might or might not be a different word. In
OBret. both eunt and ion are found with the same meaning; ion seems to be
the older form. IE etymology is uncertain. Connection with PIE *heh,- ‘be
hot’ (so reconstructed in LIV, cf. Pal. hari, Av. atr- ‘fire’, IEW 68) appears
possible for Olr. dn ‘ardent’, but not for the Brittonic words, which must be
from PCelt. *yano-.
REF: LEIA A-72, GPC II: 2003, DGVB 169, 227.
*yanti ‘place’ [Noun]
GOID: Olt. dit [71 f], ditt (DIL)
PIE: *yehp- ‘ride, go’ (IEW: 296)
COGN: Skt. yati ‘rides’, Lith. joti ‘ride’, OCS jaxati
SEE: *yatu- ‘ford’
ETYM: The usual derivation of Olr. dit from PIE *pontH- ‘bridge, path’ is
not convincing, since the long *6 is unjustified. Bammesberger’s (1998)
proposal to derive ait from a vrddhi formation *pétniya ‘belonging to a
female ruler, *potni) is also quite unconvincing from the semantic point of
view. The etymology proposed here is also provisory because of semantic
difficulties. PCelt. *yanti- would be the feminine form of the active
participle of the verb *yeh - (cf. Olr. birit ‘sow’ < *b'erontih,). Note,
however, that participles in *-nt- sometimes have passive, rather than active
434 *yantu-
meaning in Celtic, cf. Olr. méit ‘size, quantity’ < *mh,ntih, (the root is PIE
*meh)- ‘to measure’). In the one case, the semantic development is ‘the
measured amount’ > ‘amount’ > ‘size, quantity’, in the other case it would
be from ‘the traversed area’ to ‘area’ and ‘place’.
REF: LEIA A-52, Bammesberger 1998.
*yantu- ‘zeal, jealousy’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. ét [o m] gl. aemulatio ‘emulation, jealousy’
W: MW adad-iant, add-iat [m] ‘wish’
PIE: *yet- ‘to place oneself firmly, establish oneself? (IEW: 506)
COGN: Skt. ydtate ‘put in place, line up’, Lat. nitor ‘to strive’, ToA yatatdr
‘is capable’
ETYM: Gaulish name Jantumarus has an exact correspondance in MIr.
étmar ‘jealous’. The nasal is lost in the Gaul. PN Ad-ietumarus. It is
probably analogical, introduced from the n-presents (although the verb from
this root is unattested in Celtic). The etymology relating these Celt. words to
Skt. ydtate, Lat. nitor < *ni-yet-, etc., has been doubted on semantic
grounds; it is not even mentioned by Mayrhofer and by LIV (277). Another
possibility is to derive PCelt. *yantu- from PIE *yeh- ‘desire, wish, beg’
(IEW 501, LIV 274, A. Lubotsky, p. c.), cf. Skt. yami ‘I ask’. Original
*yantu- may have developed to *yantu- by Osthoff-like shortening.
REF: GPC I: 33, Delamarre 32f., Schmidt 1957: 222f., Meid 2005: 74,
Evans 1967: 47, Wodtko et alii 2008: 395.
*yaro- ‘chicken, hen’ [Noun]
W: OW iar, MW yar, iar [f] (GPC iar, giar); ieir, gieir [p]
BRET: MBret. yar [f]
CO: OCo. yar gl. gallina, Co. yar
GAUL: Iaros [PN]
ETYM: Mir. eirin(e) ‘chicken’ is related to these words, but details are
unclear. All of these words might be related to Lat. pipio ‘to cheep’, Skt.
pippaka- ‘a species of bird’ and derived from something like *pipero- >
PCelt. *fifero-. Of course, with such onomatopoetic roots, any comparison
can be accidental.
REF: GPC II: 2000, LP 78, Delamarre 186, Falileyev 89, Campanile 1974:
105, Deshayes 2003: 760, Stokes 1894: 223, Schrijver 1995: 104f.
*yas ‘chariot’ [Noun]
GOID: OIr. 4; aaib gl. axibus [Dat. p]
PIE: *yeh- ‘ride, go’(IEW: 296)
COGN: Skt. yati ‘rides’, Lith. joti ‘ride’
SEE: *yatu- ‘ford’
ETYM: If this etymology is correct, Olr. a is an archaic root-noun derived
directly from the PIE verbal root *yeh)- ‘to go’.
REF: Watkins 1978, LIV 275, LEIA A-4
*yatu- 435
yatu- ‘ford’ [Noun]
JOID: Olr. ath {u m]
IE: *yeh- ‘ride, go’ (IEW: 296)
‘OGN: Skt. yati ‘rides’, Lith. joti ‘ride’
EE: *yanti ‘place’
‘EF: LEIA A-99, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 290
yegi- ‘ice’ [Noun]
3OID: Ol. aig [i f]
N: MW ia [m] (GPC id)
3RET: MBret. yen ‘cold’, MoBret. yein
“0: OCo. iein gl. frigus; iey gl. glacies
3AUL: *yegonia > Fr. Jouanne, Jogne [Hydronyms]
JE: *yeg- ‘ice’ (IEW: 503)
SOGN: Hitt. eka- ‘cold, frost, ice’, ON jaki, Wakhi yaz ‘glacier’
iTYM: MBret. yen and OCo. iein are from *yeg-no-, a derivative of the
ame root.
REF: LEIA A-28, GPC II: 1994, EIEC 135, 287, Delamarre 185f.,
leshayes 2003: 760, Matasovi¢ 2004: 130.
yemono- ‘twin’ [Noun]
30ID: Mir. emon [o m] ‘twin, a pair (or triplet) born at one birth’
>TE: *yem(H)o- ‘twin’ (IEW: 505)
“OGN: Skt. yamd-, Lat. geminus, Latv. jumis ‘pair’
3TYM: Celtic shares the derivation by means of the suffix *-no- with Latin.
‘he initial g- in Lat. is irregular, probably by analogy with genus ‘offspring’.
REF: EIEC 608, de Bernardo Stempel 1999: 81, Schrijver 1995: 108.
yestu- ‘boiling’ [Noun]
SOID: Mir. es(s) [u m] ‘cataract, stream’
W: MW ias [f and m] ‘boiling’
PIE: *(H)yes- ‘boil’ (IEW: 506)
COGN: Hitt. is(sa)na- ‘dough’, Skt. ydsyati ‘boils’, Gr. zéd ‘boil’, ToA yas-
boil, excite sexually’, OHG jesan ‘to foam, ferment’
ETYM: Gaul. PN Jestinus might be related to this root, cf. also Gallo-Lat.
esta ‘foam’ and MoBret. go ‘boiled’, if from *ufo-yes-o-, MBret. goaff,
AoBret. goin ‘boil, digest’.
REF: GPC II: 2001, Deshayes 2003: 277f., EIEC 77, De Bernardo Stempel
999: 287, Schrijver 1995: 105.
yextV- ‘speech, language’ [Noun]
GOID: Molr. icht [?u m] ‘people, tribe’
W: MW ieith [f] ‘language, nation, race’ (GPC iaith)
BRET: MBret. yez, MoBret. yezh [f] ‘language’
436 *yo0
CO: Co. yeth
PIE: *yek- ‘say, speak’ (IEW: 503f.)
COGN: OHG jehan ‘speak’, Lat. iocus ‘joke’
ETYM: The stem and gender of Early Molr icht are uncertain (it is a rare
word). If it was a feminine i-stem, then the PCelt. reconstruction *yexti-
would be probable. A possible Gaulish cognate of these Insular Celtic forms
is found in the inscription on the Chateaubleau tile (Lambert 1998-2000),
where on line 2 we read iexsetesi, which might mean ‘you will say’
(McCone 2006: 101). This might be the 2 pl. future of a denominative verb
from the root *yext-. Skt. yacati ‘ask, solicite, entreat’ is unrelated (LIV, s.
v. *yek-).
REF: GPC II: 1999, LIV 276, Deshayes 2003: 761, Schrijver 1995: 106.
*yo ‘which’ [Relative particle]
GAUL: dugiionti-io ‘who worship(?)’ (Alise St. Reine)
CELTIB: iom [Acc. s]; iomui [Dat. s]; ios [Nom. s] (Botorrita I
PIE: *yo- ‘which’ (IEW: 283)
COGN: Skt. ya-, Gr. hos
ETYM: In Olr. the relative pronoun is preserved as the aspiration of the
verbal root in leniting relative clauses, chiefly with subject antecendents (see
Schrijver 1997: 105). PIE *yo- may be a thematicized formation from the
demonstrative stem *h,ey- (Lat. is, ea, id), in which case the correct PIE
reconstruction is *h,yo-.
REF: GOI 323f., Schrijver 1997: 105ff., MLH V.1: 136ff.
*yorko- ‘roebuck’ [Noun]
W: MW iwrch [m]; (i)yrch, ywrchod [p]
BRET: OBret. iorch gl. caprea, MBret. yourch, MoBret. yourc’h [m]
CO: OCo. yorch gl. caprea
GAUL: iorkos ‘roebuck’ (probably Galatian)
PIE: *(H)yorko- ‘goat’ (IEW: 513)
COGN: Gr. zorks ‘gazelle, roedeer’
ETYM: The vowel of W iwrch is unexplained. It would be regular in the
plural, as the result of raising, so perhaps the stem of the plural was
generalized. The attested plural (i)yrch then must be analogical.
REF: GPC II: 2043, EIEC 155, DGVB 227, Delamarre 191, Deshayes 2003:
762.
*yowanko- ‘young’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. dac [0], 6c (DIL)
W: MW ieuanc (GPC ieuanc, (-ng), ifanc, iefanc)
BRET: MBret. youanc, MoBret. yowank
CO: OCo. iouenc, MCo. yo(wy)nk
GAUL: Iouinc-illus, Iouinca [PN]
PIE: *h.yuh,-nk-o- ‘young’ (IEW: 510)
*yowni 437
COGN: Skt. yuvasd- ‘young’, Lat. inwencus ‘young cow’, OE geong
‘young’
ETYM: The change of (Early PCelt.) *yuwanko- to *yowanko- is regular,
cf. *supno- ‘sleep’ > *suwno- > *sowno- (Olr. sian). PIE *h2yuh)nk-o- is a
derivative from *h,yu-hjen- ‘young, possessing vital force’ (Lat. iuuenis,
Skt. yuvan-, Lith. jdunas, and OCS junv). The root is *hooyu- ‘vital force,
lifetime’ (Skt. @yu-), cf. also the parallel formations of OIr. oitiu [d f] ‘youth’
and Lat. inuentis < *hoyu-h;n-tuHt-.
REF: LEIA O-3, GPC II: 2013f., EIEC 655f., Campanile 1974: 68f.,
Deshayes 2003: 762.
*yownl ‘time, opportunity’ [Noun]
GOID: Olr. aain [i f] ‘opportunity, time, period, reign’
PIE: *yowni- ‘seat, place’ (IEW: 512)
COGN: Skt. ydni- ‘seat, home, womb’
ETYM: Since it is limited to just two branches (Celtic and Indo-Iranian),
and the meanings do not match completely, this is a conjectural etymology.
If true, it presupposes that the meaning ‘place’ was changed to ‘right place
and time, opportunity’ in Celtic. But note that Vendryés considers uain to be
a by-form of din, which is the verbal noun of oidid ‘lends, grants’. If this is
correct, the original meaning of iain would have been ‘leasure, free time’.
REF: LEIA U-4.
*yoyni- ‘rushes, reed’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. din [?i, Gen. s dine]
PIE: *yoyni- ‘reed’ (IEW: 513)
COGN: Lat. iuncus, ON einir ‘juniper’
ETYM: Lat. iuncus represents *yoyni-ko-, while the underived i-stem
seems to be preserved in Olr. Cf. also Lat. i#niperus ‘juniper-berry’. The
shape of this PIE root and its distribution only in western dialects suggests
that it is a loanword from some non-IE source.
REF: LEIA A-35, Mallory & Adams 2006: 162.
*yugo- ‘yoke’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. cuing [i f]
W: OW iou, MW iau, yeu [f and m]
BRET: MBret. yeu, ieo, MoBret. yew [f]
CO: Co. ieu, yew
GAUL: Ver-iugus [PN]
PIE: *yugo- ‘yoke’ (IEW: 508f.)
COGN: Hitt. iukan, Skt. yugd-, Gr. zygoén, Lat. iugum, OCS igo, Lith.
jungas, Go. juk, Arm. luc
ETYM: The Brittonic forms might be borrowings from Lat. iugum, while
Olr. cuing presupposes *kom-yungi-, with *-n- from the present tense of the
verbal stem (cf. Lith. jngas), but the verb is unattested in Celtic.
438 *yiisko-
REF: LEIA C-273, GPC II: 2002, LP 29, EIEC 655, Falileyev 94, Deshayes
2003: 761, Ellis Evans 1967: 357f.
*yiisko-, *yusko- ‘soup, broth’ [Noun]
GOID: MIr. usc, usca ‘lard, fat’
W: MW isgell [m] ‘soup’
CO: OCo. iskel gl. ius, Co. isgal
PIE: *yuHs- ‘broth’ (IEW: 507)
COGN: Skt. yiis-, Lat. itis, OCS juxa
ETYM: The Brit. words might be loanwords from Lat. (so in GPC, but Lat.
*jiscellum, the alleged source of these words according to GPC, is not
attested; the closest match is iusculum (OLD, s. v.) which means ‘broth’ and
is scarcely attested in the whole Lat. corpus).
REF: GPC II: 2037, LEIA U-30, EIEC 84
*yustyo- ‘just’ [Adj]
GOID: OIr. uisse [io]
PIE: *yows- ‘right, regular’ (IEW: 512)
COGN: Lat. ids ‘justice, right’, Av. yaos
ETYM: Willi (2002) argues against this etymology and relates Olr. uisse to
Lat. iabeo ‘order’ (PIE *Hyewd"-). If this is correct, Olr. uisse would be
derivable from *(H)yud"tyo- > PCelt. *yussyo-, and ultimately from the past
passive participle (*(H)yud"to-). If the original meaning of this root in Celtic
was ‘to order’, *yussyo- would be ‘what is ordered’, i. e. ‘just’. Possible
other reflexes of PIE *(H)yud"- include elements of personal names, e.g.
OW Mor-iud and OBret. Jud-nimet, as well as W udd ‘lord’ (but Lambert
1994a: 227f. derives these from Lat. iudex ‘judge’).
REF: LEIA U-22, GPC IV: 3699, EIEC 345, 410, Willi 2002.
*yutV- ‘pap, porridge’
GOID: Olr. ith gl. puls
W: OW iot, MW iwt, iwd (GPC uwd)
BRET: MBret. yot, iot, MoBret. yod [m]
CO: OCo. iot gl. puls, Co. yés
ETYM: Gallo-Lat. iutta, iotta ‘a kind of soup, porridge’ is presumably
borrowed from the Gaulish equivalent of these Insular Celtic words. The
long / in Olr. is analogical, probably having developed under the influence
of ith ‘fat’? (GOI 39), or ithid ‘eats’. It is not well attested, so that its gender
and stem are unknown (DIL). The alternation of *o and *u in Brittonic
perhaps points to PCelt. variant forms with various vowels in the final
sylilable. Perhaps we should reconstruct both *yuti- and *yuto-. Pokorny’s
PIE etymology (p. 507), relating these words to PIE *yewH- ‘soup, broth’
(Gr. zymé, OCS juxa, etc.) is unconvincing from both formal (no trace of
laryngeal in Celtic) and semantic point of view (but cf. PCelt. *yisko-,
*yasko- 439
*yusko- ‘soup, broth’). In all probability, this word is a loanword from some
non-IE source.
REF: GOI 39, LHEB 55, Campanile 1974: 68, Falileyev 93f., Deshayes
2003: 761.
APPENDIX
THE NON-INDO-EUROPEAN ELEMENTS IN THE CELTIC LEXICON
Although standards for mentioning possible Indo-European etymologies are
rather liberal in this dictionary, there is still a large number of words in the
reconstructed Proto-Celtic lexicon that cannot be attributed to any PIE root,
and that are, therefore, quite likely to have been borrowed from some non-IE
source. In some cases, there are a number of probable cognates in the
neighbouring IE dialects (usually Italic and Germanic), but the reconstructed
shape of the root distinctly shows non-IE features, which again makes it
probable that the Celtic etymon in question was borrowed from some non-IE
substratum language, perhaps shared with Italic and/or Germanic.
A number of such words, for which a substratum origin can be assumed,
have reflexes only in Brittonic and Goidelic. This can, of course, be the
consequence of the poor attestation of Gaulish, Lepontic, and Celtiberian,
but in principle we cannot exclude the possibility of substrates shared by
Insular Celtic languages, but not by the Continental Celtic.
The following is an alphabetical list of Proto-Celtic forms for which a
substrate origin can be assumed; in each case it is indicated whether the
etymon in question is attested in Continental Celtic, and whether it has likely
cognates in the neighbouring IE dialects (Germanic and Italic).
1. *alten- ‘razor’
2. *amaro- ‘wailing, crying’
3. *andera ‘young woman’ (probably attested in Gaulish)
4. *bando- ‘peak, top’ (attested in Gaulish; possible cognates in
Germanic)
5. *banwo- ‘young pig, piglet’ (attested in Gaulish)
6. *baski- ‘bundle’ (probable cognates in Italic)
7. *birro- ‘short’ (attested in Gaulish)
8. *blVdV- ‘wolf, large predator’
9. *bodyo- ‘yellow’ (attested in Gaulish, probable cognates in Italic)
10. *brano- ‘raven’ (attested in Gaulish)
11. *bratto-, *brattino- ‘mantle, cloak’
12. *brokko- ‘badger’ (attested in Gaulish)
13. *bunno- ‘awl, bittern’
14. *bussu- ‘lip’ (probably attested in Gaulish)
15. *buta ‘house, dwelling, hut’
16. *druko- ‘bad’
17. *durno- ‘fist’
18. *esok- ‘salmon’ (attested in Gaulish)
442 APPENDIX
19. *g”eno- ‘smile’
20. *gulbV-, *gulbino- ‘beak’ (probably attested in Gaulish)
21. *gurmo- ‘dun, dark’
22. *kag-o- ‘get, receive’ (probable cognates in Italic)
23. *kagyo- ‘pen, enclosure’ (possible cognates in Germanic)
24. *kalmiyo- ‘skilful, skilled’
25. *kani- “good, nice’
26. *karbanto- ‘war chariot’ (attested in Gaulish)
27. *kasnina ‘garlic, leek’ (probably attested in Gaulish)
28. *katrik- ‘fortification’ (probable cognates in Germanic)
29. *kayto- ‘wood’ (cognates in Germanic)
30. *klamo- ‘sick, suffering from leprosy’
31. *kluka ‘stone, rock’
32. *knit ‘nut’ (probable cognates in Italic and Celtic)
33. *koligno- ‘pup, small animal’
34. *koret- ‘palisade, stone wall’ (possible cognates in Germanic)
35. *korkkyo- ‘oats’ (probable cognates in Germanic)
36. *kotto- ‘old’ (probably attested in Gaulish)
37. *kritta ‘body, frame, shape’
38. *krok(ke)no- ‘skin’ (probably attested in Gaulish)
39. *krumbo- ‘round, curved’ (probable cognates in Germanic)
40. *krundi- ‘round, compact’
41. *krutto- ‘round object, womb’
42. *k”ezdi- ‘piece, portion’ (attested in Gaulish)
43. *léro- ‘diligent’
44. *liro- ‘sea, ocean’
45. *lomana ‘rope, thong’
46. *lubi/a ‘herb, plant’ (probable cognates in Germanic) .
47. *lukot- ‘mouse’
48. *luxtu- ‘content, crowd’
49. *makina ‘bellow’ (probable cognates in Germanic and Baltic)
50. *maylo- ‘bald’ (possible cognates in Germanic)
51. *mazdyo- ‘stick’ (cognates in Italic and Germanic)
52. *mesal-ka ‘blackbird’ (cognates in Italic and Germanic)
53. *menado- ‘awl’
54. *metto- ‘decay, blight, shame’
55. *mokku- ‘pig’
56. *molto- ‘ram, wether’ (probably attested in Gaulish)
57. *ninati- ‘nettle’ (probable cognates in Germanic and Baltic)
58. *nino- ‘ash-tree’ (possibly attested in Gaulish)
59. *niisso-, *nowsso- ‘first milk, colostrum’
60. *rem(r)o- ‘fat, thick’
61. *rendi- ‘point, peak’
62. *rowk(k)- / *ruk- ‘tunic, mantle’ (cognates in Germanic and
Slavic)
APPENDIX 443
63. *rina ‘secret’ (possible cognates in Germanic)
64. *sébro- ‘demon, spectre’
65. *sfrawo- ‘crow’ (possible cognates in Germanic, Baltic, and
Italic)
66. *sido- ‘elk, stag’
67. *skamo- ‘light’ (possible cognates in Germanic)
68. *skublo- ‘bird of prey’ (probably attested in Gaulish)
69. *slad-yo- ‘hit, slay’
70. *slatta ‘stalk, staff (possible cognates in Germanic)
71. *swanto- ‘treasure, what is desired’
72. *sméro- ‘berry’
73. *subi- ‘strawberry’
74. *sukko- ‘pig’
75. *tago- ‘strangle, choke’
76. *torrV- ‘belly’
77. *trussko- ‘dirty, leprous’
78. *trusto- ‘noise, cry’
79. *wesakko-, *wesakko- ‘grebe, raven’
80. *wét(t)d ‘stream, swamp’
81. *wimona ‘sea weed’
82. *wriggant- ‘vermin’ (possibly attested in Gaulish)
83. *wroyko- ‘heather’ (possible cognates in Balto-Slavic)
84. *yoyni- ‘rushes, reed’ (probable cognates in Italic and Germanic)
85. *yutV- ‘pap, porridge’ (possibly attested in Gaulish)
The number of substrate words in Proto-Celtic is actually surprisingly low.
Only 85 out of the total 1490 Proto-Celtic words can be ascribed to a non-JE
substrate, which is under 6%. This number is probably slightly higher, since
several of the IE etymologies proposed in the dictionary might turn out to be
false, but even so, it probably does not exceed 10%. Since many of the nouns
listed above have probable cognates in other Western Indo-European
languages (primarily Italic and Germanic), we might argue that there was no
pre-IE substrate exclusive to Celtic, i. e., there was no common substrate in
Western Europe from which Celtic, and only Celtic, borrowed words. There
are, of course, many words in Welsh and Irish with obscure, presumably
non-IE etymology, but it is rather surprising how few of those words go back
to Proto-Celtic, or Proto-Insular Celtic (if one believes in that). Again, this
may point to the conclusion that there was no single substratum language (or
a group of closely related languages) prior to the arrival of the Celts in the
British Isles. Judging by the amount of language diversity before the Roman
conquests in other parts of Europe, for which we have more data (e.g. for
Spain or Italy), this is not so surprising.
It is not surprising that most of the non-IE words in Celtic are nouns,
since nouns are much more often borrowed than verbs, or words belonging
to other word classes. It is also understandable that nouns of substrate origin
444 APPENDIX
often denote birds, plants, and small animals.
On the formal side, one should note that substratum words in Celtic often
have geminates and the vowel *a in the root. Both of these features have
been recognized as characteristic of substratum words in other European
language groups, especially in Germanic. What is more surprising is the fact
that words of non-IE origin in Celtic have the vowel *u in the root much
more often than could be attributed to chance (24 out of 85 words, or more
than a quarter of the total). Moreover, the donor language(s) seem not to
have had a length contrast in their vowel systems. The only long vowels that
appear in the roots of non-IE loanwords in Celtic are *€ (which can be from
the diphthong *ey) and *i (in two instances, once alternating with *ow).
Finally, labiovelars are extremely rare (they occur in only two words), which
probably means that the donor language(s) lacked them. The significance of
these findings is yet to be evaluated in the realm of the Celtic linguistics.
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